Anarchic update news all over the world - 18.12.2017

Today's Topics:

   

1.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL Décembre - Youth: Staying
      Ready to Bounce (fr, it, pt) [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   

2.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL - international, Truth and
      Justice for Fidan, Sakine and Leyla, January 6 in Paris (fr, it,
      pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   

3.  [Greece] On electronic real estate auctions - "Petralona
      communist anarchist initiative" By ANA (ca, gr, it, pt)
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   

4.  Greece, Posted by dwarf horse APO - Intervention outside
      Public. Solidarity with struggling workers (gr) [machine
      translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   

5.  wsm.ie: Thinking About Anarchism: Hierarchy - What it is and
      isn't by Asha Amargi (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1





While the social violence of the Macron government would hope for a mobilization of youth, 
it is clear that this is not yet the case. The return is certainly not conducive to 
mobilize, but it is also questioning our practices and work to build a balance of power 
with patience until the resumption of classes in 2018. ---- Since the start of the school 
year, activists and student unionists have been trying to mobilize, against the Macron 
offensive, faculties and high schools. Prescriptions, drop in APL, selection at the 
university ... All ingredients that let hope for a mobilization of youth at least as 
important as spring 2016. Unfortunately, it is clear that for the moment we are not there. 
---- Counterproductive practices ---- So why does it skate  ? We can provide some 
explanations for this lack of mobilization based on objective factors: one in two students 
is salaried, often precarious, it does not facilitate mobilization. The orders have 
allowed the government to benefit from a favorable timing, the return is not conducive to 
mobilize, the majority of students have in mind the administrative procedures of the 
beginning of the year  ; youth organizations no longer have the capacity to put thousands 
of students on the streets. The Unef in particular, which has declined sharply in recent 
years in terms of influence and credibility, has recently been further weakened by 
internal quarrels with the militants of unsubstantial France.

And while Solidarity student activists have struggle and self-management practices, unlike 
UNEF, their implementation is also not massive. More broadly, the educated youth does not 
escape the brakes that are at work in companies too: lack of confidence in our struggles, 
weight of past defeats, depoliticization.

But even where the long and arduous work of mobilization has been carried out, with 
massive distribution of leaflets, public information meetings, walkouts ... the general 
assemblies (GA) students have hardly exceeded the hundred participants. For the high 
schools, the walkouts were also very weak, and the lack of student movement did not help 
to promote them. Since self-organization is more difficult to set up in high schools, the 
better structured student movement usually contributes to the mobilization of high school 
students.

Faced with our difficulties to convince our fellow students to come to the demonstration 
or AG, we must also question our practices. Representatives and avant-garde speeches have 
been seen in GAs suggesting the possibility of launching a movement with incantatory calls 
to the general strike. Or by calling or voting in AG radical actions while the balance of 
power is not there. Practices often shared by some Trotskyist organizations or some 
autonomous groups.

On the other hand, that activists outside the university come to the student body is not a 
problem in itself, on the contrary, the convergence of the struggles is created above all 
by exchanges on the basis of the reality in our sectors. But that activists who are not in 
college come to explain to students what they have to do, it does not correspond to 
self-organization or self-management of struggles  !

A response against the student plan  ?

With the announcement of the "   Student Plan  On October 30, by the government, the 
issues specific to students and future students are all the more topical: cuts in the 
budget of higher education and research, sans-facs, registration problems, selection in 
Master. Of course, it is not a question of giving up the fight against the ordinances, 
besides that it is the break of the Labor Code or the selection in the college, it is our 
collective rights which will disappear for the benefit of the bosses who will be able to 
exploit us more. This denunciation of the global employer project and this link will be 
all the better when the student and high school mobilization vis-à-vis their own concerns 
will have taken. What counts now is to create a balance of power through massive 
mobilization, and "   the student plan  "Which sets up the selection in the college with 
expected and which accentuates the selection in Master can be a subject more explosive.

At the time this article is written, a first meeting bringing together many youth 
organizations has taken place, as well as an inter-union gathering federations of 
secondary as well as higher (CGT, FO, Solidarity, Unef, UNL, SGL) but neither of them have 
yet emerged from concrete mobilization tracks. The latter has the merit of being worn by 
many organizations, but will it actually be built locally ? First semester exams and 
Christmas holidays are not going to make it easy. If a movement can emerge, it must be 
built with patience until the resumption of classes in 2018. The priority is to question 
the speech of Macron and the false evidence that the media convey on the selection at the 
university . The causes of failure in college are above all the student salary and the 
conditions of degraded studies. And a better orientation in high school requires more 
resources, not "   snake powder   ". The implementation of the government plan may create 
a hell of a mess in the spring of 2018 as a high school student as a teacher. It will be 
necessary to know to profit from it.

