Anarchic update news all over the world - 13.10.2017

Today's Topics:

   
1.  Britain. afed: NEXT LEICESTER LIBERTARIAN SOCIALIST
      DISCUSSION MEETING 17/10/17 by Nick (London) 
     (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
2.  Poland, Workers initiative, We want to work together - talk
      to a DHL employee from Wrzesnia [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
3.  asr-anarshism: The anarchists always and always stand in the
      queue of justice and fight, but never bowed down.
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
4.  Iran: Sohail Arabi thirst strike briefly suspended after
      seizure (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
5.  Britain, afed: ANARCHISM IN THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION NORWICH
      UK, 21ST OCTOBER 2017 by Nick (London) (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
6.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL September - history, 1977:
      Edmond Maire, it was also the witch hunt in the CFDT (fr, it, pt)
      [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
7.  US, black rose fed: BUILDING POWER AND ADVANCING: FOR
      REFORMS, NOT REFORMISM (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
8.  Anarchist Federation Black Rose Philadelphia,    FILMS AGAINST
      FASCISM (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


----------------------------------------------------------------------

Message: 1






How do anarchists engage with and influence wider movements and campaigns? ---- 
Libertarian Socialist Discussion Meeting ---- 7.30pm Tuesday 17th October at
The Regent Club -- 102 Regent Road Leicester LE1 7DA
So how are libertarian socialists involved in struggles? How can anarchists engage with 
and influence wider movements and campaigns? Is it a matter of acting as individuals, 
quietly applying anarchist ideas and principles in whatever activities we're involved in? 
Or do we fly the flag, acting openly, publicly and organised as anarchists, libertarian 
socialists, the Anarchist Federation?
http://leicesteraf.blogspot.co.uk/
https://afed.org.uk/next-leicester-libertarian-socialist-discussion-meeting-171017/

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Message: 2






Employees of DHL Exel Supply Chain (Poland) Sp. z oo, which in the framework of a 
three-year tender logistically handles Volkswagen in Wrzesnia, joined our union. On 
September 6, 2017, the management board of DHL was informed that the Employee Initiative 
covered the workplace. DHL's colleagues - as in the employment agency - are equal members 
of our union. We will work together to improve working conditions. ---- Why did you decide 
to join the trade union? ---- We used to talk about it, but everything went on and nothing 
came of it. We were upset when it turned out that different employees were given different 
increases. We also do not like that employees have different bonuses - some, especially 
those who work from the beginning, have up to 20%, others up to 10%. We would like them to 
be equal. We also want clear criteria for awarding this bonus, because now it is said that 
it is generally "for work" and is taken away quite freely, eg when a percentage of workers 
are ill. First of all, we demand a clear grading - now employees have different rates in 
the same positions.

We mean better salaries for everyone, because many workers are free, they find better paid 
jobs in the area. Warehouse worker DHL earns about 2300 zl gross base, truck operator has 
an add. This is not enough. We would like to have an impact on the Social Fund, increase 
the write-off for an employee, because it is now the lowest. We see how Volkswagen gets 
Christmas packages for children, and we do not have it. We also want to have access to all 
the rules. We should think about the social labor inspector, but also about the daily 
facilitation of the employees: for example, it would be worthwhile to have the parking 
place on the other side of the hall where we have lockers.

How are relationships between Volkswagen employees and DHL?

We work side by side. DHL provides goods receipt, packing, delivery of goods on line. We 
are different, depending on the link: on one we are very close, we help each other, but on 
the other some look at us in advance. We would like to work together so that the employees 
of Volkswagen understand our problems: sometimes people are missing, especially 
wheelchairs, we do not have full load, because people themselves leave. Before we load 
everything in the carts, it takes, we should not impede each other's life.

Some of our colleagues were shocked that the Volkswagen unionists wanted to work with us 
because they thought they were skeptical of us. At the founding meeting came a great 
delegation from the Volkswagen, we did not expect this, we were very pleasantly surprised. 
The proposal to work together was very constructive.

We have heard of three dismissed workers before, and so people are afraid that we too may 
be fired for the union. People do not want to lose their jobs or be punished for 
relocation - they want to work on the spot in Wrzesnia, not to come from Swarzedz, here 
they have friends and ripped brigades.

