Anarchic update news all over the world - 12.03.2018

Today's Topics:

   
1.  anarkismo.net: Ireland,  WSM International Women's Day
      Message - 2018 (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
2.  Poland, Workers' Initiative: Social feminism, not liberal!
      About why we get involved in the women's movement [machine
      translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
3.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL - Syria-Kurdistan, A
      libertarian communist in the IFB # 08: March 8 in Rojava (fr, it,
      pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
4.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL #280 - rudiments,
      Capitalist logic in eight basic notions (fr, it, pt) [machine
      translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
5.  INTERNATIONAL SOLIDARITY TO IMPOSE THE PHASE THREAT 
     TO THE BALKANS SOLIDARITY IN THE BENEFITS - LIBERTATIA 
     WILL LIVE By APO
      (gr) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1





Anarchist message from Ireland on IWD ---- International Working Women's Day is steeped in 
the radical history of women demanding improvement in our daily lives and in our working 
conditions. IWWD dates back to 1857 in New York City. Women garment workers went on strike 
to demand a 10-hour working day, better working conditions and equal rights. In honour of 
this strike, another was held in 1908 by women needle trade workers. They demanded voting 
rights and, an end to sweatshops and child labour. Two years later, the socialist, Clara 
Zetkin, proposed that the 8th of March be commemorated as International Working Women's 
Day. It was first celebrated nationally in the Soviet Union after the 
https://www.wsm.ie/russian-revolution, a revolution which began with a strike of women 
textile workers.

On https://www.wsm.ie/iwd, women stand in solidarity with each other against oppression. 
We demand control over our lives. We demand 
https://www.wsm.ie/c/anarchism-oppression-exploitation-policy. We demand freedom.

This past year saw a whole movement erupt in relation to sexual violence, with complicated 
dynamics within this movement that illustrate the intersectional nature of our society. 
We've saw two marches on this island demanding abortion. We saw women on this island come 
together in an united front to call out the misogyny of the Irish left through telling our 
comrades to cop on.

We watch from afar as women in Afrin risk their lives to defend themselves against the 
brutality of the Turkish state to protect the revolutionary changes they have made. We 
have seen the intensification of climate change, of which women will bear a 
disproportionate amount as our access to resources to cope with climate change has many 
obstacles in its path, especially for women in the Global South. We also lost a giant in 
the movement for sex workers' rights just last month when Laura Lee passed, and send our 
condolences to her friends, family and comrades.

This past year we have made vocal our desires. There have been attempts to silence us, yet 
struggle continues. Many victories await us. We educate, we agitate, we organise.

Strike 4 Repeal shut down Dublin City Centre this day last year to demand a referendum on 
the 8th Amendment.

In the spirit of reflection and in bearing this in mind as we fight for a better future, 
we remember that this year marks the 100th anniversary of the year that some women won the 
right to vote. One hundred years ago, women had to fight to be granted the status of 
adults with the right to make their own political decisions; they broke laws, smashed 
windows, and took what was and is rightfully ours.

This is also the year in which Ireland will have a vote to repeal the hated 8th Amendment 
which bans abortion, as well as limits the choices of pregnant women and people in the 
maternity system. Winning the referendum is just one step on the path to winning abortion 
rights. After the referendum we will need to fight for proper access to abortion, 
preferably with no law regulating the procedure, just as no specific laws exist on other 
medical procedures. But abortion rights are not enough for true reproductive justice. We 
must abolish the patriarchal ideology that allowed for the church and state to have a 
legal right to our bodies. We must abolish the system that strips women of our choices 
through poverty and violence. We must support women in their choice both to have and not 
to have children.

We fight for a world in which we can all live in control of our lives. We fight for a 
world in which every child can grow up to meet their full potential as creative and 
imaginative human beings. We fight for a world based on care, community, friendship and 
love. So on this International Women's Day we salute the Irish women from all walks of 
life who will be campaigning for repeal. We salute the women fighting in Afrin, who are 
putting their very lives on the line. We salute our Trans sisters and thank them for 
enriching our movement. We salute all our friends and neighbours, our sisters, aunts, 
daughters and mothers who in their daily lives struggle against an unfair and equal world. 
Here's to the rebels, the warriors, the women who fight back everyday just through existing.

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/30872

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Message: 2





March 8 - Women's Day - in its beginnings, it commemorated the demonstrations of American 
workers who in 1908 demanded workers' rights and voting rights, appearing under the slogan 
of "bread and roses". We want to continue this tradition. ---- Social Congress of Women 
---- On the occasion of Women's Day in different cities in Poland, Manify will take place. 
As an accompanying event, the Workers' Initiative in Poznan organizes the "Social Congress 
of Women" (March 3). This will be the first event of this type, the aim of which is to 
gather women and girls who are fighting mainly on two fields: in the field of work and in 
the field of tenants. We have long understood that staffing and tenancy problems - that 
is, the issue of earnings and rent - are related to each other. And for women who are less 
well-treated on the labor market and at the same time for which more responsibility for 
care and home work is shed, it is particularly important to organize in these two areas. 
This is happening - for several years it has been seen that condominium movements and 
trade union committees associated under the IP are becoming more and more feminized. Women 
work actively on the first line:

What do we want?