Not to give up

So no, defeat and abandonment are still not options for revolutionaries. More than ever it 
is necessary to exchange between activists, mutualize returns, to understand why, at the 
moment, we can not mobilize around us. In youth as in companies elsewhere. And again, 
movement or not, victorious or not, the strengthening of our organizations is fundamental. 
On the facs, the federation Solidaires étudiant.es seems today the tool most likely to 
mobilize widely, knowing to create unity with the other forces, while ensuring a movement 
controlled by the base.

Let's stay on the war foot, ready to feel any change of atmosphere, to rebound in function.

Benjamin (AL Nantes), Dahel (AL Saint Denis), Marius (AL Toulouse), Quentin (AL Rennes)

Libertarian communists of all facets and crutches, let's organize  !

Libertarian Alternative has decided to launch a campaign for school youth, high schools 
and colleges. During the movement against the labor law in 2016, the mobilization of youth 
served as a launching pad for the movement. Today, her absence from litigation is sorely 
lacking to encourage workers to strike. We consider ourselves, as students and high school 
students, as workers in training. The attacks of the government against the interests of 
our class therefore affect us first and foremost. There are also more specific attacks: 
selection at the university, budget cuts, lower APL ...

In universities, the construction of the most massive and self-managing union tools 
possible remains the priority of AL students. In high schools, the difficulties of 
building this type of union tools makes political intervention more directly necessary. 
But more broadly, in facs as in high schools, popularize the idea that capitalism, 
patriarchy, racism are not fatalities is more than necessary. To bring an alternative, a 
project of libertarian communist society, to give meaning to our struggles of today and 
tomorrow, that is the meaning of this campaign.

Organize yourself, join us: jeunesse@alternativelibertaire.org

AL Youth Commission

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Jeunesse-Rester-prets-a-rebondir

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Message: 2





Five years already ! Let us be numerous on January 6 in Paris to demand that the 
government shed light on the triple murder of Kurdish activists Fidan (Rojbin) Dogan, 
Sakine Cansiz and Leyla Saylemez. ---- Wednesday, January 9, 2013, Kurdish activists 
Sakine Cansiz, Fidan Dogan (Rojbin) and Leyla Saylemez were coldly shot in the head, at 
the premises of the Kurdistan Information Center, located at 147 rue La Fayette, Paris. 
---- The investigation in France revealed numerous indications that the alleged murderer, 
Ömer Güney, arrested a few days after the crime, had acted on behalf of the Turkish secret 
service (MIT), as confirmed by the Prosecutor's indictment. the Republic in this case: " 
many elements of the procedure allow to suspect the implication of the MIT in the 
instigation and the preparation of the murders.  "

However, the death of Ömer Güney, on December 17, 2016, to one month of his trial which 
was to begin in Paris, on January 23, 2017, deprives us of a public trial which would have 
made it possible to judge not only the performer, but also, and most importantly, the 
sponsor, the Turkish state !

Five years later, justice is terribly lacking !
DEMONSTRATION

Saturday, January 6, 2018, 11 am

from Paris Gare du Nord, to Place de la République

While the investigation was completed in May 2015, and when Güney's serious health 
problems were known, as soon as he was arrested, why was the trial set for such a long 
time ? In deferring the holding of this trial, France missed a crucial opportunity to 
judge, finally, a political crime committed on its territory ! Since the 1960s, no less 
than 43 political murders have been committed on French soil. They all went unpunished !

Despite the promises made by the Interior Minister of the time, Manuel Valls, the day 
after the assassinations, the French political authorities have never sought to shed light 
on this triple murder. Always anxious to preserve their relations with Turkey, they did 
not even take the trouble to receive the families of the victims, nor the representatives 
of the Kurdish community.

And what about the refusal of the French government to lift the defense-secret on 
information that could have allowed the progress of the judicial investigation ? Deprived 
of this information, the judges in charge of the investigation finally closed the file 
without being able to go up to the known sponsors.

Until when will France turn a blind eye to the drift of the Turkish regime which not only 
permanently violates the rules of the rule of law and those of local democracy, but also 
intends to rage in Europe? where he deploys his agents in charge of spying and eliminating 
his opponents ?

The death of the alleged murderer in no way undermines our determination to fight for 
truth and justice ! One or more of the performers is dead, but the sponsors are still 
alive and free ! Five years later, the silence of the French authorities is more deafening 
than ever. We demand from them all the light on these assassinations and, finally, justice!