But we also do not want to be afraid: the employees are quite rude on VZ-tach (release of 
goods, repairs, klt-eki, wywózna). Markety keep a little apart. There is still welding. 
Before we joined the trade union, we made a discernment: we conducted a survey on all 
sections. We tried not to be so no one was informed. We collected 50-60 signatures of 
people willing to join the union. We were very pleased with the reception at the start - 
we already knew it was worth doing. But we also explain to people that we have to work 
together, that it can not be that someone has the requirements, and nothing from himself 
does not give. We want the employees to come to the meetings and agree on the next steps. 
We have a lot to do!

The interview was published in the newspaper "On the First Line", issued by the OZZ 
Workers' Initiative on Volkswagen. All in PDF format can be downloaded HERE .

Important! We also invite employees and employees of DHL to attend a general meeting of 
members and members of the Intercommunal Commission of OZZIP at Volkswagen Poznan. October 
15, 2017 (Sunday) at the Ósmego Dnia Theater, ul. Ratajczaka 44

http://ozzip.pl/teksty/informacje/wielkopolskie/item/2305-chcemy-dzialac-wspolnie-rozmowa-z-pracownica-firmy-dhl-z-wrzesni

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Message: 3






Anarchists have always and always been human rights defenders in the history of humanity 
since their appearance, and they have fought but never bowed. ---- A few days ago, the 
open letter of Sohail Arabi, who has been in prison for four years and is on hunger strike 
on the thirtieth day of the hunger strike, was public. In that letter, he wrote a sentence 
that surprised many, including "I am anarchist, and from The truth is not forbidden to 
me." ---- But the Iranian opposition was silent only on the answer to a prisoner on hunger 
strike. ---- The unfortunate left-wing opposition has become accustomed to the sound of 
its monologue for many years and has not embraced any new and other libertarian voices and 
is aware of the situation of a young prisoner on a hunger strike on a liberal and petty 
stick The bourgeoisie struck him and raised his shoulder so that he was not the same.

And in fact, it gives the libertarian voice to the guards who choke it more easily.

Do not hesitate to support a media!
Not even a sectional accompaniment to a prisoner's hunger strike.

But at the same time, the acute situation of prisoners on hunger strike was a step by step 
along with the voice of all political prisoners, workers and civilians.

But today, in a letter issued by Sohail Arabi, he has shown that anarchist, who, like 
other colleagues, does not chase his life for his life and wants a desire for justice for 
his society, he will not be the day he himself is.

Suhail Arabi friends and comrades on hunger strike thirty-seven days
Suhail Arabi has nine leaders, not a party political party.
His rightful voice has not been broadcast by the left and the media so far, and they even 
have him.

Dear friends, Noble people, Soheil Arabi is the same people.
The same liberal people who seek justice and equality.

Friends, Soheil Arabi, is the voice of a myriad of Iranian young intellectuals living in 
Kahrizak, Evin and Iranian prisons, whose names are not taken in any campaign, and no 
financial fund has been set up for him and his family.

Friends of Aziz, Nastaran, his wife is fired and is standing alone with his daughter 
Rozhan behind in jail.
Friends and colleagues, support Sahail Arabi.

Listen to Sohail

https://asranarshism.com/1396/07/07/hunger-strike-28/

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Message: 4






Long-term anarchist political prisoner Sohail Arabi briefly started drinking water again 
on Thursday having experienced a seizure, one week into his total hunger and thirst 
strike. ---- Sohail, who has been imprisoned for writing "sacrilegious" essays on Facebook 
and for "insulting the supreme leader" of Iran, had already been on a lengthy hunger 
strike over torture in the notorious Evin prison where he is being held. ---- The 
incarcerated Iranian blogger refused to be hospitalised, despite attempts by officials and 
the director of the penitentiary to transfer him to the prison clinic. In addition, Soheil 
was barred from receiving visits from his relatives because of his refusal to wear the 
prison uniform. ---- The 34-year-old wrote in a letter: ---- Because of my mother's 
concerns on the occasion of the World Water Day, I drank water after the last night's 
seizure. Today I met with the Revolutionary Guards Corps a week ago to give them the 
opportunity to address my demands. If they do not do so, the strike will again be hunger 
and thirst. I will not back down.