We called our social congress with the subtitle "For high wages and low rents" - in 
opposition to the "Congress of Women", which often includes politicians or representatives 
of employers' organizations. They do not represent us, they do not speak on our behalf. We 
want to talk about common experiences and needs: about how to defend ourselves against a 
job that changes our lives into a nightmare; before the price, which forces us to work 
even harder; against politicians and bosses who ignore our needs. We demand wage increases 
and stable employment, regardless of whether we work in a factory, cultural institution, 
crèche or in a supermarket. We demand that we pay for work, which we must do for free in 
our own households. We demand a shorter working day, which means more free time for us and 
our relatives. The end of eviction and universal access to housing, in which we will not 
freeze in the winter. Development of public care institutions for children and the 
elderly. Free public transport and unlimited access to medical care.

The first part of the meeting will be an open discussion about the problems we face in our 
work places and places of residence. In the second part, we will talk about plans and 
forms of protest to date, how to effectively build women's social movements, what 
strategies are right for now and for tomorrow.

Social struggles for women's rights

In 2016, mass protests broke out against the drastic tightening of the right to abortion - 
the Black Protests and the Women's Strike took place. Also for women associated in our 
relationship it was an important event. Mobilizations took place in over 150 cities and 
towns, and where we operate as an IP, we were present: we spoke at rallies, we prepared a 
newspaper, we painted banners. However, we want the Women's Strike to be inscribed in the 
broader history of social struggles for women's rights.

Women's protests have not started in Poland in 2016 - they have been taking place in 
various fields for years. For example, girls from nurseries from our association have been 
organizing in Poznan since 2011 - they have won a lot: increases for the most forgotten 
group of self-government employees, improvement of working conditions, but also blocking 
the privatization of public nurseries. The waves of protests of nurses, recently 
supermarket employees, social workers, disabled children's carers and others have been 
overflowing through Poland. Most often, they did not label themselves as feminist 
protests, but it was clear to us that they addressed issues of social justice important 
for women.

The demands of female nurseries were not limited to narrowly understood employee issues. 
Girls from a dozen or so nurseries in Poznan began to jointly demand a change in the 
social and budgetary policy of the city, opposed to the marginalization of these spheres, 
to which women are assigned, among others care, social welfare, education, culture. They 
also began to say loudly that it is usually on their shoulders that there are family 
responsibilities related to the maintenance of the family, so they will not stop fighting 
for publicly available health services and the possibility of deciding whether they want 
to have children or not. This is what feminism means to us.

Clipping the belt hits women

When in 2016 someone would ask our friends why they are going out on the street, he would 
hear: "We work hard, and the attack on women's rights only added oil to the fire. After 
many years of tapping on garbage trucks, too low wages, often on two jobs, working hard on 
the chord, no access to medical services, no access to cheap nurseries. And all at a time 
when it told us that Poland from the 2008 crisis came out with a defensive hand. "

For the last 28 years, expenditure on schools, hospitals, kindergartens, canteens and 
community centers has been reduced in Poland - and this has deteriorated the living 
conditions of many women and workers' families. Between 1990 and 2005, the number of 
public kindergartens decreased by 38%, and nurseries by 74%. The percentage of children 
attending extracurricular activities dropped from 50% in primary schools and 70% in 
secondary schools, to only 10%. The state, shirking from the obligation to take care of 
the elderly and children, threw him on the shoulders of women.

A drastic reduction of the legal right to abortion would further deteriorate the situation 
of poor women who can not afford a procedure abroad. Already today in Poland the abortion 
underground is flourishing, where treatments are expensive and not always safe. Colleagues 
from the Employee Initiative from Amazon emphasized that they were outraged by restricting 
access to prenatal tests and deciding women. Many of us - they said - work hard 
physically, on nicks, raising packages, making standards, under constant pressure, walking 
many kilometers a day. Having to commute long hours to work, we do not sleep. The nature 
of work has an impact on our health, it can increase the risk of pregnancies endangered or 
dangerous to our health or life. It's hard for us to imagine that we can have a police 
state that will look after us,

Every day women's strike

Women in Poland have long been striking their way - without giving birth to too many 
children. We have one of the smallest fertility rates in Europe. And regardless of what 
organized political forces will engage in the fight for women's rights, this refusal of 
women's births is crucial. It was her that led to the fact that 500+ was introduced, i.e. 
quite a high supplement for children, to get us to give birth.

"Women's strike" is a good mobilization slogan that serves to express anger and emphasize 
its economic background. The women's strike has not been carried out - and can not be 
carried out - by any formalized organization. A strike is a form of pressure used by 
employees, in this case women who refuse to perform imposed duties. The strike draws 
attention to the subordination of our life to the rules of work, including reproductive 
work (caring and home).

It is very important that it is the idea of a strike - even when in fact rallies, 
protests, marches, sometimes after work, similarly will be on March 8 - moved the crowd 
and also speaks to us. This distinguishes the women's movement from the movement led by 
the liberal elite, whose only goal is to take power currently exercised by PiS. Protests 
against the tightening of the right to abortion for a long time were organized in a 
non-hierarchical way, with the participation of many different environments and people, 
without clear leaders.

Against the use of grassroots resistance of women

However, for two years liberals who have lost power are trying to exploit the 
dissatisfaction of women in order to regain public support. The vote on the 'Let's Save 
Women' project has emphatically confirmed how much the liberal opposition is worth. We do 
not need politicians and politicians. The slogan "power is a woman" is false.

