.. in the political class and the military caste still refuse to acknowledge their
responsibilities more obvious ... ---- Twenty years after the genocide, relations between
France and Rwanda are far from "standard". Two events have shown that the French
government is not willing to take the price, that is to say, recognize the role he played
alongside genocidal Hutu Power: on one side, for the first time in France, a genocidal
Simbikangwa Pascal, was eventually tried and convicted; the other, the words of Paul
Kagame on French direct responsibility for genocide sparked a new crisis in relations
between the two countries on the occasion of the twentieth commemoration ---- In France
the land of denial ---- The issue of French responsibility in Rwanda is a difficult topic
to summarize within a single article. There is so much to say (1)!
Yet it is important to try to take over most of what we can say today, so things may have
changed since the last twenty years, thanks to the sacrifice of a few individuals and
associations that have had a long struggle for truth in the face of waves of
disinformation. During the year 2014 two events have illustrated the tortuous path of
awareness always thwarted by obstacles which the principal is the persistent refusal of
the political and military leaders of the time (those who are still alive and still have
many secrets to hide) In addition, among the political and media class, conformity and
ambient careerism are we still going to give credit to the revisionist discourse that
presents Paul Kagame and the RPF (2) as the perpetrators of the attack of 6 April against
Habyarimana's plane and therefore indirectly responsible for "massacres" that would follow
in "retaliation", which is the well-oiled speech officials genocide as seen in Arusha
tribunal.
Military intervention like no other ...
First recall that France intervened in October 1990 as part of a military operation called
Noroit, who had stated purpose is to protect and evacuate French residents but in reality
to save the regime aimed Habyarimana was overthrown without the military support (3). In
February-March 1993, the operation known as Chimera has resulted in a second bailout,
while the conflict still turned to the advantage of the RPF made by placing the Rwandan
Armed Forces (FAR) under the effective control of French soldiers. Shortly before this, a
direct reporting line was drawn between the President of the French Republic and the
Special Operations Command (SOC) to mobilize the "cream" of doomed to external
intervention units: clear, this means give a strong arm to our republican monarch when he
wants to lead his war alone without reference either to parliament or even the government
(4) ... During the civil war (1990-1994), there has been killings of Tutsi civilians
organized by local officials often with the support of military elements (a few hundred to
a few thousand, including the massacre of pastors Bagogwe in 1991 and the massacres in
Bugesera region in 1992), both of events that were rehearsals of what would happen and who
was widely reported by alerts issued by NGOs, the head of the UN Mission for Assistance to
Rwanda (UNAMIR), General Dallaire or even some embassies . During this period, the French
soldiers were at least until "the limit of commitment" military, as acknowledged by the
commission itself Parliamentary Information 1998. Moreover, they have been seen in many
times in the process of conducting identity checks and "sort" the suspects based on the
word "ethnic" which appeared on their identity card. Former Interahamwe militia notorious
for their involvement in massacres reported that the French military had participated in
the training of the militia. A former member of the GIGN also told that he had
participated in the training of the Presidential Guard, which is illustrated by its
particularly active role in the implementation of the genocide.
Political support to Hutu Power asserted before the genocide ...
Moreover, politically, while officially supported the Arusha negotiations, representatives
of the French government chose Pressing the Hutu Power. Seen following the visit of the
Minister Marcel Debarge Cooperation, February 28, 1993, which calls for a "common front"
against the RPF coincided with the appearance in most of training opposition, a "Power"
trend that will join a few months later the camp of genocide. Preferences of the French
state were also very clear from the onset of the genocide were allowed Tutsis massacred
(including those working for the services of the embassy or cultural center) and " ,
moderate "(as the Prime Minister Agathe Uwillingimana or negotiator of the Arusha Accords,
Boniface Ngulinzira) Hutu conversely, was specially chartered a plane to evacuate
Habyarimana's widow, accompanied by a large number of dignitaries Hutu Power. Marking a
further step in the collaboration policy with the genocidal government, the formation of
the Interim Government of Rwanda (IRM), April 7, 1994, was conducted in the premises of
the Embassy of France (5).
Extended to the interim government during the genocide support ...
During the genocide, the proximity to the IRM who orchestrated the killings has not been
questioned. France was the only Western country to have officially received a delegation
of the latter April 27, 1994, moreover, led by personalities (J. Bicamumpaka and JB
Barayagwiza) embodied openly genocidal option. She continued her relations in the
military, as also evidenced a visit from a representative of the General Staff of the
Rwandan army (E. Rwabalinda) from 9 to 13 May Of military cooperation, which were not
affected by the Arusha Accords, which had organized the withdrawal of French forces
(replaced by UNAMIR forces) remained present. Moreover, the presence of Captain Barril in
mercenary company is attested during the genocide in Rwanda (6). In 2013, a search was
allowed to enter a copy of a "service contract" with a value of more than three million
signed on 28 May between Barril and the Prime Minister of GIR Kambanda (7). In June 1994,
Operation Turquoise, before being a humanitarian operation was initially a failed attempt
to stop the military advance of the RPF. It was obvious, given the nature of offensive
material transported for this operation, but recently a former pilot who participated in
the operation confirmed that its original mission was to lead airstrikes to freeze the
positions of the belligerents. This is the advanced faster than expected RPF and deadlines
for implementation of Operation Turquoise which prevented the success of the initial
project. Were allowed to continue their genocidal "work" in the "safe humanitarian zone"
does not disarming and also leaving the RTLM nicknamed "Radio Machete" continue to be
issued. Complaints have also been filed against military Turquoise for rape or abuse of
Tutsi civilians (8). Where focus multiple accusations against French soldiers Bisesero
Hill. Thousands of unarmed Tutsi chose to resist in this steep place for weeks. When
French military Turquoise have found "by chance" on June 27, they remained more than about
2000. They promised to come back for them but in the meantime, they had allowed the
militiamen who accompanied them spot. It was not until June 30, after the publication of
articles in the press that the French army has been concerned to evacuate the last
survivors who were no longer than around 800. But the accusation more serious concerns
facts that would products in the previous month (May 13) at the attack with military
assets against this center of resistance. Indeed, many witnesses have reported the
presence of "white" soldiers who speak French in supporting the RAF during these attacks
against the resistance of Bisesero (9). When it appeared that military victory could not
escape the RPF Operation Turquoise helped the genocidal state apparatus to settle just on
the other side of the border pushing before him hundreds of thousands of Hutu civilians to
Goma camps located on the border of Zaire refugees. It is from these camps, during the
following months and years, attacks have been conducted into the interior of Rwanda (10).