Today, the political prisoners of Ward Seven of Evin provided me with a ceremony dedicated 
to commemorating World Teacher's Day. I was proud to be with my teacher, Mahmoud Beheshti, 
because of my mother's concern and also because I had vowed to attend the ceremony. I 
read, I drank water and the dreams of the prisoners jumped to Ismail Abdi and Mahmoud 
Beheshti Langrood. We remember the great Farzad Kamangar and hope to release all political 
prisoners

Sohail Arabi
Evin Prison Section 7

Sohail, who has been imprisoned since November 2013, was originally sentenced to death for 
blogging against the Iranian regime before having his sentence reduced to seven and a half 
years after an international outcry.  He is still facing other charges related to his writing.
The following is the open letter from when he started his thirst strike:

Here, speaking the truth is forbidden. However, I am an anarchist and therefore I do not 
obey prohibitions. I can not remain silent when I see innocent people being tormented here 
in Evin's prison. Here, free thinkers are being punished for telling the truth.

Do not ask me to be silent. At that moment, being silent is the greatest of betrayals.

I do not cry for help in my situation. I'm on hunger strike to be the voice of all 
innocent prisoners. I want our voice to be heard. I want to be the voice of all confined 
free thinkers: Manoucher Mohammad Ali, Mahmoud Langroudi, Ali Shariate, Yousef Emadi, 
Arash Sadeghi, Sovada Aghasar and other humans whose only crime was telling the truth.

Today, September 23, 2017, is the third year that my daughter started going to school and 
is the third time I am deprived of being alone with her. I went from a hunger strike to a 
hunger strike and thirst because I do not want her to see me in this prison anymore.

Evin prison, which houses most of Iran's political prisoners, has been described as a 
"hell" infested with bugs, heavily overcrowded and lacking adequate sanitation or 
healthcare facilities.

https://freedomnews.org.uk/iran-sohail-arabi-thirst-strike-briefly-suspended-after-seizure/

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Message: 5






21st October, 7pm. The Reindeer Pub & Kitchen, 10 Dereham Road, Norwich, Norfolk, NR2 4AY.
On the eve of the 100th anniversary of the ‘October Revolution', where the Bolsheviks 
seized control of a popular uprising, there can still be found those who celebrate the 
events as a victory of ‘workers control'. This meeting will explore the role played by 
anarchists in the Russian revolution and the illusions propagated by the Bolsheviks.
Talks - Video - Discussion. ---- Speakers from the Anarchist Federation. ---- They will 
not just be discussing dusty old history but the effects Bolshevism has had on present 
struggles and what we should do about it. ---- Video from an unreleased 2016 documentary 
on the history of Anarchism. ---- Free entry. All welcome ---- *Advance copies of Theory 
and Practice's upcoming book - Ida Mett "The Kronstadt Uprising" will be available for sale.

Facebook event:
https://www.facebook.com/events/421972138197929

https://afed.org.uk/anarchism-in-the-russian-revolution-norwich-uk-21st-october-2017/

------------------------------

Message: 6





Edmond Maire has just disappeared at the age of 86. He was the secretary-general of the 
CFDT "of the great era" combative and self-managed. He was also one of his grave-diggers, 
as the case of the exclusion of CFDT postal workers from Lyon-Gare in 1977 reminds us. 
---- The CFDT is now a trade union organization of class collaboration, but this has not 
always been the case. To achieve this "  refocusing  ", its confederal leadership, with 
Edmond Maire (1931-2017) at its head, had to gradually exclude trade unionists from 
struggle. That is to say, those who had often joined the CFDT in the post-1968 years, 
attracted by the radical positions of the cede-center, its project of socialist 
self-management and an internal democracy which 'then offered the CGT. ---- As early as 
1976, for example, the departmental union of Gironde was suspended because of its support 
for the committees of soldiers [1].

This refocusing, which will be effective in 1979, at the time of the failure of the 
struggle of the Lorraine steelmakers [2], aims to substitute trade unionism for 
accompanying striking action, negotiation to the balance of power.

