Anarchic update news all over the world - 16.02.2018

Today's Topics:

   

1.  Czech, afed: Stop torture! -- Report on a solidary protest
      action in front of the Russian Embassy in Prague to support
      prosecuted anarchists and anti-fascists. [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   

2.  [Spain] Release: "The insistence. Anarchism, culture,
      self-management ", by Xavi López García By ANA (pt) [machine
      translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   

3.  Poland, rozbrat: Summary of FA-Poznan activities in the past
      2017 rozbrat.org [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   

4.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL - ecology, Bure: Faced
      with the nuclear trash, we are all resistant.es! (fr, it, pt)
      [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   

5.  anarkismo.net: Against Imperialism: International Solidarity
      and Resistance (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1





On Saturday, February 3, a group of about 15 anti-Fascists and anarchists from Prague went 
to the Russian embassy in Korunovacní Street to condemn the bullying and persecution of 
Russian friends who were subjected to kidnappings, torture, fictitious accusations, and 
prosecution in the Airsoft case. ---- With the banners "Stop torture, I will close the 
prison. FSB fuck off "and" Russian anti-fascist, keep the fight "clearly showed 
representatives of Russian power in Prague that the repressive campaign of the FSB secret 
service against anarchists and anti-fascists in Russia does not remain unnoticed beyond 
the borders. And for fugitive friends in "Czar Putin," it was a message that their fate is 
not indifferent to the liberal people in the world. Solidarity knows no boundaries.

If you want to promote the activists, visit the Russian Embassy in Korunovacní Street 
(perhaps you can take a photo of your friends behind the gates), send a nice message or 
help the Russian Anarchist Black Cross.

https://www.afed.cz/text/6793/stop-muceni

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Message: 2





"The insistence" Is an approximation to the most common phenomena, and at the same time 
more unknown to the public, of the history of anarchism, especially focused around the 
city of Barcelona. The chronology, although it may seem a little bold (it covers the 
curious period between 1870 and 2017), does not want to be solely a historical 
introduction for newcomers. Herein lies the meaning of the title: what is explored here, 
as if exploring an unknown landscape, is the "insistence" of a series of revolutionary 
ideas and practices and self-management throughout our recent history, materialized in the 
phenomenon of the first worker's culture third of the 20th century, but which throughout 
the century suffered a series of more or less fortunate adventures. The author goes 
through these episodes through the transition, the period of the second Bourbon 
restoration (called "democratic"), the difficult years of neoliberalism for social 
movements, and the current crises. The book is therefore a historical and political essay 
that seeks a broad concept of popular culture, not so much as folklore or production of 
meanings, but as a political culture of resistance, an antipodal culture present in all 
spheres of human life.

Xavi López García

Created in the neighborhood of Plaça d'en Coll in Sant Cugat del Vallès, he studied 
Philosophy at UAB, conciliating it with all kinds of works. Soon he completed Literary 
Theory, which helped him to configure his first works (the novels  Nit i fugue and Gross 
Interior Happiness). However, it has not actively politicized through the trade union 
sphere, but since social volunteers. Getting in touch with the worlds of marginality and 
disability was an important incentive that brought him closer to anti-system political 
forms and ended up convincing him of the interest of the prevailing system in submitting 
to and discrediting the planet. Although this was not his first contact with the 
libertarian world, it was the discovery of this parallel culture in all its forms 
(economic, ethical, artistic, identity, experiential) which led him to write a book on the 
foundations of anarchism of yesterday and today. He collaborates with the Integral Catalan 
Cooperative, is a writer of Lo Comunal magazine   and a member of the ICEA (Institute of 
Economic Sciences and Self-Management).

The insistence. Anarchism, culture, self-management

Xavi López García

Volapük Ediciones - Guadalajara

426 pages

17 euros

Translation> Sol de Abril

anarchist-ana news agency

It is late, it
gets dark, the moon struggles
but soon appears.

Pedro Mutti

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Message: 3





Last year, the activities of the Poznan section of the Anarchist Federation focused mainly 
on continuing their own activities, and supporting initiatives such as the Wielkopolska 
Tenant Association , the IPO Inter-enterprise Commission , Poznanians against the Hunter 
or Food Instead of Bomb Poznan ---- On February 18, as part of the fight with the hunting 
lobby, we participated in the happening and information campaign during the "Knieje 2017" 
hunting fair at MTP. ---- Further involvement in the fight for women's rights was also of 
great importance due to the earlier involvement in the Black Protest. ---- In March, we 
participated in the preparations and the course of Poznan's Manify. A commemorative 
newspaper was prepared together with forces. The women's strike continues!

