Today's Topics:
1. wsm.ie - Union Struggle: How the Minions Fought and Won
Against GRU (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. France, Alternative Libertaire AL - logbook, Volunteer
fighter in Rojava # 11: "A war of high military and political
intensity, that's what Afrîn is" (fr, it, pt) [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. Syria-Kurdistan, A libertarian communist in IFB #03: "A
message to my fellow Libertarian Alternative" (fr, it, pt)
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. anarkismo.net: Solidarity for Afrin and Rojava against the
Turkey State by KAF (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. France, Alternative Libertaire AL - Rally-tintamare for
liberties, February 3 in Saint-Affrique by AL Aveyron (fr, it,
pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. Britain, brighton solfed: Public Campaign Against Brand
Vaughan Continues (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
7. freedom news: Russia: arrests and torture of anarchists and
antifascists (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
8. List of digitized anarchist periodicals - new version 3.5
From: "LIDIAP - Bibliothek der Freien (Berlin)"
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
9. US, black rose fed: "THE CENTER CAN'T HOLD": IGD INTERVIEWS
BLACK ROSE ANARCHIST FEDERATION (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Message: 1
In 2015, 2 years after graduating from an animation school in Paris, I found myself
participating for the first time in a struggle as a unionised worker. At the time my
interest in the anarchist critique of our current institutions was increasing, but having
no first hand experience of class struggle, I couldn't relate to what anarchism had to say
about unions. By telling the story of this fight, I hope to show how much can be learnt
from a single campaign and why action is the best way to assimilate theory and perfect it.
I also hope that the specifics of this story will be a useful addition to the wealth of
past experiences anarchists can learn from. ---- In October 2015, the SNTPCT, a small
workers' union of the French Animation Industry published a note alerting workers of an
unprecedented attack on their wages. The attack was strongly suspected to be led by the
producers of McGuff, the biggest French computer graphics company, accounting for 25% of
the industry's workforce, and known for their franchise featuring the now ubiquitous
yellow "minions". According to the SNTPCT, film producers had submitted a deal proposal
which involved cutting down minimum wages by up to 45% for certain professions. A handful
of workers' unions, including a section of the CGT called SPIAC, was apparently ready to
sign the deal.
The SNTPCT was the strongest union of the industry. With an industry representation of
39%, it had enough power to single-handedly settle a deal with film producers, but not
enough to single-handedly oppose a deal (this would have required a representation of at
least 50%). While the SPIAC had a lower representation than the SNTPCT (only 38%), it too
had the power to settle a deal with the bosses and was suspected of wanting to do so shortly.
The other workers' unions of the industry were either too small to help tilt the balance
of power or were favourable to the deal and less likely to be turned around than the SPIAC
itself. In short, the only option available for the SNTPCT was to change the SPIAC's mind
and convince them to not sign the deal. At the time, calling for a strike was not seen as
a realistic option. The animation industry had a very low rate of unionised workers, and a
common misunderstanding was that unions were organisations meant to look after workers,
not organisations that workers needed to join in order to look after themselves.
I joined the SNTPCT soon after having become aware of the film producers' plan to
drastically reduce workers' minimum wages. Having little experience of unions and only a
vague understanding of the history of the French animation industry, it was hard for me to
anticipate how difficult it would be to change the SPIAC's mind. After all why would a
workers' union sign a deal to crush minimum wages? This had to be a simple misunderstanding.
Yet I soon learnt that the SNTPCT was a breakaway union which was born from a conflict
within the SPIAC. The two unions were in very bad terms and competition for membership,
meaning that they were often discrediting one another. I realised that the need for
workers' unions to increase membership served as the basis of a divide and conquer
strategy heavily relied on by film producers. The film producers were themselves gathered
into a single organisation and had a high rate of unionisation.
The SPIAC had taken the role of the reasonable negotiator which, in the absence of a
mobilised workforce ready to strike, was taking pride in reaching the best compromises
with the bosses. The SNTPCT on the other hand was refusing to play the compromise game and
focused on agitating the workforce. Film producers took advantage of this divide and
portrayed the SNTPCT as irrational and incapable of having a reasonable conversation. By
doing so they were implicitly congratulating the SPIAC delegates for their sense of
dialogue. I soon realised that the word "dialogue" meant that any concession made by the
bosses had to be met with an even bigger concession by the workers otherwise no deal would
ever be signed.