Edmond Maire (1931-2017) at the time of the exclusions, in 1978.
At the Lyon-Gare sorting center, it "  moves  "

Suspensions, we will go to exclusions. Some union sections are considered to be too 
reticent. Edmond Maire and other confederal and federal officials close to the Socialist 
Party, are irritated by the "  basist  " practices , close to revolutionary syndicalism, 
by certain CFDT unions.

This is the case of the CFDT-PTT section of the Lyon-Gare sorting center. Here is how CFDT 
trade unionists, future excluded, present this place where they work and militate:

"  Lyon-Gare. An old gray building. Two floors. Attached to the station of Perrache by a 
covered bridge over the street Gilibert. The construction has nearly a century of age. It 
has been cramped for a long time. Inside, to move around, you have to bypass, sneak, climb 
the trolleys full of[postal]bags.[...]

Lyon Station. A little more than a thousand employees. For most agents (sorters of bags) 
or agents (sorters of letters). Without forgetting 300 auxiliaries who fill the gaps, 
change service and employment, depending on the needs of the administration, do the 
dirtiest jobs, are the least paid and can be thrown out overnight without notice.[...]

Lyon Station. Strong organizing of staff (60 to 70%). Postmen are the most combative civil 
servants. The agents of the sorting centers are the most combative postal workers. 
Lyon-Gare was one of the first companies in Lyon to go on strike in May 68. It was the 
first office of the Rhone to start during the strike of 74 [3]. She was the last to go 
back to work. With almost 100% of strikers constantly [4].  "

In this environment and climate, the CFDT section has 185 members and members in 1977. It 
was animated by Georges Valero, a postman and writer who had previously passed through the 
CGT and the PC before "  buckling  " with Mai 68, and was "  moving  " . That is to say, 
it easily goes to conflict, promotes general assemblies and does not forbid itself to 
speak about the workplace of LIP [5], antimilitarism, ecology ... It is this who will be 
reproached.

The thunderclap of exclusion

On 27 September 1977, the 20 members of the executive committee of the CFDT section of the 
Lyon-Gare sorting center were excluded by the departmental office of the CFDT-PTT 
syndicate of the Rhone following an inquiry by its national office [6].

The issue of trade union democracy is at the heart of this collective exclusion. For the 
departmental office, the Lyon-Gare EC is a de facto "  trend  " by taking autonomous 
initiatives that do not respect the "  federalism  " of the CFDT. He was accused of having 
acted on behalf of the section "  outside any decision of the structures responsible for 
the CFDT  " , whether in the anti-militarist struggle, the "  coordination of struggles  " 
around PIL or participation at the anti-nuclear demonstration at Creys-Malville.

For the national and regional authorities of the CFDT-PTT, this is explained by the 
leftist influence within the EC of Lyon-Gare. Thus the holding of a meeting of the " trade 
union left  " of the CFDT-PTT Rhone at the home of a member of the EC in 1975 or 
reproduction of a leaflet of the Communist Workers' Organization (OCT small organization 
of the extreme left of the time) in the newspaper of the section are among the grievances 
made to the excluded.

For the members of the EC of Lyon-Gare, who argue that there is an interference with the 
internal democratic rules of their exclusion, there is no "  fractionalism  " in the sense 
that they are representative of their base. An "  excluded postal worker  ", questioned by 
Libération, testifies to the union practices at Lyon-Gare:

"  For each initiative, it was to gather as many members as possible, to be all the time 
closest to the base. As soon as there was a problem, we said to ourselves - "We go up to 
the local" and we discussed with the most adherents possible.  " [7].

On 3 October 1977 the EC excluded united the members of the Section. One hundred and 
twenty sign a motion reaffirming their confidence and requesting immediate reinstatement. 
A few days before, on September 30 the excluded issued a statement to "  all the CFDT-PTT 
union, to all CFDT union, to all structures, associations, UR, UD, Unions, sections, UIB " 
where they called to a "  battle  " for their reintegration.

