The early 1990s seems to herald the triumph of capitalism. The Berlin Wall fell and the
Soviet Union, Europe has ratified Maastricht and North America NAFTA. But while some
gargle and some of these triumphs and proclaimed the end of history, a mysterious
Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN), hitherto unknown, is on the 1st January 1994
the five municipalities of the state of Chiapas in southern Mexico and embarks on an
unprecedented revolution. ---- The Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN), which
emerges from the shadows 1 January 1994 are however already for ten years. Its origins,
told by the leaders themselves, are keen founder myth. Officially founded November 17,
1983 by a group of some Marxist revolutionary activists who sinks into the forests of
Chiapas, the army manages to live in hiding for years, approaching gradually Mayan
communities in the region.
But while activists hoped to introduce indigenous ideas, it is quite the opposite happens.
They gradually permeate indigenous traditional practices such as the village assembly
sovereign, the "governing by obeying" reciprocal rather than monetary exchange, community
work, and the meeting of two different "worlds" leads to a mobilization of the original
often misunderstood even within the extreme left.
Gradually the Zapatista organization is built around "support bases" families and villages
who reported Zapatistas. The EZLN has a standing force but also militia and militia while
continuing to work, can be accessed at any time. Each militia or militia must purchase his
own weapon and the EZLN declares that he never received help from other movements. Among
the Zapatista militants, the role of the Catholic Church and especially Indian catechists
influenced by liberation theology is certainly important. But the EZLN claims its
secularism, placing his fight on the social and political field without any religious
affiliation.
After ten years of underground work preparation, communities discuss and every man, woman,
young or old, vote for or against the armed uprising. The decision of the insurrection is
a double or where the Zapatistas provide only two exits, military crash or a general
uprising of the Mexican people.
Ya Basta! (That's enough now!)
It must be said that the soil was conducive to the fight: President Salinas de Gortari was
amend Article 27 of the Constitution, which recognizes the collective ownership of land
and thus ensured the unity of communities. The amendment authorizes the contrary, the
privatization of land, so their sale, which opens the door to corruption maneuvers to push
the natives to sell their land. Most of the land has been monopolized by landowners
supported by corrupt governments, and indigenous are second-class citizens, receiving no
public service, and to live in isolation are in the mountains they want preserve their
culture and identity.
The remaining lands are coveted by their landowners and mining and tourism companies that
want to get their hands on the natural treasures of Chiapas. But back to the achievements
of the revolution of 1910 [ 1 ], obtained from another through the hard struggle of
Emiliano Zapata, is considered a death sentence by peasant and Indian farmers, who have
suffered since the beginning of the European colonization, racism, slavery, forced
evangelization, theft of their lands ... All this will push them to open rebellion against
the federal government.
And to top it all, on January 1, 1994, the day of entry into force of NAFTA and the reform
of Article 27, the EZLN occupies five municipalities of Chiapas. Thousands of men and
women, armed with odds and ends, face hidden by a scarf or balaclava out of nowhere, to
the utter surprise of the government and the army. In each municipality a militant or
activist reads the first declaration of the Lacandon forest is for the Mexican people and
demanded the right to work, land, housing, food, health, education , independence,
freedom, democracy, justice and peace.
Change of strategy
On January 2, the insurgent-es begin to decline, while the army occupies the ground. From
January 2 to 12, a series of battles took place between the federal army and the EZLN.
Government troops violently suppress the insurrection, multiplying the atrocities against
the population. But if there is no general uprising in Mexico, a great national and
international mobilization requires a negotiated solution. 100,000 protestors marched in
Mexico while the president declares a cease-fire immediately. The insurgents then
intelligence to seize the opportunity offered to them and offer to open negotiations.
Renouncing armed struggle they were preparing for ten years, they opt for the floor and
the confrontation with civil society that supports them will resort to guns.
After the "Dialogue in the Cathedral of San Cristobal" which determines the conditions of
the cease-fire and future negotiations, it will experience many adventures. Professional
politicians are faced with representatives and representatives of indigenous communities
sometimes difficult speaking Spanish and strictly respect the mandate that has been given.
To the annoyance of representatives of the State, they return to the communities at each
stage of negotiation, to submit their latest developments and seek their opinion. Finally,
in 1996, the San Andres are signed, recognizing the rights and cultures of indigenous
people of Mexico, and giving them their political, social, economic and cultural autonomy.
But these agreements are rendered meaningless by President Zedillo (Institutional
Revolutionary Party) just before their ratification, and therefore rejected by the
Zapatistas. In 2000, the PRI lost the presidential election in favor of the National
Action Party (PAN). The new president, Vicente Fox, who promised to resolve the issue
Zapatista "fifteen minutes" rule does nothing.
A Zapatista delegation then traveled Mexico in early 2001, it is the "Walk the color of
the earth." Upon his arrival in Mexico, the Commander Esther speaks at the podium of
Congress and ratification requires the original San Andr?s Accords. But politicians, right
and left, betraying their commitments and vote a law that totally distorts the agreements.