The situation was not made less complicated by the fact that the SPIAC only had a handful
of members and a delegate who didn't work in animation. This may explain why they
initially didn't have an issue with a deal that the overwhelming majority of workers in
the industry would identify as a very obvious attack on wages, and as a legalisation of
the rampant practice of illegally low wages. The important fact here is that the film
producers weren't allowed to submit a deal lowering the minimum wages. So instead of
explicitly stating their intentions, the film producers created a grey area by introducing
a new concept. Long story short, the lowering of minimum wages was repackaged as the
creation of a new set of professions only superficially distinct from the ones that were
already listed in the industry's collective convention. The SPIAC didn't seem to cop on,
so when the SNTPCT claimed minimum wages were under attack, the SPIAC joined film
producers in calling the SNTPCT manipulative and deceptive. This effectively confused
workers about the nature of the deal and delayed mobilisation.
The date of the next commission was getting very close, and there was no guarantee that
the SPIAC wouldn't sign the deal. A group of students and professionals launched a
petition which in no time gathered a little more signatures than there were workers in the
French animation industry itself. The numerous commentaries that came with the signatures
made it clear that most of the signatories were professionals and students directly
affected by the outcome of the negotiation. Despite this result, the SPIAC refused to
acknowledge a petition which they deemed alarmist, not representative, and probably
crafted by the SNTPCT as a means to attract new members. In other words, instead of
recognising that a movement might be on the rise and instead of seizing this opportunity
to agitate for a strike, the SPIAC focused on the race for membership and stuck to its
role as a deal negotiator.
Recognising that workers didn't trust unions and that the SNTPCT would only further
antagonise the SPIAC-CGT by calling for workers to join en masse, the authors of the
petition decided to form a grassroot organisation called Velma and set up a Facebook page
through which they started publishing updates about the struggle, as well as a worker's
perspective on the deal being discussed. The Velma Facebook page drew a lot of attention,
and the Velma collective was soon able to put out a large survey showing once again that
professionals and students overwhelmingly rejected the deal. But the SPIAC-CGT's attitude
remained unchanged.
It is worth noting here that the Velma collective operated in a completely horizontal
manner. At first it only had 15 members communicating through a Facebook chat, but soon
the numbers reached about a hundred, and the conversation had to be moved to a forum. On
several occasions, participants in the movement gathered on Place de la République as part
of the Nuit Debout movement which took place across France that same year in response to
French President François Hollande's labour law. Despite few of the participants claiming
the anarchist label, direct democracy, consensus decision making, and free association
prevailed and the Velma collective quite naturally started operating like a network of
commissions producing press releases, analyses, visuals, surveys and providing a few
spokespersons with the information they needed to communicate with the press and serve as
delegates during encounters with the SPIAC-CGT.
Attempts were made to mobilise McGuff workers. Bringing that company's activity to a halt
would surely have defeated the deal. Although a few employees did join the opposition
movement, more of them seemed to think that the deal contained major improvements such as
the recognition and definition of the computer graphics professions that had recently
emerged as a result of technological innovation. Another element which may explain this
less aggressive stance against the deal lies in the fact that McGuff employees enjoyed the
promise of a slow but steady wage increase and of a bonus based on box office success. A
situation which was not shared by the rest of the workers in the industry.
The Velma collective also organised a protest in the main theatre of the Annecy
International Animation Film Festival. Workers and students attending the festival were
encouraged to wear orange clothes to manifest their disapproval of the deal being
negotiated. As a consequence, people wearing orange saw their accreditations confiscated
which meant they could neither freely access the theatres, nor meet recruiters to find a
job. It became clear to me that the Animation Film Festival was first and foremost a place
for companies to promote themselves, recruit and occasionally weed out disruptive workers
rather than a friendly gathering of animation fans.
Yet after 6 months of campaign, the SPIAC was still refusing to block the deal and seemed
satisfied with the concessions made by the bosses. The deal was about to be signed. As a
last resort measure, Velma threatened to organise a protest in front of the SPIAC's
offices. If there is a single indicator that you lost the plot as a union, it is when
workers march against you. This time the SPIAC copped on. The signature of the deal was
postponed once more. Eventually the SPIAC rejected the deal. A few days before doing so,
it met with a handful of Velma members. I will always remember the SPIAC delegate
sincerely congratulating his union for having initiated a movement of unprecedented
amplitude in the animation industry despite the movement having sprung explicitly to
challenge the SPIAC's stance. This led me to realise how much our consciousness can be
warped by the place we hold in the fabric of society, and how agile the mind can be at
creating a self-congratulatory narrative. This is why the ruling class sees itself as the
horse pulling the cart and lifting the world out of poverty, not as authoritarian
exploitative imperialists, and this is part of the reason why a liberal approach to
politics is doomed to fail.