Mysteries and French lies about the attack of 6 April 1994
Finally, bearing in mind that genocide always involves a specific organization, you can
return to the issue of the attack against the presidential plane on April 6, 1994.
Whatever the results of investigations, if we manage a day to know the truth, it will not
jeopardize in any way the existence of genocide as a political project implemented by a
specific organization. On the perpetrators of the attack, two opposing views: one that has
been put forward including Bruguiere that the RPF was responsible for the attack (11);
including that taken by the Belgian journalist Colette Braekman, an attack by supporters
of Hutu power who thought Habyrarimana was betraying his own camp by accepting power
sharing under the Arusha Accords (12). However, without going into the details of a
procedure still in progress, there will be two important elements that invalidate the
first thesis (13): - first Rwandan witnesses, alleged to have been close to the
organization of the attack from the RPF by Bruguiere's investigation, all subsequently
disavowed their testimonies (14); - Ballistics led by Tr?vidic J. (January 2012) which
took over the investigation into the attack of 6 April showed that the missiles could not
come from Masaka hill held by a battalion of RPF but rather Kanombe where were stationed
elements of the presidential guard.
Twenty years later, it is still unclear to what level of collaboration with the genocidal
went the French state, headed by a man who was then only a few hours a day of lucidity.
But what we already know shows a level of cynicism that even the most cynical of us on the
exercise of power and raison d'etat did not dare imagine ... The freedom of maneuver
available to our days the French army in Africa, the name of the fight against the
jihadists or other pretext, unfortunately led to believe that the same "black war" (15)
recur if the same circumstances arose.
PS: Contrary to what is written some more anxious to take into account the emotional
military affected in their "" honor "journalists, associations acting in France alongside
the victims of this genocide are hardly powerful on media or financial plan. One can, for
example, support the action of Rwanda who filed a complaint for rape against the French
military by going to the website: http://contreviolsrwanda.info/
Pascal, 21 May
1 - For a summary on the subject, one can read:
Jacques.morel67.free.fr/SalonAnticolonial2014.pdf
2 - Rwandan Patriotic Front.
3 - This assistance to the Habyarimana regime is still presented today as falling under a
military cooperation agreement, which is a fiction because the existing agreement, signed
in 1975, dealt only with the development up and training of the police and not of combat
units as in the case of the war against the RPF.
4 - Rwanda has served as a "test bed" in COS still exists ...
5 - As recently recognized Kouchner former Minister of Foreign Affairs (Lib?ration, April
7, 2014)
6 - The French political feeling more "wet" (as Vedrine) to clear itself suggest that
there could be French mercenaries acting in a private capacity ("lost soldiers," Politis,
July 9, 2009) ... It is still a fiction without the "yellow light" of French services,
French mercenaries could never have come into action alongside the Rwandan government.
7 - A complaint was filed by the FIDH and Survival for "complicity in genocide" (Le Monde,
04/05/2014)
8 - According to the evidence adduced by the Commission Mucyo Rwanda, Tutsi civilians were
dropped from the top of the French military helicopters.
9 - Serge Farnel, Rwanda, May 13, 1994 A French massacre.? , Ghost Rapper, Bruno Boudiguet
2012, The question of the participation of France in the genocide of Rwandan Tutsis,
Aviso, 2014
10 - Despite official denials and in violation of the embargo imposed by the UN, French
weapons supplies for FAR continued during and even after the genocide
11 - This is what Rwandan soldiers who took office on April 7 but also defended arguing at
the time that they were Belgians who were acting on behalf of the RPF.
12 - This is where the graft secondary assumption of participation of military and / or
French mercenaries in this operation that required specific technical skills.
13 - It should also be recalled the disappearance of the black box of the device claimed
to have found Paul Barril when paraded on television sets in 1994 ... knowing that
immediately after the scene of the attack were "curly" by Rwandan FAR soldiers and French
soldiers could be accessed.
14 - This is the case of Abdul Ruzibiza, who signed a book prefaced by two French
academics (Rwanda, the secret history, Panama, 2005). Moreover, regarding the interception
of radio messages RPF are listed as evidence in order Bruguiere, it is according to the
agent who transmitted false which were written by the Rwandan intelligence services in
order to intoxication (SEE JF Dupaquier, the agenda of genocide, Karthala, 2011).
15 - A black war inquiry into the origins of the Rwandan genocide, La D?couverte, 2007
shows that Rwandan soldiers were strongly imbued with the doctrine of "revolutionary war"
that led to mobilizing the civilian population in the context of a war when in fact
everything is permitted.
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