First signatories: Kurdish Democratic Council in France (CDKF), Kurdish Women's Movement 
in Europe, Kurdistan Solidarity National Coordination (CNSK), Peace Movement (MdP), World 
March of Women (MMF), Kurdish Friendships of Brittany (AKB) , Union of Kurdish Students in 
France (UEFK), Solidarity Women, Union of Socialist Women (SKB), Association 
France-Kurdistan, Movement against Racism and for Friendship of Peoples (MRAP), Initiative 
for a Democratic Confederalism, Solidarity, Libertarian Alternative, New Anti-Capitalist 
Party (NPA), French Communist Party (PCF), Solidarity & Liberty Marseille Association, 
Marxist-Leninist Proletarian Union (UPML), Friends of ICOR in France, Out of Colonialism 
Network, Social Ecology

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Verite-et-justice-pour-Fidan-Sakine-et-Leyla-le-6-janvier-a-Paris

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Message: 3





It seems that at the end of November or early December the platform for the realization of 
electronic auctions of real estate will be ready. This measure is a requirement of the 
Troika (European Union, European Central Bank, International Monetary Fund) on the closure 
of the third assessment. Its purpose / pretext is to reduce the number of loans. According 
to the press, 10,000 houses will go to auction in  2018 . Tickets for these auctions are 
1.5 million euros. ---- But let's see how we got to this point. During the past three 
years attempts at court auctions have been thwarted as fighters have successfully blocked 
the sale of houses from the population. Hence, it was to be hoped that the state would 
seek ways to overcome the resistance of the poor. A simple way to do this was to create 
the electronic platform where unrestricted auctions and reactions take place.

The main line of defense of the government on this obscene measure is that "it can not be 
that someone who has very high purchasing power can not repay his loan, this being his 
first home." Its purpose is to "affect the intentionally debtors", ie those who owe a lot 
of money, who can afford but do not. At the same time, they reassure us that the first 
housing is protected and no houses with debts of less than 200,000 euros will be confiscated.

To start, on  1 st  January 2014  it was abolished the law that prohibited the 
confiscation of property for debts of less than 200,000 euros. There are publications that 
say to put on real estate auctions for debts of more than 50,000 euros. Also, there is no 
law that protects the first dwelling. With respect to the "intentionally debtors" (ie 
capitalists), in addition to being a minority of debtors, we have serious doubts that 
confiscate their belongings. In addition, the € 50,000 ceiling clearly reflects the 
intention to confiscate the homes of the poor. The reality is confirmed by examples, such 
as the unemployed DB in Thessalonica, which was 48 square meters in area, and for debts to 
the banks lost everything, being this their first habitation.

What are real estate auctions really?

Those who participate in almost all auctions are the banks (Piraeus, Alpha Bank, 
Eurobank), whose objective is the reduction of "personal loans" through liquidations, that 
is, confiscations of real estate. The plan of many banks is to buy auctions in many real 
estate, since the auctions evaluate the commercial value and not the objective value of 
the real estate. This means more profit for the financial capital, since the reduction of 
the price of the property with the auction, adds the interests that were imposed of the 
debtor when taking the loan. By the time people took on loans at will, consumers actually 
invested overvalued values because the real estate value at that time was determined by 
the ease of getting a loan due to disproportionate financial expansion. In this auction 
game we have the implication of financial capital (banks, real estates, funds, real estate 
agencies), consumers (population) and the public sector (state). The role of the state was 
indirect but decisive: When a consumer gets a loan from the bank, he actually liquidates 
in advance the future wages, which he will never receive (because of the crisis), since 
all governments have taken steps to cut, directly or indirectly, the salaries of employees 
in the private sector, as well as in the public sector. As a consequence of all of the 
above, consumers have acquired a lot of debt and have therefore increased public debt. 
When a consumer gets a loan from the bank, he actually liquidates the future salaries in 
advance, which he will never receive (because of the crisis), since all governments have 
taken measures to cut, directly or indirectly, the salaries of employees in the sector 
private sector, as well as in the public sector. As a consequence of all of the above, 
consumers have acquired a lot of debt and have therefore increased public debt. When a 
consumer gets a loan from the bank, he actually liquidates the future salaries in advance, 
which he will never receive (because of the crisis), since all governments have taken 
measures to cut, directly or indirectly, the salaries of employees in the sector private 
sector, as well as in the public sector. As a consequence of all of the above, consumers 
have acquired a lot of debt and have therefore increased public debt.

Putting all this within a political framework, we note that the governmental coalition 
confirms what the role of the state, that is, the management of the capitalist system in 
the country (in times of crisis), to the benefit of the holders of wealth, on the one 
hand, at juridical and institutional level, the interests of Capital, and on the other 
hand, imposing its orders on society. In any case, the measure of real estate auctions is 
one of the many measures approved by the governments of the Capital during the economic 
crisis in order to pass on the public deficit to the workers (with heavy taxes, wage cuts, 
etc.) and to keep the class unharmed bourgeois The tense contradictions between work and 
Capital reflect the main characteristic in the imperialist phase of Capital, that is, the 
super accumulation of wealth in the hands of Capital, and the continuation of the process 
of impoverishment of the proletariat. In addition, during the period in which we are 
living (as of 2008), the violent transition from Keynesianism to neoliberalism is 
reflected, in which there are incalculable casualties for the population dependent on Capital.