Has our situation changed since more women appeared in parliament? Are our wages higher, 
when the managers and not the managers supervise our work? What is the cause of low wages 
of women, cuts in social security, the ban on abortion - the lack of women in power or the 
economic system that only works by maintaining social inequalities? For us, it was 
particularly annoying that the opposition was sticking to women's protests for a long 
time, some effectively went into grass-roots structures and tried to monopolize them, 
today, for example, the organization "National Women's Strike", which in our opinion 
ceased to be a grassroots structure and tries to acquis of bottom-up movement.

We are not representatives of business or politics. We do not want to act as experts, 
leaders or businesswomen. We operate in trade unions, tenants' organizations, educational 
associations and other groups fighting against exploitation, poverty and lack of influence 
on the surrounding reality.

Our answer: we have the strength!

The mass movement against the tightening of the right to abortion has shown us what 
strength we have. We want to go further and link feminist demands with workers' and social 
demands. Organized together we are a real threat to the authorities. There are no women's 
rights without decent working conditions, without accessible care institutions, without 
shelter.

Our friends from the relationship - who have never participated in a pro-choice movement - 
now say loudly: "Each of us has her own conscience and she will account for herself with 
her own choices. Women, however, must have something to say: they bear the hardships and 
consequences of pregnancy and childbirth for many years. In addition, we live in the 
semi-peripheries of Western Europe, where politicians want us to give birth, but later 
they are no longer interested in us, and our work is not well paid. "

A lot of women in Poland work on garbage, through work agencies, subcontractors, for less 
than 2 thousand. on the hand, spending time on commuting to distant workplaces, because 
there are no jobs in small cities. For example, to Amazon people commute up to 100 km one 
way every day. We tell these stories every day at work: the lack of affordable housing, 
rising prices, the lack of deadlines for medical examinations, the fact that one of us did 
not have time to embrace a child before hitting the nock, about fear of becoming pregnant 
in such circumstances , wondering whether to go abroad. Employees who have children return 
home from home in the morning at 7 o'clock, they often go to school at once, after 
returning they cook, wash, sleep between 10 and 13, pick up the children and at noon. 15 
must go out for a staff bus.

That is why we are organizing under the IP to increase our bargaining power, it is clear 
to us that we deserve higher salaries, but we are also increasingly talking about the fact 
that we want to work shorter, and also under less pressure. Both girls from nurseries say 
that there are too many children in groups, and in the Amazon we repeat that standards are 
too high. For us, therefore, the fight for women's rights is closely related to the fight 
for workers 'rights, tenants' rights and other social rights. We operate in various ways: 
in the situation of local government employees it is putting pressure on local 
authorities, picketing during sessions of the city council, building coalitions with 
parents. Of course, IP uses the tools provided by the Trade Unions Act: we enter into 
collective disputes, organize strike referenda and protests, conduct union duties, we 
operate in committees of health and safety, we build transnational alliances, we develop 
our local structures. And there will be more of us!

Organizer of the Social Women's Congress

http://ozzip.pl/teksty/publicystyka/spoleczenstwo/item/2341-feminizm-socjalny-nie-liberalny-dlaczego-skk

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Message: 3





" A convoy of 1,000 women is on their way to the canton of Afrîn to support the 
population, especially women. " ---- Libertarian Alternative reproduces the posts of the 
blog Kurdistan-Autogestion-Revolution where, after Arthur Aberlin, engaged in the YPG, now 
expresses Damien Keller, engaged him in the International Liberation Battalion (IFB). ---- 
Over the weeks, he will testify to life in the IFB, the debates that are going on and the 
evolution of the revolutionary process in the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria. 
---- Canton of Cizîrê, March 7, 2018 ---- The women of different people composing Rojava 
are organizing for the International Women's Rights Day on March 8th. In this context, 
there are two actions in progress. ---- There is that in connection with the current 
resistance of the people of the canton of Afrîn against the jihadists and the Turkish 
army: a convoy of 1000 women is en route to the canton to support the population and 
especially women.

A comrade, Maria Couture, explains it in an interview .

A march of Afrîn women to protest against the Turkish invasion, February 13.
A second action is the creation of the channel Jin TV (" Women's TV "). This was announced 
by the Newa Women's Foundation. This channel is dedicated to the three comrades 
assassinated in Paris: Sakine, Leyla and Fidan. It aims to make visible the work of women 
in all areas of life, on the basis of linguistic and cultural diversity.

All these actions take place within the framework of the Rojava revolution, of which one 
of the pillars is women's rights, with a military commitment of women in the non-mixed 
militia, the YPJ.

It is now engaged in the front line in the battle for the defense of the canton of Afrîn. 
Comrades Avêsta Xabur and Barîn Kobanê are among those who fell as martyrs, one of them 
sacrificed to stop a column of tanks while the second had her body mutilated by the 
puppets of the Turkish state. whose fascist and patriarchal project is in opposition to 
that carried by the current revolution in Rojava.

Jin, Jiyan, Azadî!

Damien Keller

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Un-communiste-libertaire-dans-l-IFB-08-le-8-mars-au-Rojava

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Message: 4





How is wealth created ? How does it concentrate in the hands of a minority  ? Why is the 
flight from capital inevitable ? If you have only a vague idea, it's time to familiarize 
yourself with these tools. ---- All of these texts - with the exception of the one on 
domestic work - come from the archives of the very nice website As long as there is money. 
---- The value ---- Economic analysts often speak of "  produced wealth  ", "  price  " or 
"  cost of labor  ", but very rarely "  value  ". Yet this concept of "  value  " is 
fundamental to understanding the capitalist system and the crisis it is currently going 
through. ---- By looking a little too BFMTV, we could say that if an object has a certain 
value and that we are willing to pay a certain price to have it, it is because we need it. 
In any case, it is the idea defended by the capitalists. For them if I die of thirst in 
the desert and meet the only person who has water for several miles around, I am willing 
to pay a lot for the first glass of water he sells me.[...]