Where possible, we have also supported international anti-fascist actions, including The 
blockade of the neofascists march in Leipzig and the national ones - in Bydgoszcz and Warsaw .

The consequences of intransigent anti-fascist attitudes were attacks by local 
neo-fascists. Most often they boiled down to painting neo-fascist symbols on the walls of 
the city and around the Rozbrat squat. In March, however, there was a direct attack on 
Anarchist Klubo Bookstores Revenge . It took place just after the demonstration of the 
All-Polish Youth. The bookstore collective issued a statement after the attack .

The response of our environment, not only to the attack on revenge, but also to attacks on 
foreigners or people associated with the LGBT environment, which occurred in Poznan, and 
the clear rise in racist and xenophobic mood in the country, was the preparation of 
anti-nationalist protest. We have tried to involve various environments in the preparation 
of the demonstration, including academic. That is why we have paid attention to the 
behavior of the UAM authorities, which tried to impede the involvement of both students 
and researchers in propagating the demonstration .

On Saturday, April 8 a demonstration entitled "Nationalism will not pass". It was a 
protest organized against the wave of racist and homophobic violence that has been growing 
for months. The demonstration has aimed to show this wave as a result of the exploitation 
of the economic system. Demonstration was supported by various environments, from 
foreigners living in Poznan to feminist organizations, LGBTQIA +, academia and people of 
culture. In total, about 800 people participated in it. The demonstration began under the 
Stary Browar shopping center, one of the places of the racist attack on a Polish citizen 
of Syrian origin. After reading the statement "Nationalism will not pass"the demonstration 
was attacked by several nationalists. Attackers and participants of the demonstration 
reacted very quickly to the attack. The effect was the knockout of one of the aggressors 
left by his companions. One of the attackers was Remigiusz Stalewski, the owner of the 
"patriotic" store "National" located at pl. Cyril Ratajski in Poznan. The police showed a 
total lack of preparation and first let the nationalists attack, later de facto it 
facilitated their escape. She also tried to stop the anti-fascists who wanted to fight off 
the attack ...
However, this attack did not hinder the further course of the demonstration. The next 
attempt to disrupt it occurred near the PiS office on ul. St. Marcin. The officers 
attacked several demonstrators and demonstrators in front of the main group of protesters. 
The police used clubs (which together with the shields partly lost), gas, also ready to 
wield a smooth-bore weapon. Once again, their action can be taken only as an attempt to 
break up legal protest. Prevention officers - apparently deprived of support from their 
commanders, or even so often present at the demonstrations of the police "Anti-Conflict 
Team" (which this time ran out) - clearly sought this escalation of violence. The legal 
protest route was blocked stopping the protest itself and tram and car traffic on 
neighboring streets and still trying to stop the people participating in the 
demonstration. A total of seven people were detained. Despite the actions of the police 
and nationalists, we managed to bring the march to the end, that is, under Anarchist Klubo 
Bookstores Revenge. Thanks to the solidary attitude of the participants and participants, 
it was shown that there was no consent for the actions of nationalist militias in Poznan, 
and any attacks from them would meet with a strong reaction.

On April 26, the delegation of the Anarchist Federation Poznan and the Inter-enterprise 
Commission of the National Trade Union Workers' Initiative symbolically commemorated the 
flowers, part of nine Poznan railwaymen who were murdered 97 years ago by the Poznan endec 
authorities of Poznan .

In May, we supported logically, organisationally and physically the next edition of the 
sport event, ie the 9th edition of Freedom Fighters .

On June 9, we co-organized with the Poznan group Against the Hunter a protest in 
connection with the ongoing felling in the Bialowieza Forest. Nearly two hundred people 
shouted clearly and loudly against the actions of the Minister of the Environment - Jan 
Szyszka and his supporters.

In July, together with a broad international coalition of activists and activists, we took 
part in protests against the meeting and politics of the G20 group in Hamburg, Germany .

In August, we supported the newly established Inter-company Commission of IPO at 
Volkswagen Poznan .

In September we participated and co-organized the 23rd birthday of Rozbrat . For many 
years Rozbrat's squat has been serving its space also for meetings of the Anarchist 
Federation.

Participants and participants of the Anarchist Federation were also involved in anti-cut 
activities in the Bialowieza Forest, staying in the Forest Camp and taking part in its 
activities. The consequence of this commitmentIt was a beating by the Forest Guard one of 
the Poznan activists associated with the Anarchist Federation blocking felling in the 
Bialowieza Forest.

In November, representatives and representatives went to Warsaw to take part in the 
occupation of the State Forests . It was another element of the fight in defense of the 
Bialowieza Forest. Many of the participants, including people from our community, have 
complaints about participation in this action. The same applies to our participation in 
direct blockings in the Bialowieza Forest.