This betrayal, the Zapatistas will draw all the consequences by breaking all relations
with the political class.
Broad popular support
Throughout this process, the EZLN has relied on a broad national and international
support, without which the government would have free rein to suppress cheerfully. Many
groups, sometimes made for the occasion by persons of various political orientations,
providing financial, logistical, political and moral. Better, the Zapatistas become a
source of inspiration and proposals, including the indigenous movements, which are
organized at national and international level, including in the National Indigenous
Congress, still active today. Many areas, including "intergalactic meetings" held in
Zapatista territories in 1996 and 1997, allow all these solidarity movements to meet and
share their struggles.
Support is however not unanimous. Marxist-Leninists a dim eye movement that speaks in
metaphors and does not fit into any box grids orthodox reading, and some libertarians can
not accept the nationalist side of the Zapatistas, who honor all the Mexican flag as
theirs, black with a red star. But it is precisely this uniqueness of the Zapatistas,
their rejection of dogma and their requirement to meet the specifics of each individual as
each movement, allowing them to benefit from the widest support.
One of the key moments for the Zapatistas in their relations with the rest of civil
society is "the other campaign," announced in the Sixth Declaration of the Lacandon Forest
(the "Sexta"), which takes place in the margins of 2006 presidential elections. Taking
advantage of the pre-election turmoil, many Zapatista delegation traveled the country to
meet the social and indigenous movements, while developing a highly critical speech on the
electoral farce and called democracy that would be Mexico. This provides details of the
break with the left wing of the political class, the PRD (Social Democratic) not forgiving
Zapatistas and other movements of the other campaign does not support them, with which he
could probably win elections.
Live, not survive
Since the uprising, the Zapatista communities develop their autonomy on land "recovered"
large landowners or the state, divided into five regions called Caracoles (snails). This
effort intensified and formalized in 2003 when the EZLN withdrew from the political
community management. It then returns to the "Good Government" whose civil "authorities",
elected by the communities for a non-renewable and controlled by the Assembly mandate, are
responsible to reconcile the differences between the villages and coordinate efforts.
The Zapatistas set up a health system based on "health promoters and promoters" who are
concerned about health as hygiene. Several clinical work, where health care is free and
much better than in government medical clinics. Traditional medicine, including herbal
remedies, is valued, without rejecting Western medicine. Ambulances provided by the
Italian solidarity movement can carry the sick into the closest to the most serious cases
hospitals.
The Zapatistas opened schools where "developers and educational promoter" broadcast "other
education" in the native language of children. Other Education "exalts the values ??of
being not to have" and "encourages the love of knowledge." The basic materials are
languages ??(native and Spanish), mathematics, history, life and the environment and
integration which combines the knowledge of these four areas.
In Zapatista territory, are the "authorities" who dispense justice. They act as mediators
between the parties. In the former case, not in prison, but community service. Obviously,
it is always possible to escape punishment by quitting the Zapatista territory, which
happens sometimes, but then you give up membership in the community.
On reclaimed land, the work is done in common. Collective grow corn, beans, coffee. With
crafts, coffee is the only export product Zapatistas. The Zapatistas also create marketing
cooperatives, transportation and even a cooperative scooter taxi.
The progress made and the experience gained since the uprising are enormous, though
sometimes groping, despite constant pressure from local and federal governments. They do
not hesitate to murder, imprison, slander, build roads for military patrols, offer for
sale land of the Zapatista communities, but without success. 20 years after the bet of the
uprising, the Zapatista autonomy holds good.
Pascal (AL Rouen) & Jocelyn (AL Marseille)
Subcomandante Marcos
Marcos is quickly becoming the most iconic protagonist of the EZLN. He is the spokesperson
for the General Command of the Army and Deputy Commander for "commanders are men and women
who come from indigenous communities." Wielding humor and self-mockery, from the political
discourse speak more familiar, writer, storyteller, he speaks to the media and
intellectuals regular epistolary relationship from 1994.
He was one of the first guerrillas who are driven into the forest. In 1996, the government
claimed to know his identity has never been confirmed.
Aware of the risks of too much customization, it continues to mystify. When the "other
country" where he visited the different states of Mexico, he calls himself "Delegate Zero"
to prepare the visit of the Zapatista commanders ("to choose the best suited hood heat").
Women in rebellion
From the beginning of the EZLN, women have claimed their place in the organization. In
1994, at the same time as the first declaration of the Lacandon forest, the EZLN published
the revolutionary law on women list priority claims compa?eros : right to participate in
the revolutionary struggle, the right to work, health, education, right to choose a spouse
without being forced into marriage, prohibition of physical abuse and recognition of rape
as a serious crime, the right to decide how many children they want, the right to occupy
leadership positions in the EZLN.
Militia, commanding, they are also an increasingly important in the functioning of
communities as promoters of health or education or the boards. In a traditionally
male-dominated society where women do not have the right to speak, indigenous women will
emerge as an essential component of the fight.
[ 1 ] See the case of the Mexican Revolution in the number 201 AL, in December 2010 .
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