This idea, called "  marginal utility  ", is theoretically true, but in reality hardly 
ever occurs.[...]In general when we are thirsty our problem is rather to know what we will 
choose to drink between Cacolac, Vichy Celestin or Sélecto.

What is a can

Of course, the ease of access plays on the price that we will pay for his Cacolac: it will 
necessarily be more expensive in a grocery at night than if you buy it at Aldi, but it 
will always remain in the same range of price.[...]Although there may be certain 
variations in the price of a commodity, which are due to many factors, this price always 
revolves around the same axis. This axis is the "  value  " of a commodity. In reality, 
the price is only a particular form[...]where the value is translated into euros or dollars.

What is this value then ? Of course, if a commodity is worth something it is also because 
we have an interest in using it.[...]But this "  use value  " is not quantifiable and does 
not interest the capitalist.

Constant capital does not create value, it transmits its own. Only the labor force - 
variable capital - creates a new value.
Indeed, difficult to know how much is the delicate and refreshing chocolate taste of a 
Cacolac one summer evening, and besides the boss has nothing to plug. Producing Cacolac, 
Dragibus or organic quinoa does not change the moment it sells at a price that allows it 
to earn enough profit. For the capitalist, only this "  exchange value  " 
exists.[...]Normally one wonders how much is worth a can of Cacolac only when one wants to 
buy it or to sell it.

Except that with the capitalist system, one is sure to be able to exchange his can at 
(almost) any time. Even if you do not want to sell your can of Cacolac we know how much it 
is worth. The value becomes permanent. We no longer speak of "  exchange value  " , but of 
"  value  " . It becomes autonomous from the purchase or the sale of the goods.

It is also the existence of this "  value  " that allows us to group objects as different 
as a kilo of rice, an Ipad Air or a liter of tap water under the same name of "  commodity 
  ", because it is the quantity of value contained in these goods which makes it possible 
to compare them between them.

But if it is neither utility, nor scarcity, nor the principle of supply and demand which 
gives this value to a commodity, where does it come from ?

The capitalists could say that if this commodity is worth it so much because it has cost 
them something to produce and they will lose money if they sell it cheaper. But let's take 
a closer look at what, for the boss, is the "  cost  " of a commodity:

Work: That the boss paid, in the form of salary, to his employees to buy their labor force.
The surplus value: The share of work of the workers that the boss did not pay and that he 
appropriates himself to make his profit.
Raw materials: which have value, because it took a certain number of people to sell their 
labor force to produce them. No steel without the work of the miner extracting coal and 
iron, nor the work of the steel worker melting with each other.[...]
Machines and electricity: which also have a certain "  value  ", because it took prolos to 
sell their labor power to manufacture them.[...]
We note that for this capitalist, the "  cost  " of production is actually the sum of the 
wages that were necessary to produce a commodity, to which must be added the sum of 
capital gains that the bosses recover for their profits.

So it is in fact all the past work that was needed to produce the raw materials and 
machines, as well as the current job that uses them to give a new commodity, which gives 
value to a can of Cacolac. Anyway, all this to confirm the next thunderous revelation: all 
the value comes from work !!![...]

The work force

For the capitalist who thinks about the profits of his business, the "  cost  " of the 
bottle of Cacolac he wants to sell, represents for him:

the cost of raw materials and electricity ;
wages ;
the money he intends to keep for himself or reinvest in his business ;
the cost of machines.[...]
In the capitalist system, it is work that gives value to all goods produced. But this work 
works itself as a commodity. The labor power of proletarians is bought and sold in a 
specific market called the labor market. In this more or less open market, the capitalist 
tries to pay this labor force as cheaply as possible, to the detriment of proletarians who 
have only that to sell. Seen like that we do not necessarily have the impression that 
there is a real difference with any other product that we could buy at Lidl, but in fact 
the work is a very special commodity: it is the only one allowing the creation of value.

When Raymond the boss exploits his employees, he does not buy their work, but their work 
force. He does not buy exactly the work Micheline the worker does, but his muscular and 
intellectual abilities for a certain number of hours.[...]This merchandise that is the 
human labor force is bought by Raymond with the sole purpose of being consumed to produce 
objects or services.

In fact when the boss pays the wages of his worker, he pays the price of the labor force 
and not the work done by the employee. This price of the labor force is determined like 
any other commodity by the amount of work necessary for its production and maintenance.[...]

The boss pays a salary corresponding to what is necessary to allow Micheline to be able to 
work today and return to work the next day. This price of the labor force, which BFM 
Business prefers to call the "  cost of labor  ", is thus partly determined by the value 
of the objects of first necessity essential to the survival of Micheline and his home. It 
is also partly determined by the costs of raising children from birth until they are also 
able to work.[...]

But to know exactly what is necessary to reproduce the work force is somewhat difficult, 
rather vague and different according to the times and places. Raymond will always try to 
make Micheline believe that she does not need to receive such a high salary. Conversely, 
Micheline and his comrades from the Cacolac factory are fighting to recover as much money 
as possible.