On Wednesday, November 15, as part of the Poznan Against Nationalism coalition, we 
organized a protest against the visit in our house of Robert Winnicki . The reason for the 
assembly"Nationalism will not pass # 2. We're booing Winnicki ", it was to show the 
disagreement of Poznan circles on rising nationalism, racist attacks and neo-Nazism, which 
is more and more present on Polish streets. In Poznan, there is no place for an envoy of 
hatred, fueling the refusal of refugees and appealing with his organization to the 
tradition of pre-war fascist groups. Winnicki, known, among other things, for a failed 
attack on the Roma settlement in Wroclaw, became the face of a fascismist extreme right. 
Eventually, the meeting with the fascist deputy was repeatedly interrupted, and the noise 
generated by the congregation drowned out his gibberish. This protest is now taking on 
additional meaning in connection with the subsequent disclosure of Robert Winnicki's 
connections with neo-fascists. The MP even had to intervene in the prosecutor's office so 
that she would not pursue propagators of neo-fascist propaganda.

The consequence of the conducted activity are also detentions by the police and cases 
conducted against activists and activists . In June, the anarchist trial began, which was 
detained as a result of police officers, after the demonstration against Lukasz Bukowski's 
imprisonment on May 7, 2016.
During police activities at the April demonstration "Nationalism will not pass", one 
anti-fascist was also detained, who was accused of participating in the fight, his case 
began in November, so we will have to wait for it to be resolved. The case of an activist 
and activists detained after a demonstration under the Black Protest in October 2016 is 
also awaiting the start - a total of six people

In the case of police repression and apparatus of (in) fairness, we always try to support 
people with their own knowledge and experience as well as professional legal assistance. 
We also encourage you to constantly support ACK activity also through benefits.


Throughout the year, we have not forgotten about propaganda activities. We have organized 
poster actions many times, we also distributed vlepki and leaflets.
We co- create the A-yes magazine , to which we encourage you to distribute and engage in 
its editing. Last year you could also reach for more books published as part of the 
Bractwa Trojka Publishing House .

We encourage you to become involved in the activities of the Poznan section of the 
Anarchist Federation. We invite you to participate actively in meetings every Tuesday at 
19.00 in the Anarchist Club at Rozbrac (Pulaski 21a St.).


http://www.rozbrat.org/publicystyka/aktywizm/4598-podsumowanie-dziaa-fa-pozna-w-minionym-2017-roku

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Message: 4





For several months, the convocation of activists opposed to the project of burying 
radioactive waste Cigéo multiply, especially about the collective action carried out on 
August 14, 2016 which saw hundreds of people put down a wall erected illegally by the 
National Agency for Radioactive Waste Management. ---- Our organizations wish to support 
the associations and activists who signed the text below. By distributing it in turn, we 
wish to: ---- Collectively deny the fictitious and extravagant accusations of "criminal 
conspiracy" against activists opposed to the Cigeo project. ---- Denounce this strategy of 
systematic criminalization of all forms of opposition, whether associative, union or 
individual. ---- We declare full solidarity with the fight against the nuclear bin. ---- 
Invite to sign this petition against repression and police violence .

We also invite you to come and support the activists during the trial which will take 
place on February 13 in Bar-le-Duc.

Signatories: Adret Morvan, Libertarian Alternative, Friends of the Earth France, Alsace 
Nature, Inter-communal citizen association of the populations concerned by the 
Notre-Dame-des-Landes airport project (ACIPA), Association of Nancy Decreasing (ADN), 
Association for the Preservation of the Environment in Lérouville and Public Health 
(APPELS), Association for the taxation of financial transactions and for citizen action 
(ATTAC), Attac Vosges, Bloc Anti Fascist Nancy (BAF Nancy), Collective of Associations of 
defense of the Environment Southern Basque Country of the Landes (CADE) Champagne Ardenne 
Nature Environment (CANE), Collective Alternative Libertaire 54 Collective STOP-EPR 
neither in Penly nor elsewhere, Collective of support to Notre-Dame-des-Landes of Tours 
(Collective NDDL Tours ) South Brittany Bure Committee,Jura Support Committee, Haute-Marne 
Committee of the Left Party, Committee for the Safeguarding of Fessenheim and the Rhine 
Plain (CSFR), National Confederation of Inter-corporate Work 54 (CNT Interco 54), 
Confederation Paysanne, Confederation Paysanne Vosges, Confluence To Exit Nuclear (CPSDN), 
Europe Ecology Greens (EELV) Europe Ecology Greens Lorraine (EELV Lorraine), Emancipation 
trend inter-union, France Insubordinate: Livrete forest and energy of France Insoumise, 
France Insubordinate Meuse, France Nature Environment Burgundy Franche-Comté (FNE Burgundy 
Franche-Comté), France Nature Environment Grand-Est (FNE Grand Est), Action Groups 
Haute-Marne of France rebellious, The Seed (Commercy, 55) The Party Left, The bad days 
will end "Verdun revolutionary choir, Librairie Quartier Libre «Free Canut  "of Goven, 
Movement for a Nonviolent Alternative of Nancy (MAN Nancy), New Anti-Capitalist Party 
Meuse (NPA Meuse) Communist Party 52, Left Party 55 Human Chain Reaction (RCH), Network" 
Out of Nuclear " "  Healthcare Ecology  " Paul Nuclear Phaseout 72 Getting through the 
Moselle Nuclear, Stop Fessenheim, Stop Golfech (47) SUD Rail union CGT multi-professional 
pension Chaumont trade Union solidarity, Vosges Alternatives to Nuclear ...