 From now on

The application of electronic housing auctions will bring huge benefits to the banks and 
companies associated with them. People in popular social strata run the risk of being 
homeless. It is worth noting that in respect to the Greek reality (which has important 
particularities and fluctuations / variations compared to other countries) ownership is 
not a criterion of class differentiation, since the majority of the poor (mainly natives) 
have at least a house. For us there are no options. Or all together against them or each 
on their own and weakened. The blocking of the auctions in the courts constituted a 
barricade that achieved victories and left a positive legacy. We can not allow the 
fragmentation of the proletariat. Organizing ourselves in unions, neighborhoods and other 
formations, fightingly claiming what we produce, directly and indirectly. More steps back, no.

Immediate withdrawal of the proposed law on electronic property auctions. No house of the 
poor in the hands of the rich.

Initiative of communist anarchists of Petrálona

The text in Greek:

http://www.ainfos.ca/gr/ainfos03180.html

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Message: 4





This afternoon, about 15 comrades and comrades, we have been interceding for Ermou public 
for more than half an hour. They shared dozens of texts, thieves were thrown and hanged in 
front of the store. ---- Here is the text: ---- SOLIDARITY TO COMPETITORS ---- FORMER 
WORKERS OF THE MULTIRAMA / PUBLIC GROUP ---- RESPONSE TO THE AUTONOMY OF THE AFFIDENTS 
---- At the Public  Stores  of Patras and Kalamata, the bosses' arbitrariness had formed a 
working galley. Employees were forced to endure: ---- devastating labor rates  (often and 
unexpectedly twelve-hour, with eight-hour pay); ---- unpaid overtime and overtime  (also 
very often forced to work illegally and unregistered on their day off,  to illegally 
rgazontan Sundays in internal operations of the company, unpaid ), intimidation and 
punitive / disciplinary measures  against them by employers  (the company was intimidating 
and terrorizing employees to "catch up with the targets," punishing them continuously for 
12 hours if they did not,  and forcing them  to work under these circumstances; under 
these conditions under the constant fear of dismissal, the company did not hesitate to 
dismiss a working mother three days after the end of her maternity leave).

In 2013 and 2014, redundant employees of the  Public  Kalamata and Patras were organized 
to claim their accrual by denouncing the conditions of the working Middle Ages that 
prevailed in the business and the lawsuit against the bosses. Their collective struggle, 
after years of delays and delays, was finally upheld in court rooms.

Today,  Public 's employers continue to intimidate the workers who have been campaigning 
against it. She does not accept her obligations . He refuses to pay the amounts awarded 
and  proposes a compromise ,  threatening to appeal  if the redundant do not accept him, 
thus perpetuating the litigation. It seeks to break the morale of workers who need the 
sums of money owed to them and accept the boss's reduced proposal.

Of course, the example of Public is not the exception, but the rule of the conditions of 
impoverishment and terrorism that prevail in the workplace. Work-related "accidents", 
inadequate security measures, the constant blackmailing of unemployment with armies of the 
unemployed and under-employed in conditions of poverty and social exclusion, redundancies, 
abolition of collective agreements, wage and pension cuts, low wages and wages hunger 
wages, abusive working conditions and deadly hours, the abolition of Sunday's holiday, 
employers' arbitrariness, and the blow of any form of unionism are the factors that make 
up the current workplace matikotita. A reality that is expected to become even tougher as 
today's political management - in full harmony with the bourgeoisie's suggestions,

On the other hand, there are encouraging examples of resistance of workers who claim life 
with dignity. In addition to public employees, it is remarkable to mobilize former 
employees at  Market In  in Ioannina to claim their accruals. Their militancy has even 
provoked the wrath of the bosses who went on to crack down strikers and arrest 12 of them 
during strike action outside the store on Sunday 29/11.

Respectively, the struggle of the fallen KW From Aromalab  in Thessaloniki, which claims 
to be reluctant against the dismissal of the company's  employability and the solidarity 
mobilizations that have taken place lately in Thessaloniki, organized on the basis of 
various collectives, is another important example of a labor struggle in today's which 
highlights the uncomfortable face of the bosses and stands upright against them.