Losing this battle at the CFDT-PTT departemental congress of the Rhone on 23 May 1978 (by 
40 warrants against 28 and 5 abstentions), members of the EC will nevertheless hold 
meetings with other excluded at the doors the 38 th CFDT confederation congress of Brest 
in 1979.

1978: a "butterfly" of the UTCL denouncing the "witch hunt" internal to the CGT and CFDT.
For trade union democracy

This exclusion does not go unnoticed. On the one hand, because the outsiders have 
organized themselves so that this is known - and it works because several sections, 
unions, basic inter-professional unions (UIB, another name given to the UL) and even the 
CFDT Finance Federation split to take official positions against exclusions and write to 
the CFDT-PTT federation and the Confederation. On the other hand, because it is an 
opportunity for all the critical trade unionists to campaign for trade union democracy. 
This is the case, for example, of the trade unionists of the young Union of Liberal 
Communist Workers (UTCL), and more particularly of its very active postal sector [8].

The reading grid is that of a subordination of the interests of the union to those of the 
PS (several CFDT-PTT leaders are members of the Ceres, a PS current):

" The militants of the Socialist Party have been trying for some time to make the CFDT the 
belt of transmission of a party that does not enjoy a good image in the working class. For 
that everything is good. We forget the reference to the principle of federalism and the 
power of the adherents, we erase everything that had allowed the development of the CFDT 
after 1968 on ideas of self-management democracy, etc. Political power, the place of 
decisions tends to move more and more. The sections are increasingly fragmented, the 
leading role of regional unions is developing.[...]In this case, what the libertarian 
communist militants defend is not this or that political group, it is the necessity for a 
democratic functioning of the trade union organization: trade union democracy. " [9]

Added to this is the context of the parliamentary elections of March 1978: "  Our 
bureaucrats have no scruples. Their aim is clear: by preventing the protest in the trade 
union organization they think they can prevent the workers from continuing the struggle if 
the left comes to the government in 78.  "

At the time the union of the left, combining PCF and PS, is indeed tipped to win and this 
perspective is seen as an inevitable "  political outlet  " to the struggles of the past 
decade [10]. For combative syndicalists and the far left, it is clear that such a victory 
(which will not take place) can not hinder struggles so as not to disturb the "  comrades 
ministers  ".

In both analyzes, there is a strong demand for self-management democracy: in the union, 
with the emphasis on "  power to the members  " against the control of the Ceres / PS and 
political tendencies ; and, more broadly, of workers' autonomy vis-a-vis the government, 
the State and the parties.

 From self-managed CFDT to alternative syndicalism

But to lead this campaign is also an opportunity to point out that in the CFDT " 
democratic  ", there can be exclusions, as at the "  Stalinist  " CGT . Of course, for the 
confederation CFDT, this is only one more leftist agitation. And the CFDT News, of October 
14, 1977, did not refrain from igniting counter-fires in this sense: "  As regards an 
issue internal to the PTT syndicates of the Rhone and the federation, the other structures 
did not not to intervene under the pressure of other sections CFDT, with the support of 
militants OCT and the LCLU in particular, groups to which several excluded.  " (In fact, 
the UTCL has no active activist in Lyon at this time).

The section of Lyon-Gare is presented as "  divided into autonomous sub-sections  ", 
living "  on the sidelines of the union  " and whose militants seek to "  permanently 
thwart democratic union practice  ". On the contrary, the discourse of those who reject 
these exclusions is based on the democratic legitimacy of the members.

Other sections, probably also too overly restless, will pay the price for what has become 
a veritable wave of exclusion even before the "  refocusing  " of 1979. In January 1978, 
the BNP section of the Parisian syndicate of banks, with more than 1,000 members, was 
suspended. In March 1979, the trade union council of the CFDT section of Usinor-Dunkerque, 
with its 800 members, was suspended.

In June 1981, the UTCL newspaper reported that, despite the compromise of Edmond Maire 
(CFDT) with the new socialist government, "the fight continues".
The question arises of the maintenance of trade union collectives which have been built 
under the CFDT label for several years. First of all, it must be remembered that for many, 
disoriented and disgusted, this signals the end of their commitment. But others continue. 
Joining the CGT is then not an option, as this power plant is the opposite of the trade 
unionism they practice.