In front of the nuclear bin, we are all resistant.es !
On Tuesday 13 February, three trials related to the fight against Cigéo will take place at 
the Criminal Court of Bar-le-Duc. Two activists are accused of having participated in the 
destruction of the wall built by Andra in the Bois Lejuc during the summer of 2016, the 
third is prosecuted for attacking the honor of agent depositary of the public authority. 
It would seem that it is rather their convictions that are intended to be incriminated 
rather than the very vague facts that are blamed on them. It is in this sense that their 
trials are ours.

We are many, the fight against the nuclear trash and its world is a fight that concerns us 
all.

Today, we are victims of a campaign of demonization, only to justify an increasingly heavy 
repression: from now on, everything is an excuse to summon us, before the gendarmes to the 
courts.

We are filmed, we are taken, we take our fingerprints and our DNA, we search our 
communication tools and our houses, we are watched: we are harassed.

Yet we are simply opposed to a state project.

Since an instruction for "criminal conspiracy" is open, it serves to summon all those 
involved in this fight from near and far.

This judicial system is based on a political motivation that aims to:

to discourage and scare activists and the growing number of people joining the 
anti-nuclear movement through the recent support committees for the fight against CIGEO
to build from scratch a crude image of a pre-terrorist organization, a dangerous network 
of French and even foreign environmental activists ...
Who are we laughing at ?

Everything is good for diverting attention from where the real danger lies: in all nuclear 
installations in France and elsewhere.

Because, no one is fooled: this repression is a strategy of diversion.

To silence the opposition, the state uses justice by making evasive accusations and 
catch-all: a deplorable tactic to suppress the challenge rather than respond to 20 years 
of counter-expertise militant.

The rain of convocations that we have been suffering for a few weeks is an admission of 
failure of the State, unable to justify its project.

While we are being criminalized, the project is moving forward, ignoring the long-standing 
technical impasses of independent scientists, now confirmed by the Nuclear Safety Authority.

But far from dividing us, this repressive strategy brings us together: we are even more 
determined, united, and combative.

No person or association is the owner or sponsor of this struggle: there are a thousand 
ways to fight.

Yes, it is the resistance that associates us against this association of ill-doers that 
are the State, the nucleocrats, the elected officials, guilty of corruption, of 
degradation of territory in meeting with premeditation, and aggravated violence, like the 
15 last August when Robin almost lost his foot in the explosion of a grenade GLI-F4, the 
same type of grenades that have already killed, including Vital Michalon in 1977 and Rémi 
Fraisse in 2014 for which the gendarme involved has just been relaxed.

This is a comprehensive strategy that is at work: legitimizing the use of violence by the 
police in the recent despicable and media processing on certain.es militant.es "  zadistes 
  " of NDDL for a possible evacuation raises fears a trivialization of these methods 
towards all social movements.

Whether at the ZAD NDDL or Bure, we stand up against these same attempts to manipulate 
public opinion.

We are all resisters

Signatories: Asodedra, Bure stop 55, Bure Free Zone, Cacendr, Cedra, Eodra, The Vigilant 
Inhabitants of Gondrecourt, The Vigilant Habitants of Void-Vacon, Meuse nature 
environment, Mirabel-LNE and opponents to the nuclear trash

More info here

https://cedra52.jimdo.com/2018/02/02/ces-organisations-soutiennent-le-rassemblement-du-13-f%C3%A9vrier-contre-les-r%C3%A9pressions-%C3%A0-bure-et-nous-assurent-de-leur-soutien/

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Face-a-la-poubelle-nucleaire-nous-sommes-tous-tes-resistant-e-s