It is also the struggles of the workers to snatch wage increases that determine the price 
of this labor force. If the workers of the bottling plants have been fighting for ten 
years and have collective agreements allowing to have a mutual company and a salary scale 
advantageous, the price of the labor force in the sector of the bottling will be higher 
than in the textile industry, for example.[...]

The labor force is not paid according to the work done. It is paid according to the value 
necessary for the proletarian and survive and produce new small proletariat ... and the 
level of power in the class struggle.

It is that unlike a machine, the boss does not own us forever: the proletarians remain, at 
least formally, free. If the boss owned us, it would be up to him to manage our 
maintenance and our production, as he does with his machines. Here it is up to us to do 
it, as part of the home. And this relies heavily on the free work of women (see box) ...[...]

Salary

I work, the boss pays me. But how are the profits born ? If the boss pays me the right 
price, he can not make a profit, and if he pays less, he scares me ! Where is the trouble ?

Needless to try to continue our pattern of fraud: nowhere, they do indicate that it is our 
job they pay (although they suggest the opposite). What they buy is our work force.

More exactly, they rent it for a fixed period: thirty-five hours, for example. What we do 
during this time is then their property: that's the story.

On what basis is the purchase of our labor force calculated ?

As for any commodity: maintenance, and reproduction costs. A milling machine, for example, 
you have to make it you have to change parts every year, and say that it has ten years of 
life, at the end of which you have to buy another: well it's the same for us: We have a 
cost of training, maintenance, and reproduction. The whole thing is an average, and it is 
on the basis of that average that we are paid, or more exactly, based on the lowest range 
of that average. This is the principle of the Smic.

The salary thus varies in several ways: according to the degree of qualification (thus the 
expenses spent to train the workforce), according to the experience ... But also the 
capacities of mobilization. Example: sectors with few workers for a lot of demand[...]will 
have higher average wages[...].

But how does the boss go about making profit, to make an added value ... ?

Domestic work

In the public sphere, that of wage labor, one exchanges his work force for a salary. In 
the private sphere, domestic work is exchanged for ... nothing.

But this domestic work is essential for the maintenance of the workers, that is to say, 
the reproduction of the labor force. Yes, after work, it's still the job: you have to 
shop, manage the kids, wash them, make them eat, sleep, clean, and so on.

Now this free working time is very unevenly distributed. In heterosexual couples, the time 
to domestic work of women is higher than 72  % on average than men - 206 minutes against 
120 minutes according to figures from INSEE 2010. Yet time working professional men is 
only 27  % higher than women's. And they benefit from 21 % more free time. This inequality 
increases with the arrival of the first and second children. It is then most often women 
who leave their job or take a part-time to devote themselves to domestic work. Capitalism 
takes this sexual division of domestic work which provides cheap labor, few financially 
independent and therefore not very combative, ready to accept the "  flexibility  " to " 
reconcile family and work  " ... no wonder so that the most vulnerable professional 
sectors are also the most feminized. This sexual division of labor allows the State to 
save on collective crèches, canteens, the care of the elderly ...

To rebalance roles in the public sphere as in the private sphere, there is no alternative 
to sharing household chores  !

the adapted text of AL's "   Women at work   " argument .

The capital gain

The law of money is the only one known to capitalism, everyone will agree. But how do the 
capitalists do to win ? How does capitalist exploitation work ?

As explained[...]the capitalists do not buy our work, but our labor force: they rent it, 
for a fixed term. During this period, we work for the boss, the bosses, the shareholders, 
even the collective enterprise, the cooperative, etc. Capitalism can take a good bunch of 
forms ... But some things do not change: to reproduce, it must extract surplus value[...].

It is about the value created by the prolos through their work, which does not come back 
to them in wages, but goes to capital.

Domi, the overwork !

Take the example of Dominique. Dominique works in a factory[of]luxury watches. To 
simplify, we will consider that it is an old-fashioned factory, that is to say in which 
the production process is carried out as a whole - this is also often the case in the 
luxury industry.

In the morning, when Domi shows up at work, with his comrades they have before them a pile 
of materials, not yet transformed. There is 1,000 euros worth of scrap and others.

Bim bam boom[...], at the end of the working day, this pile of raw materials has been 
transformed into 10 pretty little luxury watches. Ready to shine a thousand lights on the 
wrist of all those guys who have managed their lives ...

These beautiful little watches, the boss who will be called Richard, will sell them to a 
retailer for 1,100 euros.

In short, for 10 watches, Richard receives 11,000 euros. On it:

  1,000 euros are used to pay for raw materials ;
  1,500 euros are used to pay wages ;
  6,000 euros are used to repay the bank that lent the money to buy machines.
Total: 7,500 euros in all. There are 3,500 left.

They are to be shared between Richard and the landowner of the factory, to whom Richard 
pays a rent. What right ? From that of private property, bin wish !

However, these 3,500 euros, come from the work of[...]Dominique and his comrades: it is 
they who produced this wealth, by transforming the raw materials[...]. They worked, put 
the machines into action, and so on. But in the end, the fruit of their work is 
monopolized by Richard and the owner of the land: they extracted the surplus value of the 
work of the prolos.

It is said that the part of the unpaid labor which gives the surplus value is surplus 
labor , that is to say what the proletarian does more than what makes it possible to pay 
his salary. It is in this sense that we are exploited. The percentage of overwork relative 
to total work is called "  exploitation rate  " ...

There are two different types of surplus value: absolute surplus value and relative 
surplus value.[...]