Against the generalized terrorism and repression, in the conditions of slavery and 
impoverishment imposed by the state and the bosses in the workplace, there is another way. 
The way of organizing workers, resistance and social-class struggle. Employees themselves, 
the unemployed, the youth, the locals and the immigrants, knowing our real needs, must 
take the lives in our hands, organize and fight, collectively, self-organized and 
uninvolved, in every social and working space, schools and faculties, workplaces, 
neighborhoods and streets.  With grassroots societies and employee initiatives to claim 
our belonging, far from the trade union elites which have a complementary role in terms of 
employership.

Linking the few and demanding struggles for permanent and stable work, for better salary 
and better working conditions, access to the social goods of housing, health care, 
education, the defense of labor and social rights, nature protection, the total and timely 
social and political demand for overthrowing the world of power and the libertarian 
transformation of society.

SOLIDARITY IN EMPLOYEES

WHO ARE LOVED FOR LIFE WITH DIFFICULTY

anarchist group "dense horse"

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Message: 5





Wondering why your vote doesn't seem to make a difference, why your wages seem to barely 
cover your costs, or why you feel like a second-class citizen? Then, you're thinking about 
hierarchy. ---- Anarchists treat ‘hierarchy' as the central issue in society, as the 
unifying theme in most of the problems we face. Then, the aim is to get rid of hierarchy 
and replace it with something better. But what is hierarchy? It's not something which is 
talked about in mainstream political discourse, and even anarchists themselves can 
sometimes misunderstand it. ---- Anarchism is the only political philosophy which makes 
hierarchy the main issue even though we are concerned with many of the same problems as 
others. Others have a different focus. Most other socialists, e.g. most Marxists, see 
capitalism itself as the main problem, that control of society is concentrated in an elite 
class which exploits the rest of us and ultimately divides us across lines of gender, 
race, and so forth. Liberals tend to see problems in society as poor management of the 
existing institutions - greedy CEOs, backwards and corrupt politicians - and ignorance and 
inequality amongst the public. ‘Conservatives' tend to see problems in society as a 
failure of personal character and a drift away from the traditional values which 
purportedly made us strong in the past. Nationalists see the problem as a lack of popular 
patriotism, the meddling of other nations, and leaders too weak to drive society forwards. 
These are simplistic portraits, but they give the gist.

Formal Hierarchies

So what is hierarchy and why is it a useful way of understanding our society? Most of us, 
until we begin reading about anarchism, will think of monarchy, the Catholic and 
Protestant church hierarchies, and a military command structure, when we think of 
‘hierarchy'. We might imagine a pyramid, with the most powerful and prestigious at the 
top, and the least powerful and prestigious at the bottom. In these cases, hierarchy can 
be defined as a formal structure of rankings where certain positions within that list of 
rankings have certain entitlements and abilities. We could call this a ‘formal hierarchy' 
because the hierarchy is formally recognised and codified. These structures are indeed 
hierarchies, but the concept is actually more general than that.

Direct Hierarchy

We can see though, intuitively, that it's not necessarily the formal ranking system which 
matters but the question of power. Who has it, and why? A hierarchy can be more generally 
defined as a relationship of power between people, specifically an imbalance of power. 
This makes sense in the case of a king. The king has the power, and the people must do 
what they say. But it also applies to less immediately obvious cases. In the workplace, 
the boss is in charge and the employees aren't. It would be inaccurate to say the boss has 
the same power as an employee. The boss can fire an employee, decide their days, hours, 
and wages, and what they do at work. The employee can't decide these things about the 
boss. That is a hierarchy, a hierarchical relationship.

Let's look at the ‘traditional' household. The man goes to work, comes home and is fed and 
pampered by his wife. It would be inaccurate to say that the man has the same power as the 
woman. The man makes the money which the woman depends on. He doesn't necessarily lord 
this over her, but that's the fact of the matter. This dynamic really comes in to play in 
an abusive relationship - a woman can be trapped in a relationship because she can't 
afford to move out and leave the abuser. This is a hierarchy, and it's one reason 
feminists have been keen on women being financially independent.

Indirect Hierarchy

Now, how about rich and poor? Is that a hierarchy? Anarchists would say yes. Why? It's not 
that rich people can walk around giving orders to poor people, unless there is a boss and 
worker relationship there. How is this a hierarchy? Recall the definition above: hierarchy 
is a relationship of power or imbalance of power. Do rich people and poor people have the 
same power in society, and over their own lives? Some liberals would say ‘yes', that 
everybody is equal under the law. But anarchists don't give pieces of paper much kudos 
unless they reflect reality. As Anatole France put it ‘the law, in its majestic equality, 
forbids the rich as well as the poor to sleep under bridges, to beg in the streets, and to 
steal bread.' It's clear that rich and poor don't have the same power. How so?