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Message: 5





Against Imperialism: International Solidarity and Resistance: A Discussion on 
Anti-Imperialism, National Liberation Struggles, & Extending Social Struggles to an 
International Level of Resistance ---- Part of a discussion on International Solidarity & 
Revolutionary Resistance presented at the Regional Anarchist Gathering held in 
Jan.26-29/90 in Vancouver, Canada, the first half is a brief introduction to the 
historical development of imperialism, including the rise to dominance of US capital in 
the global economic order, and the second half discusses national liberation struggles, 
their contradictions & limitations, & an anarchist perspective to these struggles. If 
anarchist or autonomist struggles are to have any impact, a complete re-assessment of our 
analysis & methods is necessary. Developing this means addressing ourselves to an analysis 
against capital- something which this article also mentions.

Against Imperialism: International Solidarity and Resistance
A Discussion on Anti-Imperialism, National Liberation Struggles, & Extending Social 
Struggles to an International Level of Resistance

Endless Struggle #12, Spring/Summer 1990, Vancouver, pp. 13-15, 24

"It is our opinion that our failing to have any significant presence in the reality of 
present day struggles is largely due to complacency & lack of up to date analysis of 
problems in an increasingly complex social structure" (Bratach Dubh collective, intro. to 
Anarchism & the National Liberation Struggle, by Alfredo Bonanno)

The following article was part of a discussion on International Solidarity & Revolutionary 
Resistance presented at the Regional Anarchist Gathering held in Jan.26-29/90 in 
Vancouver, Canada.

The first half of this article is a brief introduction to the historical development of 
imperialism, including the rise to dominance of US capital in the global economic order. 
The second half discusses national liberation struggles, their contradictions & 
limitations, & an anarchist perspective to these struggles. It certainly isn't definitive 
in total, but we hope it provides a starting point for discussion. A lot hasn't been 
analysed, such as the present global economic thrust towards mobility in production, 
significant changes in capitalist production (i.e. technology, flexibility), & the 
relationship between these factors & the class struggle in the advanced capitalist 
countries corresponding with the national liberation struggles. It is beyond the scope of 
this article to fully address these, nevertheless, if anarchist or autonomist struggles 
are to have any impact, a complete re-assessment of our analysis & methods is necessary. 
Developing this means addressing ourselves to an analysis against capital- something which 
this article also mentions.

Anarchists tend to reduce anarchism to mere anti-statism or opposition to authority, a 
superficial & all encompassing "anti-authoritarian blanket" draped over all social 
struggles. Instead of extending an analysis to patriarchal & capitalist exploitation, 
which by its nature demands an international struggle, anarchists have restricted their 
perspective (if at all) to the most blatant products of this: sometimes in the 
"life-stylist" approach by boycotting multinationals, at other times in the pursuit of 
"alternative economic communities". Capitalism is acknowledged, but only as some kind of 
background setting with no specific structures or conditions. When the Economic Summit of 
the G-7 (the seven leading industrial countries consisting of the US, Canada, Japan, W. 
Germany, Britain, France & Italy) was held in Toronto in June /88, the movements lack of 
anti-capitalist analysis was clear: "Protesting the 7 leaders is somewhat of a red 
herring, seeing as it's not just these 7 who are the problem, but all leaders & capitalism 
itself" (from Ecomedia Toronto, our emphasis). In this, the world economic order, 
dominated primarily by US capitalism, & its structures the IMF & World Bank, in which the 
G7 maintain dominant positions, is reduced to a problem of "leaders" & "capitalism" 
remains as something lurking in the background. The article continues on, making the point 
of resistance a question of who controls the streets rather than one of who maintains the 
levels of exploitation: "But many anarchists came out to support the days actions because 
the issue turned from one of protesting the leaders to... reclaiming the streets of our 
city, which have been blocked off for us for the length of the Summit".

This is a reflection of the fact that most anarchists don't see various social struggles 
(ecological, anti-sexism, anti-racism) as having a basis in class struggle. But this isn't 
to say that these social struggles are irrelevant or secondary to the class struggle, as 
some Marxists (as well as some anarchists) do, but rather the opposite: these social 
struggles make up the basis of the class struggle. In the minds of those who delegate 
these social struggles to a secondary position it is commonly argued that capital created 
racism, sexism etc. as a tool to divide the class. But such a simplistic analysis ignores 
the patriarchal & racist ideological basis that makes up the domination & expansion of 
capitalism. Today, capitalism shapes & effects our cultural & social relationships like no 
other social culture has. Anti-capitalism is not only an economic struggle but is also a 
cultural struggle.