So back to Dominique in his luxury watch factory. His working day is eight hours. Of these 
eight hours, the work necessary to the formation of sufficient value to pay his salary, 
for example, will be one hour. The remaining seven hours, the value created by the work 
that provides Dominique goes to the boss.[...]

A very simple way of increasing the surplus value will be to increase the number of hours 
worked without increasing wages: if Dominique works ten hours instead of eight, while 
being paid the same, then the surplus value will increase 30  % !

This is called absolute surplus value. This is the very basis of exploitation, and 
historically it is the first. Thus, the continuous increase in the working day has allowed 
the capitalists of the XIX th century to a max of capital.

But we can not increase the working day beyond a certain point: we must sleep well, eat 
... there is a biological limit. To this biological limit is added a social dimension, of 
struggle: that of the acceptance or not, of a working day of fourteen hours.[...]

The solution for the capitalists, is to make us work more intensely, during the same 
period of work: instead of producing 100 watches in eight hours, Dominique will produce 
150. This is called the relative surplus value .

Taylorism, for example, which is a mode of organization of the work attributed to 
Frederick W. Taylor, fits into this perspective. We will time the gestures of the prolos, 
try to make them go as quickly as possible. We will increase the rates, set up production 
quotas ...[...]

The trend decline in the rate of profit

Richard's goal: profit. The capital invested by Richard the first year: 100 million euros.

This 100 million breaks down like that: 15 for wages, 15 for the rent of the land of the 
factory, 10 for raw materials, 60 to buy and maintain his machines. The machines cost 500 
million, it borrowed over ten years which, if one adds the interest paid to the bank and 
the maintenance costs each year, makes an average of 60 million per year.

The workers produce a beautiful package of luxury watches. The first year, Richard earns 
110 million: he made 10  % profit ... The following year, he reinvests all 110 million in 
his box. Do not worry about him, he lives at the expense of the box, with huge expense 
reports. It's tax deductible ! It now has a capital of 110 million. To maintain its rate 
of profit at 10  %, it must earn 11 million, 1 more than the previous year: the trouble 
begins. And every year it will be worse ! The third, if he maintained his rate of profit, 
his capital will be 121 million ! He will have to find 12.1 million, if he wants to 
maintain a rate of profit of 10  % ! The fourth ... in short.[...]

But here it is: if he invests for 100 million and he earns 10 (so the famous 10%) is a 
capital that pays. But suppose that the rate of profit falls as, one by one, the mass of 
capital invested eventually reaches 1 billion. If it wins 1% of 1 billion, that makes ... 
10 million !

Richard is so disgusted: his billion invested in machines and various equipment does not 
allow him to earn more than the 100 million of his debut ! We will finally conclude that 
its machines are not worth at all 1 billion but 100 million: it's all its capital that 
devalorise !

Conclusion: to maintain its capital, it must permanently maintain its rate of profit ; it 
is the law n ° 1 of capitalism: the flight forward.

How to stop this decline  ?

Let's take a look at the possibilities open to him to increase his profits.[...]

Increase productivity: when it renews its machines, the news will produce a greater 
quantity of goods while they will cost about the same amount of purchase as the old ones 
that are less efficient[...]. Which brings him to ...
Produce more: up to a point, it's possible.[...]The limit is the extent of the market: 
after a while, the rich having only two wrists they have the use of only a limited number 
of watches. This limit can be pushed back: by stimulating the irrational consumption of 
the rich, by encouraging them to collect watches, by advertising, etc.[...]We can also 
stimulate the consumption of the poor, by offering them credit: after all, it seems that 
if we do not have a Rolex at 50, we missed his life ! This is only one way to postpone the 
deadline: the poor also have only two wrists, and what is more capacity of repayment of 
reduced credits ...
Innovate: make watches that go really far under water, so that everyone buys his watches 
to him, not that of competitors. The problem is that its competitors will end up doing the 
same thing, and it's back to the same point.
Trimming on wages: no more fun ! Here too, he can do it in several ways:
Increase the rates ;
Increase the number of hours of work without wages following ;
Draw part of the prolos without reducing the workload ;
Take old people with seniority bonuses and replace them with young people or even 
temporary workers.
Does it remind you of something ? This is normal, the capitalists use all this arsenal. Is 
it enough ? For a good while, yes, it is.

This is why Marx called it the downward trend of the rate of profit: indeed, capital can 
slow down, until this tendency disappears, during its development. For a time. Because 
there are limits: cutting down on wages, for example, ends up weighing on consumption. 
Credit can make up for that, but not indefinitely ... And that's without counting on 
workers' resistance, the class struggle !

Finally, the profit rate goes down, down ... And the capitalists do not know where to 
invest their masses of money in a profitable way ... It's the crisis !

Crisis

The definition of crisis can be divided into two major historical periods.

The first relates to the period before capitalism (all of human history until the 
beginning of the XIX th century).

During this period, crises are characterized by an under-production of use value (that is, 
goods satisfying a human need).

In precapitalist society agriculture is the basis of reproduction. Thus any natural or 
social disaster (wars, floods, droughts, etc.) results in a material destruction of the 
elements of reproduction: producers and means of production. These destructions lead to 
depopulation and famine[...].

The second concerns the capitalist period: during this period, crises are characterized by 
an overproduction of the exchange value (the goods produced in order to exchange for money.)