Well that leads us to another interesting question: what is power? It's not that 
complicated really. Power is broadly speaking the ability to do things. When people say 
‘we feel powerless in our situation' that's what they mean. If you have power over your 
own life, you can do what you want. If you don't have power over your own life, you can't. 
But we also talk of power in another way. Power, in this sense, is the ability to make 
others do what you want, whether by influence or by force. If a king is powerful, that 
means he can command many other people to do as he pleases. So we can see that power 
splits into two categories, power ‘to' and power ‘over'. Power to do what you want, and 
power over other people. Of course, we can see that these are related.

How does this explain the hierarchy between rich and poor? Rich people have quite a lot of 
power ‘to'. Because of their wealth, relatively speaking they can do a lot more than 
others can, because it takes money to do things, to have the home you want, to pay for 
healthcare, to do pursue hobbies. This is not true for poor people. If you're poor, you 
find yourself locked out of a lot of life because you lack money. Everything costs money 
in this society. You feel more pressure to take a crappy job so you don't lose your flat, 
if you get ill you worry you won't be able to afford the treatment, you have to pass up 
meeting friends at the pub or a restaurant because you don't have the cash right now. It's 
not that the rich person is there controlling the poor person like a puppet. This isn't 
like a king ordering about his subjects. But ask yourself if a homeless rough sleeper has 
the same power as a billionaire, and suddenly the monarchic analogy doesn't seem far off.

It's an indirect hierarchy. The class system, the monetary system, capitalism, produce 
this imbalance of power between rich and poor.

However, sometimes it becomes direct when the rich person is an employer and the poor 
person is an employee. Or it becomes more direct when the rich influence politicians to do 
something which ends up hurting the poor. Or even we can see hierarchy at play when the 
politicians just generally pander to the wishes of the wealthier people to the exclusion 
of the poorer. Look at the Dáil and Stormont and ask yourself how many politicians in 
there are from poor backgrounds. You're much more likely to end up in positions of power 
over others if you have lots of money. Here we see power ‘over' entering the fold as well 
as power ‘to'.

More Examples

Unfortunately there are no shortage of examples to give of hierarchy in our society. 
Indeed, this is why anarchists sometimes use the term ‘hierarchical society' as shorthand 
for the very unequal and unfree society we live in for now.

We've seen direct examples like boss and employee, husband and wife, and a more indirect 
example of rich and poor. Let's look at some more indirect examples. But note that the 
point of this article isn't to list all of the hierarchies in this society - you can find 
all sorts of hierarchies dissected in other WSM material - but by way of illustrating the 
main ideas.

Men and Women

Consider men and women again. We are raised to take men more seriously than women, even 
when we aren't overly told ‘men are more important than women' (life isn't that simple). 
We develop prejudices that men are smarter, funnier, and generally more competent. This 
brings to bear when you're trying to get a job, but also in daily life. To take an example 
from the left, a common occurrence is that a woman will suggest an idea at a meeting and 
be ignored, only for a man to repeat the same idea a while later to great acclaim. This 
inability to be heard is just one ‘small' example of a relatively lack of power ‘to'. 
Relatedly, women are brought up to be meek and ‘ladylike' while men are brought up to be 
staunch and ‘manly'. This often ends up with a man in the dominant position in a 
relationship and the woman socialised to put up with it, for example with all sorts of 
misgivings about fidelity, lack of respect, effort around the home, and so on. This is 
something many of us like to pretend doesn't exist, for somewhat understandable emotional 
reasons, but it is a form of hierarchy.

Citizenship and Race

In Ireland people fleeing war zones end up in detention camps called ‘Direct Provision' 
centres. They live in much worse conditions than the vast majority of the population and 
have much less freedom to live their lives (by working, going to school, even cooking) 
because they were born in the wrong place. That is a hierarchy between citizens and 
non-citizens, and also between white Europeans and brown and black people from the Middle 
East and Africa. If you look the wrong way in this country - as in, the ‘wrong' race - 
white Irish people might think you're mentally inferior or more likely to be a criminal. 
That is a hierarchy. But also Travellers are commonly looked down upon by settled people, 
and have been persecuted at the state level. That is another hierarchy.

Gender and Sexuality

We'll look at three more examples because the point isn't an exhaustive list of examples. 
We know there is inequality in Ireland between LGBTQ+ people and straight, cis, people. 
The Marriage Equality referendum in the south was part of addressing that, by removing a 
law which represented a formal sexual orientation hierarchy and by changing attitudes. 
Another example is that teachers aren't protected by legislation on these matters and 
often have to pretend to be straight so not to be fired. The next one applies to trans 
people and lesbian, gay, and bi, people. Not being able to be yourself is a lack of power 
‘to'. Trans people can be beaten off the street for dressing in a way that makes them 
comfortable. As a minority population without overwhelming popular support, cis people 
have a dangerous form of power ‘over' trans people. The same is true of straight and LGB, 
but it isn't as severe as it is for trans people today.