On a similar note, one aspect of the deal that was less commented upon was the
redefinition of the production manager's role. Production managers would have been
expected to participate in the search for financing as opposed to being simply expected to
allocate it. This denoted a discreet attempt by the bosses to bring what some anarchists
call "the coordinator class" closer to the bosses' perspective. A topic in of itself.
In the end what Velma has achieved was not a hard win, but the mere rejection of a rotten
deal. The latest news from France is that animation film producers have come up with a new
and more targeted strategy to lower minimum wages the way they wanted. Having to fight
repeatedly to simply prevent a situation from getting worse is easily discouraging and I
don't think it can work on the long run. This is partly why nothing short of a unionised
workforce ready to strike will allow workers to really improve their condition and be
galvanised by their own successes. But this is only one of the many equally necessary
facets of the prefigurative movement which will eventually bring about the fall of capitalism.
https://wsm.ie/c/union-struggle-how-minions-fought-and-won-against-gru
------------------------------
Message: 2
"We are several dozens of internationals (understand Westerners, Kurds do not consider
their Turkish as international camardes) from there, and it is no surprise that we are
almost" political "(revolutionary)." ---- We echo below the logbook published on Facebook
of a revolutionary French-speaking activist in the YPG. He shares his analyzes, his
critics, and tells the highlights of his career. An indispensable human and political
testimony. ---- The headings and footnotes are from the AL web team. ---- Read the other
episodes here. ---- Rojava, Kobanê Township, January 27, 2018 ---- After 13 months in
Rojava, when I was thinking of returning in March or April and not returning to the front
by then, the situation leads me to change my decision. ---- Tomorrow I leave for Afrîn,
who as you know is attacked by the Turkish state. The invasion of the canton of Afrin by
Turkey and the Kurdish resistance that unfolds there symbolize a new battle against fascism.
All our YPG-YPJ comrades, the PKK and the Turkish revolutionary parties agree that this
will be the most difficult front we have ever seen in Rojava, but that it will also be the
most political. A war of high military and political intensity, that is Afrîn.
Fighting NATO's second largest army also involves a new form of war, a form of semi-rural
and semi-urban guerrilla warfare, quite different from the conflict with Daesh.
But we will also have to face the Islamist groups of northern Syria type Al-Nusra /
Al-Cham, and the pro-Turkish ASL that is nothing but a reactionary armed gang.
We are several dozens of internationals (understand Westerners, Kurds do not consider
their Turkish camardas as international) from there, and it is no surprise that we are
almost "politicians" (revolutionaries).
This time we will leave as members of the Turkish parties, mainly DKP / BÖG and TKPML /
TIKKO, and also come with us the MLSPB, the MKP, the TKPL. The MLKP will not join us, not
in the immediate future anyway (understand that their international volunteers do not
follow us yet). The International Freedom Battalion is still in Raqqa, where the Islamic
State continues to conduct lightning attacks, hiding among civilians trying to rebuild
their city. In the South, towards Deir-Ez-Zor, the YPG / YPJ / FDS continue to take
villages to the IS.
The Rojava, and especially the Rojavi, are under a massive attack, and must fight on
several front. The extreme left European, in his habitual cowardice, provides a form of
support more than substance [1].
Our departure is therefore also a call to solidarity. We expect from our comrades around
the world that they and they share news about the situation in Kurdistan. That they find
funds for the organizations invested in Rojava. Without money we will not be able to fight
effectively.
Turkish bombardment on Afrin on 20 January 2018.
The war exhausts us all, empties us of a certain vital substance that could be innocence,
but the war is also the affirmation of an irremediable political confrontation, it is the
irreversibility of a situation which was and which will no longer be.
This is why we must see here a possibility. That of arresting the fascist enemy first,
then confronting it, and repelling it afterwards ; to remove the confusion to push people
to take sides.
Because we must now take sides, make a simple choice between freedom and barbarism,
fascism or revolution.
Neutrality is not allowed, and indifference is a crime.
In the hills and olive groves of Afrin, people are fighting. They are apoists, communists,
anarchists, radical democrats or simply antifascists. They're ours. Do not forget them.
Raoul Andresy
[1] This remark does not apply to AL, the author has transmitted to us, Editor's note.