In the capitalist economy, material destruction is no longer a cause but a consequence. In 
this case, the overall development of the means of production leads to a situation in 
which a large quantity of goods can no longer be sold at a price which makes it possible 
to make a profit. There is a lack of paid consumption which leads to a slowdown in 
production, a decrease in the use of labor and means of production and, in return, a new 
upsurge in unemployment and poverty, and thus a further decline in consumption ...[...]

Restructuring

The 1970s. This is the end of what some have called the "   glorious Thirties   ", and the 
rate of profit is plummeting. Many workers' struggles are developing all over the world, 
it's time for capital to counter-attack to survive. It will be restructuring, a capitalist 
counterrevolution[...].

The new situation is working more, more intensely, longer ... To be paid less. Less direct 
pay at the end of the month, but especially less indirect pay, ie social benefits: 
pensions, health, unemployment, etc.

At the same time, an important part of the productive apparatus is relocated in countries 
where the prolos are much less well paid. If we add to this the generalization of 
Taylorism, even in the service jobs (for example the introduction of quotas, daily 
objectives to be fulfilled), we have the formula with which the capitalists have managed 
to solve the decline in profits.

This restructuring was imposed via what is called the financialisation of the economy.[...]

First, the first movement: capital, which could no longer be invested in the so-called " 
real  " economy (the factories, for example) went into sectors that promised a stronger 
return, such as financial products.

Second movement: why finance would allow a better return ? Well, it does not allow magic 
wand blows better returns. But it allows a greater fluidity of capital: they engage and 
disengage incessantly, via the financial markets. I buy a package of shares when the price 
is favorable, and at the slightest rumor, I pull myself, I take my balls to drop them 
elsewhere.

Third movement: how can you do when you are a big box, to find investments ? Since Daddy's 
capitalism is over, and you have to get the dough where it is, ie on the markets, well, 
let's go !

But to remain "  competitive  ", seem profitable and therefore salable, requires drastic 
measures to restructure companies, relocate, fire, etc.[...]The history of the 1980s is 
full of financiers buying companies, firing at once before reselling (like Bernard Tapie 
in France ...).

In short, through the development of finance, it is a form of collective management[...]by 
capital, of the class struggle. And the whole engages in a flight forward always more 
radical. Only way to restore profits at half mast via attacks always more massive.

Finance is not an economic "  parasite  " on a healthy body. It is the very way in which 
capital has emerged from its crisis.

The worry is that if the capitalists are struggling to produce less, they have to sell 
their products ! But with what money the prolos of the countries of the center of capital, 
which are and remain the main market, will they buy all these things, if they earn less ? 
But by getting into debt, simply !

This is the magic solution, in fact: states impose less capital, allowing it to accumulate 
more. The prolos consume, although they are less well paid. And the debt explodes.

In summary:
Alain Bihr (sociologist): "  Even insufficient, Marx remains necessary !  "
Political economy: The usefulness of Marxian criticism for libertarians
Basics: Capitalist logic in eight basic notions
the value
the work force
salary
domestic work
the capital gain
the trend decline in the rate of profit
crisis
restructuring
Marx or Keynes ? The development of capitalism is no longer epoch
On the borders of Marxism and anarchism, councilism
Proudhon, the instigator denied
Bakunin, the critic heard
Daniel Guérin, returned from "  libertarian marxism  "
The "  other communism  " remains relevant

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?La-logique-capitaliste-en-huit-notions-de-base

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Message: 5





On the importance of counter-concentration in rallies for the "Macedonian" ---- Starting 
from the so-called "Macedonian" issue, we think it unnecessary to mention again what 
happened in the two rallies of Thessaloniki and Athens, which political forces have 
derived political goodwill from the world that descended, how fascism was flushed in the 
dust of oblivion. There are things that the anti-fascist movement (and our collectivity, 
respectively) have been thoroughly analyzing lately. ---- What we want to dwell on is the 
importance of publicly announced anti-concentration against nationalist rallies, as they 
have shown that even in the worst days of nationalist frenzy, the world of the struggle 
will be on the road. Considering the volume of concentration for the Macedonian but 
without fear, comrades and comrades stood in Kamara (21/1) and Propylaea (4/2) against the 
delirium of those days. Recognizing the historical significance of such events, part of 
the movement decided not to let into intolerance, racism and fascism to act undisturbed in 
the public domain and central political scene and stood opposite them to the proposals of 
internationalism and class solidarity. It has decided to express the world that opposes 
nationalism, war and hatred in everything else. Without wishing to second-hand the defense 
of squabbles, we believe that they are in a passive level of social direction, which of 
course, and of course, we recognize that it was not done as it should in the case of 
Thessaloniki. These gatherings must remain a political and historical stock for the 
movement, and additional effort is needed to quantify and qualify these moves in the 
coming years to face the fascist threat on the road, to respond publicly to nationalist 
rhetoric and to fight massively on chants of hatred that have risen in the wider region. 
we believe that they are in a passive level of social direction, which of course, and of 
course, we recognize that it did not happen as it should in the case of Thessaloniki. 
These gatherings must remain a political and historical stock for the movement, and 
additional effort is needed to quantify and qualify these moves in the coming years to 
face the fascist threat on the road, to respond publicly to nationalist rhetoric and to 
fight massively on chants of hatred that have risen in the wider region. we believe that 
they are in a passive level of social direction, which of course, and of course, we 
recognize that it did not happen as it should in the case of Thessaloniki. These 
gatherings must remain a political and historical stock for the movement, and additional 
effort is needed to quantify and qualify these moves in the coming years to face the 
fascist threat on the road, to respond publicly to nationalist rhetoric and to fight 
massively on chants of hatred that have risen in the wider region.