For most anarchists, the logical conclusion of an international class struggle against 
international exploitation, imperialism, is not seen. A primary component of resistance to 
imperialism has been the national liberation struggle. The anarchist response has been 
silence, reluctance, or outright hostility to these movements. We think there is another 
approach, one of intervention & solidarity.

DEVELOPMENT OF IMPERIALISM 1800 - 1900
Between 1800-1900, the full division of the world amongst the major European and American 
powers was completed. From this point on, only the re-division of the world was possible. 
During this period, Great Britain acquired 3, 700, 000sq. miles with 14, 700, 000 
inhabitants, and so on (from Lenin's Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism where he 
quoted economist J.A. Hobson).

For nations which had a level of independence after fighting colonial wars, the metropoles 
were already developing new forms of colonialism in the forms of debts and dependence. In 
the 1820s, English banks lent a total of £21 million to former Spanish colonies (Chile, 
Argentina, Peru, Mexico, and Guatemala). The loans were directed towards developing export 
infrastructures: roads, railways, and ports, specifically from the mining and agricultural 
industries. The traditional agriculture was destroyed and replaced by monocultures, "cash 
crops", grown for export. The export of raw materials was essential for the 
industrialization process of the metropoles, England, France, Spain, etc. With the debts, 
it was also a way of ensuring dependency, through the import of technology and machinery 
necessary for large-scale export, the increase in loans for these projects, and loans to 
maintain a balance-of-payment on the debt.

This then, is the basis of the economic control of the "Third World", & the mass poverty & 
super-exploitation gripping the people in the Three Continents today; the peripheral 
countries provide agricultural & mineral raw materials for the imperialist centres, at the 
same time serving as sales markets for the manufactured goods produced in the metropoles, 
& as spheres of influ-investment for their surplus capital.

WORLD WAR II: THE AMERICAN CENTURY

The Second World War market a substantial change for world imperialism, & out of it the US 
was to emerge as the dominant player.
The US ruling class entered the war with a clear idea of what it wanted. Competing 
imperialist nations would be dismantled & made dependent on US capital. Britain, Japan, 
Germany & France were exhausted & almost non-functioning economies from the war, & they 
would be reduced to junior partners. An important part of this was the Marshall Plan, in 
which the US gave or lent to W. Europe & Japan $17 billion between1947-55. This allowed 
the US to control post-war re-building along capitalist lines & to expand foreign 
investment by US multinationals. Alongside this, the US prepared plans for a new world 
trade & monetary order to prevent a world economic crisis as in the 1920's & to further 
develop the expansion of US capitalism. The IMF & World Bank were important steps in this 
direction. For obvious political reasons, the USSR & its satellites were excluded. In fact 
the USSR was to be seen as the major threat to US interests, even though as a result of 
the war it wasn't in a realistic position to do this. Nevertheless, the US quickly began 
consolidating itself against this "spread of communism". Military & economic blocs, 
dependent on the US, were created to contain & encircle the USSR & its European 
satellites. These came in the form of NATO in 1949, SEATO in 1954 & ANZUS.

This was to be the "American Century"! But the post-second world war expansion was to last 
only 3 decades. The pattern of economic growth came to an end in '73 - 74. The investment 
boom making up for war-time losses & shortages, & capitalizing on new industries 
(electronics, jet aircraft etc.) had run its course with nothing comparable to take its 
place as a force of driving the capitalist accumulation process (Paul M. Sweezy, US 
Imperialism in the 90s). The interpenetration of the US market by W. European & Japanese 
manufactured goods forced the US to shift many of its manufacturing industries to the 
Asian market, where costs were low. The formerly dependent powers in W. Europe & Japan 
were in the process of breaking out of their dependence on the US (Already new 
developments are occurring, with the possibility of the creation of 3 competing blocs; the 
US & its dependents, the USSR & its dependents, & the European Economic Community, which 
in 1992 will abolish trade barriers within its borders. The Free Trade Agreement between 
the US & Canada is an integral part of this development. US imperialism can be said to be 
declining as a dominant world power).

Contributing to this decline of the US were revolutionary movements within the US itself & 
the development of national liberation movements. During this period a "record number of 
defections" from Western imperialism occurred: Ethiopia in 74, Angola, Mozambique, 
Guinea-Bissau, leading up to Grenada, Nicaragua, & Iran in 79, & Zimbabwe in 1980. These 
liberation movements had their roots in the struggles between1954-75. During this period, 
17 British colonies in Africa alone achieved nominal independence, the French followed 
ceding independence to 19 of its 20 African colonies. But upon independence, political 
power was merely transferred from colonial gov'ts to local bourgeoisies. In this way, the 
metropoles were able to maintain influence & control.