In order to preserve the collective tool built over several years, "  the human and living 
activity of trade unionism  " [11], the first alternative and independent trade unions 
were created: the Democratic Union of Banks (SDB) (SLT) of Usinor-Dunkerque and, 
concerning the postal workers of Lyon-Gare, the Self-Managing Workers' Union, the SAT.

A few years later, in June 1984, it was again excluded from the CFDT, at Air Inter, who 
created the National Union of Inter-Transport Personnel (SNPIT). Then it was the creation 
in 1989 of the first union Solidaires, Unitaires, Démocratiques (SUD), to the PTT 
precisely [12], before their multiplication after the strikes of November-December 1995. 
It will then be seen that this trade union left forged in the fights of the post-68 years, 
profoundly marked by the dynamic self-management and resolutely anti-capitalist managed to 
give itself a future.

Theo Rival (AL Orléans)

[1] See " 1975: they live, committees of soldiers ", Alternative libertarian , January 
2015, and " Contest in the army. Soldiers' Committees, Antimilitarism and Syndicalism in 
the Seventies ", The Utopics of June 2017.

[2] See "  1979: The" People's Republic of Longwy "  , Alternative Libertarian, March 2009.

[3] See "  1974: the great strike of the PTT  " , Alternative libertarian, November 2014.

[4] Excerpts from the introduction of the dossier presented by the twenty members of the 
executive committee of Lyon Station sorting center on their exclusion from the CFDT-PTT 
union the Rhone, 32-page booklet published in 1977. Archive confederal CFDT Organization 
Sector, 8H2226.

[5] See "  1973: Lip, Lip, Lip, Hooray !  " , Alternative Libertaire, June 2013.

[6] See Jorge Valero, Neither God nor Mayor. From Charléty to Black Sheep, La Digitale, 
1989 and Christian Chevandier, La Fabrique d'une génération. Georges Valero postman, 
activist and writer, Les Belles Lettres, 2009.

[7] "  " We were on all ", interview of a postman excluded from the CFDT  ", remarks 
collected by Chantal Desprez, Libération, October 21, 1977.

[8] Theo Rival, Trade Unionists and Libertarians. A History of the Union of Libertarian 
Communist Workers (1974-1991) , Alternative Libertarian editions, 2013.

[9] "  CFDT-PTT-Lyon, union democracy  ", signed by the sector PTT UTCL, All power to the 
workers of 15 November 1977.

[10] This will not happen, and it will not be until 1981 for the PS to take power ... with 
the success that is known in terms of "  political outlet  " to the struggles. See " 1982: 
the left in power is converted to" rigor "  , Alternative libertarian of June 2012.

[11] Patrice Spadoni, "  About Independent Unions  ," Fight ! (monthly of the UTCL) of 
February 1986.

[12] Éric Sionneau, "  1988: of the" black sheep "found SUD-PTT  " , Alternative 
libertarian, October 2008.

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Edmond-maire-chasse-aux-sorcieres-cfdt

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Message: 7






"We shall carry out all possible reforms in the spirit in which an army advances ever 
forwards by snatching the enemy-occupied territory in its path." - Errico Malatesta[1] -- 
By Thomas Giovanni ---- As anarchist communists, we are against reformism. However, we are 
for reforms. We believe that fundamentally the entire system of capitalism, the state and 
all systems of hierarchy, domination, oppression and exploitation of humans over humans 
must be abolished and replaced with a direct democracy, egalitarian social relations and a 
classless economy that bases contribution according to ability and distribution according 
to need. However, such a social revolution can only occur through the power of the popular 
classes themselves from the bottom-up. In advancing towards such a social revolution and a 
free and equal society, we must build our power in preparation for this fundamental 
transformation of the world, building on struggles along the way. Ultimately our demands 
will be too threatening to the elite classes for them to bear; and their resistance to our 
drive for freedom will be too much for us to tolerate any longer.

Against Reformism

We are against reformism. Reformism is the belief that the system as it currently exists 
can remain, but just needs to be slightly improved.  For reformists, reform is the end 
goal. They are not against the system; they are against what they see as the "excesses" of 
the system. We don't see the harm that the system does as excesses of the system, but 
expressions of the fundamental nature of the system. We see the reformists trying to hold 
down the lid of a boiling pot of water, or letting steam go from that boiling pot now and 
then; but they do not address the fundamental problem.