The State and ‘Democracy'

The last example is the state. Anarchists are democrats. We want more democracy in 
society, and better democracy. Unfortunately what is usually called ‘democracy' is more 
like a temporary oligarchy. Some of us elect a set of rulers, and then four years later we 
get the opportunity to elect a very slightly different set of rulers. We are then told how 
lucky we are to have this opportunity. This is a very obvious imbalance of power. We take 
it for granted, but why are a small group of strangers (e.g. 166 TDs in the Dáil, 90 MLAs 
in Stormont) allowed to decide what happens for the rest of us? We don't even get to chime 
in as they make decisions. They have full discretion (usually) within the law. But the law 
itself is written by these ‘policy makers'. The result is many of us become deeply 
cynical, and might even write off politics as a whole as a phony game, a circus which has 
little meaning for the person on the street. We will return to this issue later.

Hierarchy and Changing the World

It should be clear by now that hierarchy is an active part of our society today in many 
forms. Whether at the workplace, by wealth, race, residency status, gender, sexuality, 
disability, age, religion, political office, or many other ways there wasn't enough space 
to mention. It's good to point out what's wrong in the world, but the point is to change 
it. So what is the solution? What is the opposite of hierarchy?

Well it's not too hard to see that the opposite of hierarchy is equality and freedom. If 
hierarchy is an imbalance of power, then we should be aiming for a balance of power 
between people. Rather than one person or group of people being able to control another, 
or one group of people having lots of control over their own lives and another group 
having little control, we should be aiming to level the playing field.

How to level that playing field is what the entire movement of anarchism is dedicated to, 
and what the entire body of written work on anarchism is trying to explain. So it can't 
all be covered here, but a sketch will do. Humans can all be equal in a meaningful way. 
The dignity of all matters. We are not each the exact same, but we can treat each other 
with respect and look each other in the eye rather than looking down on others. We should 
each get the opportunity to shape our world the same as the person next to us.

Anarchists reject the very obvious hierarchies, like a king or queen ruling over their 
subjects. We don't recognise the titles of lords and baronesses, or ministers of the 
state. But we are consistent in our opposition to hierarchy, we oppose it across the 
board, even hierarchies which aren't immediately obvious. Rather than accepting the 
hierarchies around us as ‘natural', we should subject them to questioning. Why does that 
person get to tell the other what to do? Why does that person live with ease while the 
other doesn't? Why does that person enjoy a higher status while another puts up with low 
status? If you continue this process of questioning with enough determination, the 
structure of society as it is will vanish in a puff of smoke. Men and women, citizen and 
non-citizen, queer and straight cis, in short, all people, can live without false 
divisions and the institutions which carve those divisions into stone.

This leads to the last issue to be discussed in this article. Removing hierarchies doesn't 
mean disorder. Really, the task is to replace the order of hierarchy with the order of 
freedom. This idea has been long recognised in the phrase ‘anarchy is order'. That's what 
the ‘Circle-A' symbol means.

The New Economic Order

To do away with hierarchy in its many harmful forms means organising society on different 
lines. In a word it is democracy, in two words it is democracy and freedom.

There is no need to have boss and employee. Rather, there should only be workers. People 
who get the job done. Any administrative role the boss fulfilled can be taken over, and 
any bossing around role the boss fulfilled can be gotten rid of. Workplaces should be run 
as economic democracies, something which as it happens is not a sacrifice of efficiency. 
Workplaces would federate together in order to secure supply lines, distribute resources, 
and co-ordinate the production of things which require multiple inputs. Note that this is 
a new order, rather than a lack of order.

There is no need to have rich and poor. This division isn't a fact of nature, it's a fact 
of society. And facts of society can be changed. There is enough food, water, clothing, 
shelter, electricity, heating, and even internet, and entertainment, to go around 
everybody. A society which freed itself from the dogma of an arbitrary property regime 
could provide a good life for everyone. People would contribute as best they could, and 
could partake as they needed. Again, a new order, rather than a lack of order. No more 
homeless and billionaires. To put it crudely, everyone would be ‘middle class'. Unlike 
today where almost everyone pretends to be ‘middle class'.

The New Political Order

Continuing in this democratic bent, the political system would have to be changed in a big 
way. Politicians are useless. They make sure to be elected next time and anything on top 
of that is a bonus for society. We should have a proper democracy which begins at the 
local level, where we meet face-to-face, bringing back the human element to politics. 
Political life would be vibrant and participation widespread. Politics would become the 
popular pastime since we could actually have a say. It would be practical rather than a 
game show for the newspapers.