But this "formal break" with colonialism was only a prelude to revolutionary struggles in 
the form of national liberation movements. A primary characteristic of these were the 
nationalisation of industries & resources, the "ideology of nationalization" (Julio Rosad 
"Behind the US Economic Decline," Breakthrough vol. xii no. 1. Summer 88).

THE USSR & NATIONAL LIBERATION STRUGGLES

It is without doubt that conditions for national liberation movements would be much more 
extreme without the aid of the USSR. The existence of this competing bloc has in ways 
reduced the movements of the western bloc. But this should be seen as the result of the 
USSR's own interests. Under the rhetoric of "socialist internationalism", the USSR has 
given aid according to its own geostrategic interests & designs. "...the Eastern bloc is a 
black stain in the political geography of leftism... it is mainly according to their 
geostrategic interests & the priority given to the consolidation of their own existence 
through the external policies of the Soviet Union are decided. The aspiration to be 
"recognised" & to have the equivalent of imperialism & not the aspiration of World 
Revolution is the red thread that runs through all of the world politics" (Revolutionary, 
Cells/Red Zora Discussion Paper on the Peace Movement 1984).

Afghanistan shows that the USSR, like the US, is prepared to defend the interests using 
violence in the form of armed intervention, napalm, & chemical weapons. Even with this 
however, the USSR cannot be placed on an equal level of that of the US. The USSR's 
expansion is based on need, not on a surplus, & in this way is incapable of developing a 
strong dependence. "In the face if[sic]imperialism is based on need & not on surplus. They 
cannot rely on the "gentle" violence of a mode of production, waiting for it, as a result 
of its inherent expansive logic, to build a durable dependence (RZ/RZ Discussion paper). 
In the age of perestroika, the East bloc shows its own integration into western capital in 
the form of its massive debts to western banks, the IMF & World Bank. Even today, the 
Deutsche Bank opens up offices within the East bloc.

THE LIMITATIONS & CONTRADICTIONS OF NATIONAL LIBERATION STRUGGLES

Today, the consolidation of national liberation & self-determination is an unrealistic 
goal. In these isolated struggles, one nation merely moves from one capitalist bloc to 
another, unable to determine its own economic direction. Because of this, many anarchists 
& marxists define the FMLN in El Salvador as the "left-wing of capital's political 
apparatus", while the US backed regime is the "right-wing". In a candid interview, 
Francisco Jovel of the 5 member FMLN General Command flatly stated "We are not talking 
about installing a socialist regime. This is a product of our analysis of national & 
international reality" (NACLA Report on the Americas, Vol. xxiii no. 3 Sept. 89). Eduardo 
Sancho, another member of the General Command, describes the FMLN's proposed "Gov't of 
Broad Participation", the "pluralistic democracy" which is the basis of the FMLN's 
proposals, as being "from an ideological & economic point of view, nothing more than (a 
program for) the development of capitalism in El Salvador ... We first have to develop our 
minimal program .. then later bases to construct socialism, & then later communism - which 
we think will develop in this country around the year 3,000" (talk about long-range 
development plans! From NACLA, Report on the Americas Sept. 89). Obviously, the FMLN is 
the "left-wing" of capital, but this reformist view of socialism is only a reflection of 
the reality that self-determination isn't possible in national liberation.

Increasingly, it becomes clear that the consolidation of social liberation, the breakout 
of national liberation, & the extending of the insurrection in the periphery is directly 
related to our own revolutionary struggles here & now, in the centres. This is the basis 
of Internationalism: "If Internationalism is not to be merely meaningless rhetoric, it 
must imply solidarity between the proletariat of different countries or nations. This is a 
concrete term. When there is a revolution, it will be as it has been in the past, in a 
precise geographical area. How much it remains there will be directly linked to the extent 
of that Internationalism, both in terms of solidarity & the spreading of the revolution 
itself" (Jean Weir, intro to Anarchism & the National Liberation Struggle).

In the absence of this Internationalism, the success of a Cuba (altho[ugh]the continued 
repression including that against the anarchists is well known) in the eradication of mass 
hunger & extreme hunger, providing healthcare & schooling, takes on a new level of 
attractiveness for the people still fighting for these necessities. In this way, the 
"left-wing of capitalism", & its' accompanying condemnation, becomes little more than 
political posturing, true as it is. The total rejection of the FMLN as the left-wing 
ignores the context of what they are fighting for and what they must fight against.