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Combattant-volontaire-au-Rojava-11-Une-guerre-de-haute-intensite-militaire-et
------------------------------
Message: 3
"The revolution in Rojava has confirmed one thing about us: without an anarchist
organization, it is impossible to hope for a moment to intervene effectively in a
revolutionary process, be it for the political intervention in the world. within society
or in self-defense." ---- Libertarian Alternative reproduces the posts of the blog
Kurdistan-Autogestion-Revolution where, after Arthur Aberlin, engaged in the YPG, now
expresses Damien Keller, engaged him in the International Liberation Battalion (IFB). ----
Over the weeks, he will testify to life in the IFB, the debates that are going on and the
evolution of the revolutionary process in the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria.
---- International Liberation Battalion, ---- Canton of Cizîrê, 27 January 2018
Dear comrades,
The distance and the lack of efficient means of communication did not prevent me from
knowing that you are meeting for this weekend for a federal coordination.
I hope that it will bring together a large number of delegates from our organization, that
the debates will be productive and the texts constructive.
The revolution in Rojava has confirmed one thing about us: without an anarchist
organization, it is impossible to hope for a moment to intervene effectively in a
revolutionary process, be it for the political intervention within of society or in
self-defense. Our enemies are organized, many, the current situation can only confirm the
need to build our organization.
This revolution is full of hope, even if disillusions are numerous, I will come back
during several post on my blog .
As you are no doubt aware, the situation is critical today: the Afrîn enclave is being
held in check by the Turkish army and its Islamist allies claiming to be the Free Syrian
Army. This army is materially superior to us, but our defenses have been prepared for a
long time.
When you read this, I'll be off to the front, we are several dozen international
volunteers to join our comrades YPG-YPJ which strongly impede, so far, the 8 th army in
the world.
The battle for the safeguarding of the Canton of Afrin in the Democratic Federation of
Northern Syria is as important as the Battle of Kobanê. We are at a key moment in the
future of the region.
If Afrin falls, it will encourage Turkey to attack the rest of Rojava.
If we win, it will be a great military victory but also politics as the party of Erdogan,
the AKP, has formed an alliance with the fascist MHP party for the presidential election
of 2019. A victory may encourage a revolution in Turkey.
The battle of Kobanê was our Jarama, that of Afrîn will be our Guadalajara.
But this time, it's our side that will win.
Damien Keller
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Un-communiste-libertaire-dans-l-IFB-03
-A-a-Qamislo-la-guerre-des-images
------------------------------
Message: 4
No to war, No to dictators and States, No to corporations, No to religions, No to
nationalism! ---- No to war, No to dictators and States, No to corporations, No to
religions, No to nationalism! ---- Dear Anarchist Comrades wherever you are, ---- We,
anarchists stress that we are against war, against military attacks and militias. We are
strongly against killing civilians and launching attacks against villages, towns and
cities killing innocent people discriminating and destroying their places. ---- No to war,
No to dictators and States, No to corporations, No to religions, No to nationalism! ----
Dear Anarchist Comrades wherever you are, ---- We, anarchists stress that we are against
war, against military attacks and militias. We are strongly against killing civilians and
launching attacks against villages, towns and cities killing innocent people
discriminating and destroying their places.
We believe neither any states nor any groups have the right to attack anybody else on the
grounds of religion, nationality, land disputes and others. We believe whatever the
justification is for attacking and launching wars are simply against freedom and humanity.
Our attitude and position against the current war that the State of Turkey has launched on
Afrin, the rest of Rojava and its citizens is not because we are Kurdish or
Kurdish-speaking. We are against all wars as a matter of principle in all corners of the
world.
We stand up firm by our anarchism principles against whoever launches this kind of war. We
have the same attitude and same position even if Kurds launch war to invade the freedom,
cultures and society of any ethnics or groups. Our stand against the State of Turkey in
launching the war against Rojava is from this position no more and no less. We are against
war, against the State, against any kind of superiority, class division and against the
capitalist system.
In view of the above we reject any kind of war whether launched by the State of Turkey
against Rojava or another State against some nation or group elsewhere in the world.
We believe that we should be against war and denounce it, we should campaign in any way
against glorifying war and war mango. It is our sole duty to encourage and persuade people
to stand up against war. It is our duty to make people more aware that war only brings
more profit and interest for the corporations especially the military fields. In the
meantime it brings us more poverty, more misery, more displacement, losing our beloved
ones, soaring prices, homelessness, unemployment, destroying our places & our climate as
well as dividing us all.