For example, the problems under capitalism aren't because some capitalists are greedy or 
unfair- which they are; but rather that capitalism itself is the problem. Our global 
wealth has been historically created from the labor, resources and land from around the 
world. While the genius of human technology, innovation and hard work have been a factor; 
so slavery, exploitation, monopolization and theft have been a factor. But regardless of 
the degrees to which oppression or human genius played their respective roles in the 
creation of wealth, there can be no doubt that every advance is completely rooted in 
social relations and circumstance, as well as historical processes. Kropotkin describes 
this from one perspective in The Conquest of Bread.[2]

If this is so, why are some allowed to own and control the land, wealth and the means of 
production? Shouldn't these be the common property of all as the inheritance of all that 
has been contributed by human history and the complex social processes that interacted to 
bring us to, and maintain the wealth that we have today?  So how can we justify 
maintaining a system where some benefit more than others from the historically developed 
and socially maintained wealth? And how can we call only for reform of that system? It'd 
be like sitting at a family dinner where your brother claims to own the kitchen even 
though you're cooking dinner with your parents. Your brother then receives all of the food 
produced and gives you and your parents each 10% of the food while he keeps 70% of it as 
the owner. A reformist response would be to say that if only each member of the family 
were able to get a 15% or 20% portion each (leaving your brother with a 55% or 40% share 
for being the "owner"), everyone would be alright and less hungry. Our response would be 
that it's not about redistribution, the original distribution itself is flawed, and so is 
the system of ownership and work responsibility of the family. We must create a completely 
new system in which people share the common products of labor, which is carried out 
according to each person's ability.

Against Purism

So if we're against reformism, or reforms as the only goal, shouldn't we be against 
reforms themselves? No. We want to make gains, and we are against the position that gains 
are pointless. Purism is the tendency of some to try to be so pure in their ideological 
position that they are unable to deal with the sloppiness of reality. It wrongly equates 
reforms with reformism itself. It rejects any position that doesn't exactly mirror its 
ideological position. It leaves little room for dialogue and building with others, and 
instead is trapped in a position of constantly calling for the long-term vision without a 
clear proposal as to how to get there, or a clear way to build with people along the way. 
Purism often leads little room for activity besides ungrounded agitational writing and 
abstract theorizing from the sidelines. This "all or nothing" approach leaves little room 
for development towards a revolutionary situation. It ignores how the short and 
medium-term can connect to a long-term vision, and instead only focuses on the long term.

For Building Power and Advancing

So what is the solution for anarchist communists? We seek to build power towards a 
revolution. We feel that only the mass movements of the oppressed, exploited and dominated 
classes will be able to end oppression, exploitation and domination. As members of these 
classes, we seek to contribute to these movements. In the short-term, we seek to make 
gains in consciousness, capacity, skills, solidarity, and organization. From a 
revolutionary perspective this involves what the FARJ calls social work and social 
insertion.[3] At first we are participating in the social movements - social work - often 
times without being able to have our views gain traction. Through consistent, principled 
and effective participation, we are able to build relationships with others; establish 
trust and respect; and dialogue with others about our views and positions. After a while, 
we hope to achieve some degree of social insertion: the influencing of social movements in 
the direction of being more directly democratic, more combative, more class-conscious, 
more anti-hierarchical, more infused with a long-term revolutionary consciousness, and so on.

In the short-term, we also want to win reforms. Losing in a reform struggle can demoralize 
participants around the possibility of struggle achieving gains; and winning in a reform 
struggle can demobilize participation and energy as people feel that they have succeed. 
But likewise, winning in reform struggles can build confidence, organization, capacity, 
solidarity, skills, and power; and losing in a reform struggle, can strengthen resolve and 
sharpen strategy. The point is that although we want reforms because they improve the 
lives of the oppressed and popular classes of which we are a part; even more fundamental 
to struggle- whether we win or lose- is developing the strength of the movement, which can 
come out of both wins and gains in reform struggles.