It would begin in the neighbourhoods, and for decisions and tasks that involve larger 
areas, we would delegate some people to take care of that. But these delegates would be 
more like administrators than politicians. They would work according to a strict mandate, 
and would be recalled if they strayed too much from it. In this way, democracy could 
extend from the neighbourhood, to the district, to the region, to the province, to the 
country. Yet again, a new order, not a lack of order.

The citizen / non-citizen hierarchy would be eliminated by widening citizenship to 
everybody who lived in the country (in practice, anyone there for, say, a few months). 
People seeking refuge would be given refuge, and congratulated for surviving their 
hazardous journey.

People would compensate for the inequalities created by a history of hierarchy, with a 
view to looking past these differences entirely once the power balanced out. That is, 
balanced out in practice, not just on paper. People of all genders, sexualities, races, 
abilities, and ages, would for once in history be free and equal. That is to say, humanity 
rather than being an ideal would have been created. A new order, not a lack of order.

This gives a flavour of what it would mean to replace hierarchy with a free and equal 
society. These issues have been written about in great detail elsewhere.

To complete our discussion, let's look briefly at how anarchists propose we get there.

For a Society without Hierarchy, Use Methods without Hierarchy
The above sketch is a very appealing vision of the future. The question is how do we get 
there without screwing it up?

Anarchists make a big deal about the methods we use to achieve this. To those unfamiliar 
with anarchism and the ideas, it might seem a bit obsessive. But there are very good 
reasons. You only have to look at the USSR to see an example of a humanitarian project to 
transform society gone horribly wrong. Anarchists had predicted this for many years. The 
famous (for an anarchist) Michael Bakunin said roughly fifty years before the October 
Revolution in 1917 that if socialists attempted to force revolution from the top down by 
seizing control the state and issuing orders from there, the result would be a ‘red 
bureaucracy' possibly worse than anything seen before. Oscar Wilde warned twenty five 
years after Bakunin that ‘if the Socialism is Authoritarian; if there are Governments 
armed with economic power as they are now with political power; if, in a word, we are to 
have Industrial Tyrannies, then the last state of man will be worse than the first''.

So anarchists try to replace hierarchy in society using methods which themselves aren't 
hierarchical. If you want a democracy, be democratic now. If you want to be free, treat 
each other as equals now. Basically, be aware of the link between the methods you use and 
the goal you're working towards.

Anarchists don't try to seize the state or existing institutions. We try to convince the 
wider population of our ideas and encourage people to take an active role in shaping their 
future, especially by joining with others in campaign groups and trade unions. The 
transformation we're working towards is one we envisage being made by people at large, not 
by an elite of political masterminds. Though we do try to have an influence on things.

Organisation isn't Hierarchy

As you've noticed, anarchists aren't against forming political parties. The WSM is one 
such ‘party'. But we are different from other parties. We try to signal this difference by 
calling ourselves an ‘organisation' rather than a ‘party'. This is because we don't run in 
elections or want to control the state at all. We don't have a party leader, or a central 
committee of leaders. We are an organisation of equals. ‘Ordinary' people attempting an 
extraordinary task.

But we are careful to not mistake organisation for hierarchy. Organisation is healthy, it 
is doing things systematically, accurately, coherently. Hierarchy is an imbalance of 
power. In fact, organisation can help reduce hierarchy. As you no doubt have seen 
yourself, even in a group of friends where there are no formal leaders, there can still be 
an imbalance of power. Formal organisation and structure can help reduce that as a factor 
in a political group.

In the WSM we have ‘officers'. These are people who are delegated by the membership to do 
certain administrative tasks. They makes our work run more smoothly because you know 
someone is responsible for doing the basics. We practice the same democracy we advocate 
for wider society. Directly recallable, mandated, delegates. We think this is the best 
balance between getting the job done and people having an equal say. Another important 
factor is that the officer roles are rotated. The same person can't hold one role for more 
than 3 years in a row, but usually they hold it for less. This is so that skills are 
spread around the group rather than a few people becoming administrative experts the rest 
have to depend on.

This topic is a very important one for the anarchist movement, but for the sake of brevity 
it will not be continued here.

Conclusion

This has been an overview of hierarchy, what it is and what it isn't. Hierarchy is about 
power, the power ‘to' do things, and the power ‘over' others. These imbalances of power 
are numerous in our society, and they exist formally and informally, in direct ways and 
indirect ways. They exist not just in our economic system and political system, but in our 
interpersonal dealings. The opposite of hierarchy would be a balance of power. This is why 
anarchists seek to de-centralise power, to spread it across society rather than let it 
concentrate. The aim is a society of freedom and equality, characterised by democracy 
rather than aristocracy, respect rather than command.

https://www.wsm.ie/c/thinking-about-anarchism-hierarchy

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