We also denounce all TV channels and the social media in the region that since the
aggressive attacks have started, they have tried to deny the rights of people in Afrin and
Rojava and do not recognise their legitimate defence. They are deceiving people and trying
to mobilise them in support of the State of Turkey under different reasons and bringing
them falls justification.
No to State and nationalism
No to Authority
No to Religion's power
No to Parliamentary System
No to Militia's power
No to Political Party and Capitalism
Yes to self-organising and self-administration
Kurdish-speaking anarchist forum (KAF)
22/01/2018
http://anarkismo.net/article/30829
------------------------------
Message: 5
Following 13 police custody in different gendarmeries of Aveyron and a project of judicial
control by summary to prevent access to the vicinity of the Crassous wind farm site, it is
scheduled a Rally-tintamare, in front of the town hall of Saint-Affrique, commune of the
project, this Saturday, February 3 at 10:30. ---- The police custody was held Thursday,
25, as part of a preliminary investigation for a minor offense after the excessive
intervention of dozens of gendarmes in the early morning. They took place far from the
eyes (Marcillac, Bozoul, Capdenac, Villefranche de Rouergue, Laissac, Rodez ...). This
coup d'etat is only intended to intimidate those who would like to oppose the industrial
wind turbines and the mega Transfo project in Saint Victor. ---- Read " Industrial wind: a
business of networks " , in Alternative Libertaire of February 2017
No indictment at the end of these 10 hours of deprivation of liberty.
The freedom to manifest one's beliefs does not have to be limited or constrained in the
government's torso bent against the struggles against GPIs (big useless projects) to push
the abandonment of the NDDL airport project. from developers.
Rally of 28 January in front of the town hall of St-Affrique against police custody
Defend the fundamental freedoms of protesting and protest against the criminalization of
struggles.
Inhabitants and inhabitants of Occitanie: " Freedoms " !
Contact: amassada[at]riseup.net
Blog: twelve.noblogs.org
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Rassemblement-tintamare-pour-les-libertes-le-3-fevrier-a-Saint-Affrique
------------------------------
Message: 6
A tenant has been organising with SolFed after deposit deductions were made from their
joint-tenancy deposit, despite the fact they left the property in a clean condition. The
deductions were unreasonable, not properly costed and, on top of this, service from the
agency was poor throughout her tenancy. This even included not being provided keys to the
property on moving in. ---- Brand Vaughan's response to the demands for £390 to be
returned from the deposit, and for £541 compensation, has included making legal threats,
as well as claiming that the problems with the tenancy were not their responsibility. The
landlord of the property is in-fact Tom Ghibaldan, chief executive of Brand Vaughan.
Deposit deductions claimed by Brand Vaughan were in the service of their own chief executive.
Mr Ghibaldan's staff profile on Brand Vaughan's website claims that the agency have a
"strong emphasis on excellent customer service," when in this case the tenant was treated
appallingly. The tenant suffered terrible service during their tenancy. Her concerns about
feeling unsafe in the property were not adequately addressed, and correspondence was
ignored. The agency even charged for visits to the property, when they eventually
attempted to acknowledge the problems the tenant had raised. So far, the agency have
chosen to belittle and ignore the tenant's reasonable demands.
Tom Ghibaldan continues holding on to the money which has been taken, and has as yet
failed to acknowledge the responsibility Brand Vaughan has to the tenant. The public
campaign thus continues apace. Agents and landlords need to realise that they cannot take
money from tenants in this way and hope to get away with it, and must compensate tenants
who suffer distress through their poor practices.
An injury to one is an injury to all!
http://www.brightonsolfed.org.uk/brighton/public-campaign-against-brand-vaughan-continues
------------------------------
Message: 7
Two people in St. Petersburg and five in Penza (a city in western Russia) are under
arrest, while many others have been connected to their cases as witnesses. The arrestees
are charged with article 205.4 of the Russian Criminal Code: participation in a terrorist
organisation. ---- On January 24, 23-year-old antifascist Viktor Filinkov had disappeared
at Pulkovo Airport in Petersburg. The following day it transpired he had been remanded in
police custody as the member of a terrorist network and had ‘confessed.' Filinkov
recounted that after he was detained he had been beaten and tortured with an electric
cattle prod, presumably by FSB officers. Filinkov is currently in pre-trial detention for
the next two months. ---- Signs of torture have been confirmed by the Filinkov's lawyer
and members of the Public Monitoring Commission (ONK: body controling observance of human
rights in detention facilities) who have visited him in the pre-trial detention. ONK
members recorded numerous traces of burns from a taser in the chest area, as well as
across the entire surface of the right thigh and hematoma on the right ankle.