Of course, there are countless other criticisms of national liberation fronts & struggles: 
that, as in Cambodia, there is the possibility of disastrous outcome or that they are 
mostly dominated by Marxist-Leninist positions. Perhaps we could let Insurrection no. 4 
May 88[reply]: "One could reply to the first that there is no such situation as one that 
can guarantee a revolutionary or progressive outcome in advance, but rather that such an 
outcome would be more probable in the presence of the anarchists & their struggle." As for 
the blinding neo-McCarthyism, the same article goes on to say: "... the relationship 
between Marxism & the National liberation struggle is purely instrumental. That is, the 
people in struggle have adopted ... certain Marxist elements as they have nothing else at 
their disposition. And is this not the fault of the anarchists?" This also reflects the 
fact that anarchism, while addressing themselves to all sorts of social & cultural 
struggles, have recently failed to offer any kind of attack on capitalism's economic 
exploitation. Is it no wonder that the most economically and socially oppressed peoples 
have always been areas where Marxists or Marxist-Leninists have been able to make inroads?

National liberation fronts, as vehicles for achieving political & economic independence, 
contain contradictions in their very content, & these clearly lead to their limitations. 
These fronts generally encompass all people who are part of the specific ethnic group that 
is engaged in struggle. Thus for the ETA or native peoples in Canada, it becomes a 
question of the "liberation of ... Basques" or the liberation of native peoples, rather 
than one of specifically class struggle. Writing on this in the magazine No Middle Ground 
(no. 3-4/85), K. Sorel, in reference to the FSLN in Nicaragua, wrote: "From its very 
beginnings in the 1960's the FSLN had emphasized multi-class co-operation against the 
regime & that the Patriotic middle-classes would play a central role..." and that the 
"Sandinista regime (after overthrowing Somoza) quickly demonstrated its class nature by 
inviting leading businessmen Alfonso Robelo & Arturo Cruz into top positions of the new 
gov't. At the Managua labor seminar of the state-controlled labor union, the Sandinista 
Workers Central, Commander Carlos Nunez declared that it was "important to distinguish 
between those members of the bourgeoisie who are still influenced by imperialism & those 
who had been victims of the dictatorship because the latter are individuals the FSLN wants 
to attract & consolidate into the revolution" (Sorrel quoted Barricada Sept. 25/79).

Expanding on this narrow view of ethnic culture, Fronte Libertaire wrote: "Ethnic culture 
is not that of all who are born or live in the same territory & speak the same language. 
It is the culture of those who, in a given group, suffer the same exploitation. Ethnic 
culture is class culture, & for this reason is revolutionary culture" (quoted from 
Anarchism & the National Lib. Struggle). In this way, the diversity of the "front" begins 
to contradict what should be the logical base of its struggle: anti-capitalism. "National 
lib. Movements are capitalist multi-class coalitions in which the proletarians of the 
Third World do the fighting & dying ..." (No Middle Ground no. 3-4). If anti-imperialist 
resistance (here or there) doesn't expand beyond this, if it is in opposition to 
imperialism only, then it too begins to develop its own contradictions & can in fact 
become a reformist struggle. As Alfredo Bonanno writes "The enemy is he who exploits, 
organising production & distribution in a capitalist dimension, even if this exploiter 
then calls us compatriot, party comrade, or whatever other pleasing epithet ... Unity with 
the internal exploiters is impossible, because no unity is possible between the class of 
workers & the class of exploiters".

In rejecting national lib. struggles some anarchists & marxists use the slogan "Nation or 
Class," with the view that because we struggle for international revolution, limited 
national struggles are an obstacle. However, as has already been said, the limitations of 
these struggles can be viewed as a direct result of our own revolutionary struggles 
lacking intensity & influence. Demanding "World Revolution" while rejecting national lib. 
struggles & ignoring the lack of revolutionary struggle here, is like trying to get blood 
out of a stone. With or without revolutionary solidarity, the exploited of the 3 
continents will continue to build resistance on their own. Whether or not the national 
liberation struggles contribute to international revolution, by extending the 
insurrection, is something that also rests in our hands.

Our internationalism, which connects revolutionary struggles here with the struggles in 
the periphery, is what creates the anti-imperialist resistance. The basis of our 
anti-imperialist struggle is extending the social struggle to form a base in the 
anti-capitalist struggle within an international perspective. A contributing part of 
developing an anti-imperialist, international perspective is seeing that even with the 
contradictions & limitations, national liberation fronts also contain class fronts, & this 
is what connects our struggles into one. Our position should be one of intervening & 
extending the struggle.

"Anarchists should give all their support, concrete regarding participation, theoretical 
concerning analysis & study, to national liberation struggles" (Alfredo Bonanno, Anarchism 
& the National Liberation Struggle).

FOR INTERNATIONAL SOLDIARITY AND REVOLUTIONARY RESISTANCE

(Credit for text mark-up: SB, JF).

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/30843

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