Some important elements within reform struggles are to:

1) Fight the reforms directly using bottom-up, collective power against elite power 
instead of legalistic, electoral or other top-down "solutions." This will build power 
rather than reinforcing savior complex dependencies.

2) Always acknowledge before the end of the struggle the risks of losing - and being 
prepared to deal with this - as well as emphasizing the importance of struggle beyond the 
particular reform. Whether reforms are won or lost, the struggle continues until the 
unjust situation is changed.

3) Always reflecting, always acknowledging areas to improve and always attempting to 
improve these things together. If we aren't basing our struggle in praxis - the 
combination of action and reflection - then we're either engaging in empty, ungrounded 
theory from the sidelines, or thoughtless, ineffective activism.

In the medium term, we want to build power. Of course we want to lessen exploitation, 
oppression, and domination where possible; but in the medium term - regardless of whether 
any given reform is won or lost - the struggle itself must serve to strengthen the social 
movements and class-based organizations so that they are able to grow and be more 
effective in future struggles. We want to create a dynamic in which bottom-up, directly 
democratic, anti-hierarchical, collective and anti-oppressive class-based power grows 
stronger and stronger over time. This power is the result of increased and shared 
consciousness of the causes of exploitation, domination and oppression and of the ways to 
fight and eventually end them. It's the result of better functioning organizations; more 
solidarity; less internal oppression between members and a shared commitment of all to 
centrally challenge different manifestations of institutional, systemic and cultural 
oppression; more skill development and more equal distribution of skill development; 
greater commitment to struggle; a realization of more effective ways to struggle; and so on.

In the long-term, we want this popular bottom-up power to grow to the point where it can 
effectively end all systems of oppression, domination and exploitation, and replace them 
with directly democratic, egalitarian, anti-hierarchical and cooperative political, 
economic and social systems. We see this revolutionary situation coming about after 
decades of battles- wins and losses- in which the popular classes steadily increase their 
power and continue to demand more and more until the demands of the popular classes are 
too much to concede for the elite classes; and the power of the popular classes is enough 
to effectively carry-out revolution: the abolition of the state and all forms of 
government that dictate from above, and the replacement of this with directly democratic 
popular decision-making; the expropriation of the land and means of production from the 
capitalist class and its bottom-up socialized self-management by the workers and 
communities; the establishment of classless, egalitarian and cooperative global economies 
in which economic contribution is according to ability and economic distribution is 
according to need; the abolition of all systems of oppression and their replacement with 
social systems, cultural practices and relations that value and respect all people in 
their full humanity and individuality; the abolition of national systems that value one 
people over another and their replacement that gives dignity, self-determination and 
freedom to all human beings and values them equally as human beings across the globe; the 
end of environmental devastation and its replacement with practices of environmental 
sustainability and stewardship.

Advancing

In short, we must reject the mentality - reformism - that sees any given reform, or even 
series of reforms, as the final objective in our struggles. We also must reject the 
mentality - purism - that rejects all reforms as reformism, and as counterproductive and 
useless. Instead, we must engage in struggles for reforms in the short-term. These reform 
struggles must be the means by which we build bottom-up and horizontal popular power- and 
the corresponding consciousness, skills, solidarity, capacity and organization- in the 
medium-term. We must not stop building this power, but continue grow, develop and advance 
- even if we falter or are defeated temporarily at times - towards the possibility of a 
revolutionary situation in which we destroy the fundamental causes of exploitation, 
domination and oppression themselves, not just their symptoms.

1. Malatesta, Errico. The Anarchist Revolution: Polemical Articles 1924- 1931, Pg 81.

2. Kropotkin, Peter. The Conquest of Bread, Chapter 1: Our Riches.

3.  "Especifismo in Brazil: An Interview with the Anarchist Federation of Rio de Janeiro 
(FARJ)" by Johnathan Payn.

http://blackrosefed.org/for-reforms-not-reformism/

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Message: 8






Philadelphia, Anarchist Federation Black Rose will be hosting it's first public event, 
Films Against Fascism, on October 22nd at Wooden Shoe Books.

http://blackrosefed.org/films-against-fascism/