According to Filinkov, he had received these injuries on January 24 in a undercover car in
which he was put by FSB officers after being detained at the airport. Later he was taken
to the police station and then to the hospital, from where he was driven into a forest and
beaten for five hours. During the beating, FSB officers demanded Filinkov to confess.
After he agreed, Filinkov was threatened that this beating is ‘an easy version of what
will happen' should he retract his confession. Later, the young man was threatened if he
withdraws this testimony, he will be placed in a cell with prisoners suffering from
tuberculosis.
The Dzerzhinsky District Court of St. Petersburg arrested Filinkov for two months. He is
suspected of participation in the terrorist organisation. According to the investigation,
‘Filinkov and other unidentified persons, sharing the anarchist ideology, took part in the
division of the terrorist community in order to carry out terrorist activities,
propaganda, justification and support of terrorism."
On 25th January, the FSB raided Igor Shishkin's apartment. After the raid neither his
lawyer, nor members of Public Monitoring Commission were able to find Igor for more than a
day. On January 27th Igor was brought to court with clear signs of beating. He is
currently in pre-trial detention for the next two months. Journalists were not allowed to
attend the hearing and two of them were arrested for trying.
Several witnesses were also tortured: Ilya Kapustin was beaten up and tortured with
electric shocks while police demanded he gives testimony that some of his acquantances are
up to ‘something dangerous.' Medical services later recorded numerous traces of stun gun
usage.
In Penza, arrests began in October 2017. Local FSB officers have arrested six people, five
of whom are currently in pre-trial detention. All of those arrested were brutally tortured.
Legal help is needed for prisoners and witnesses. It will cost at least 200 thousand
rubles (around £2600) to pay for lawyers' fees in the next months. If you want to support
the arrested, please donate to ABC Moscow (PayPal: abc-msk(at)riseup.net), with reference
‘St. Petersburg and Penza'.
Sources: Avtonom and Anarchist Black Cross St. Petersburg
https://freedomnews.org.uk/russia-arrests-and-torture-of-anarchists-and-antifascists/
------------------------------
Message: 8
Dear friends, the new version 3.5 of Lidiap (List of digitized anarchist periodicals)
including 865 entries in 21 languages is now online: ----
http://www.bibliothekderfreien.de/lidiap/eng/index.html ---- There is a new section at the
beginning providing links to digital editions of "The Big Eight": ---- L'Adunata dei
Refrattari (New York) | Anarchy (London) | Freedom (London) | La Protesta (Buenos Aires) |
Le Réveil - Il Risveglio (Geneva) | Le Révolté (Geneva) - La Révolte (Paris) | Solidaridad
Obrera (Barcelona) | Les Temps Nouveaux (Paris) ---- Special thanks to Yves
(archivesautonomies.org), Philipp (The Sparrows' Nest) and others for adding more than 170
new titles to the list! ---- We'd welcome your suggestions for further additions as well
as corrections, please feel free to forward on for that purpose. ---- Wolfgang for lidiap
------------------------------
Message: 9
We are excited to present an interview of two comrades from Black Rose Anarchist
Federation, Enrique Guerrero-López and Adam Weaver, discussing with It's Going Down
podcast the analysis and strategy document "Below and Beyond Trump, Power and Counter
Power." Topics discussed are the current political moment of Trumpism, social movements
and building power from below and the need to push back against the rise of electoralism
on the left. As well we discus an action in Los Angeles where a Rapid Response Network
formed by the Koreatown Popular Assembly pushed ICE out of their neighborhood. ---- Listen
to: ---- "The Center Can't Hold" with It's Going Down ---- We also recommend checking out
other podcasts with members of Black Rose Anarchist Federation / Federación Anarquista
Rosa Negra: ---- Mark Bray, author of Antifa: The Antifascist Handbook speaks on
Revolutionary Left Radio giving a history of anarchism and it's ideas.
Romina Akemi, co-author of "Breaking the Waves: Challenging the Liberal Tendency within
Anarchist Feminism" is interviewed on KCHUNG Radio discussing feminism, anarchism and
movement building.
Luis from Austin, Texas is interviewed by A World Without Police about local organizing
with ICE Out and pushing back against use of police to assist with enforcement of
immigration laws.
http://blackrosefed.org/center-cant-hold-igd-interview/
------------------------------
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