The project of international solidarity

Therefore, one of the two main challenges at the moment is international solidarity. 
Against the ever-increasing nationalism of the Balkans and the eastern Mediterranean, the 
embankments of internationalism and solidarity among the oppressed must be built. As we 
have emphasized in our position on the Macedonian: "Internationalism, then, is the only 
feasible, unifying and peaceful solution. This is because it does not seek the 
extermination of populations and entire peoples. On the contrary, he proposes the 
solidarity of the proletarians and oppressed against those who exploit us and destroy our 
lives. And let's not get lucky. Content may change, but the form of exploitation is the 
same on both sides of the border, as in every state. Loss, degradation of our lives, 
removing our rights are just some of the aspects of the attack that have unleashed state 
and capital against us. And the only real resistance is class-antithesis-internationalist. 
"And that's exactly what we're going to do on March 10th. Side by side with comrades and 
comrades from other Balkan - and not only - countries, we will show that there are people 
who resist the absurdity of war, hatred and nationalism, people who see the real enemies 
from all sides of the border, are other than the state and capital, along with their 
reserves, fascists and partisan gangs. "And that's exactly what we're going to do on March 
10th. Side by side with comrades and comrades from other Balkan - and not only - 
countries, we will show that there are people who resist the absurdity of war, hatred and 
nationalism, people who see the real enemies from all sides of the border, are other than 
the state and capital, along with their reserves, fascists and partisan gangs. "And that's 
exactly what we're going to do on March 10th. Side by side with comrades and comrades from 
other Balkan - and not only - countries, we will show that there are people who resist the 
absurdity of war, hatred and nationalism, people who see the real enemies from all sides 
of the border, are other than the state and capital, along with their reserves, fascists 
and partisan gangs.

How do we see antifascism

We believe that massive and militant responses must be given to the fascist threat. The 
struggle against fascism is not a confrontation of two "extremes," as it appears to be 
presented by the dominant narrative of the state and its ideological mechanisms to conceal 
the historical role of fascism as a reserve of the existing system. On the contrary, it is 
part of the struggle of oppressed parts of society against their oppressors and the gangs 
they use to intimidate and suppress the world that resists. This battle can only be done 
in terms of social direction in order to thicken the lines of the anti-fascist movement, 
as well as combat to crush all fascists on the street.

Against the logic of a sterile denunciation of fascist violence and the logic of 
confrontation with fascists in hooliganist terms, we are preference for the further 
organization of anti-fascists and anti-fascists with class, combat, and anti-hierarchical 
characteristics. By providing solutions to the ever-increasing problems of the oppressed 
parts of society, we are building our own struggles for a society of equality and freedom. 
Operating without power and exploitative relations, we are preparing the anti-fascist 
movement to intensify our struggles in massive terms, building up embankments to fascism 
and nationalism, and eliminating them from the public domain (workplaces, schools, 
schools, neighborhoods, parks, squares, ).

Importance of squatting and defending them

The blow of an arson of an occupation, that is, a struggle and resistance structure, is 
great. However, the emergence of solidarity at material, moral and political level and the 
power of the movement to rebuild what has been shattered by the devastating forces of 
fascism in one day with all its forces concentrated on one point overcomes every obstacle, 
second stakes at present. That is, that of solidarity in squatting and defending the 
structures of struggle at the central political level. At a time when attacks on 
occupations, hangouts, and freeworlds of fascist gangs are intensifying, the movement has 
to respond by defending them. Following the events that took place in the days of the two 
rallies for the "Macedonian" the latest attacks on the occupation of Lelas Karagiannis, 
the fans of the self-organized group of Progressive Toumpa, the Free Social Area of Favela 
in Piraeus and the occupation of Panetolio 21 in Koukaki show the attempt to intimidate 
the world of the struggle from the paratroopers, in addition to state repression. Our 
structures, however, do not simply cover housing needs of people, but they are also 
focuses of resistance to the existing, fields of creating equality, solidarity and respect 
for the oppressed and the precondition of a better world. That is why we will defend them 
by all means, highlighting their importance and role. By putting the issue of defending 
occupations and occupation of Libertatia as the centerpiece of the road,
On March 10th, we call upon the world of the movement to support the pan-Balkan 
internationalist course of solidarity in the occupation of Libertatia, with the proposals 
of international solidarity and the defense of squabbles and struggles of struggle. In 
continuation of the reflective course for the arson of our occupation on 22/3 and the 
actions of solidarity in the whole of Greece and other countries, we call comrades and 
comrades from Greece and the Balkans on 10/3 in Thessaloniki to give a mass response to 
nationalist frenzy and fascist attacks. No fascist attack is left unanswered. Libertatia 
will stay!

DEFEND THE STRUCTURES OF RACE      TO RECONSTRUCTION WITH OWN OUR MEANS WHAT destroyed 
FROM HANDS greeting NAZI    IN YPSOMENES GROTHIES frontal fascist RACE   FROM SOFIA, UNTIL 
THE CHAMBER AND Propylaea The international solidarity scan the fascist THREAT IN BALKANS 
Struggle against fascism, tHE STATE AND tHE CHAPTER oN SOCIAL REVOLUTION  tO aNARCHY AND 
libertarian communism Libertatia, Collegiality for libertarian communism

http://apo.squathost.com/

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