Today's Topics:
1. [Argentina] Chronicle of the libertarian forum 'Building an
extra-parliamentary alternative' (ca, fr, it, pt) [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. France, Alternative Libertaire AL September 2017 - Decrease
in assisted contracts: Assos in the viewfinder (fr, it, pt)
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. France, Alternative Libertaire AL - Dossier 1917:
February-March: After the tsarists, drive the capitalists (fr,
it, pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
On Sunday, September 3, a Libertarian Forum was held in the city of Buenos Aires with the
attendance of about four hundred militants from various groups of the anarchist and
related movement who gathered to discuss a non-electoral social alternative. ---- A
libertarian movement that is made of adding the differences. ---- By MadreSelva
Editorial[video with recordings of the forum by Matanza VIVA on Facebook] ---- The rain
washes the sidewalk and the leaden city is set like a tango for another noonday Sunday
with demonstrators dawning in a cell. The street is silent, except for the mobile phones
that whistle the entrance of urgent messages that are crossed in versions found: they
release today; no tomorrow. Uncertainty causes that within minutes of starting the
Libertarian Forum someone mocionar suspend everything and burn the sky if necessary.
But the call is under way and the comrades of the community channel Antena negra in charge
of the streaming of the Forum, housed in the police station 30 after the Buenos Aires city
police kidnapping squadron drag them on the pavement, ask: follow ahead.
About four hundred people will attend the day. But let's start at the beginning.
This Forum was a call to meet to exchange ideas and experiences that help to think and act
from democracy and direct action, resistance and self-defense, to reflect collectively on
political tasks and anti-authoritarian historical perspectives. Without hegemonies or
programmatic objectives to fulfill but open to the future of deliberations.
Panel of human rights with the presence of family and friends of Luciano Arruga, Nilda
Eloy and Nora Cortiñas
Libertarian Socialist Action launched an invitation to the sea, which had a strategic
objective: before the elections, it is imperative for those who do not vote to catch up in
a debate that mirrors them in the difference and that seeks the encounter in what the sister.
The student group Juanito Laguna, the group of popular communication Matanza alive,
honeysuckle publishing and the Society of resistance west Virginia Bolten joined the
challenge of germinating conditions for groups, associations, and individuals are and, as
in the stew that was amassing since the beginning of the day, amalgamating the ingredients
and give them the necessary seasoning to "do" libertarian community.
It's Sunday 3 September and the dark clouds hide the sun again until you know where is
Santiago Maldonado? And no one, of those who are crossing the threshold of the house
culture of the neighborhood in Villa Crespo neighborhood of Buenos Aires, is alien to this
claim.
The first thing you see when you enter the premises is a Fair with silkscreens, planks
with pamphlets, red and black that coexist with the rainbow aguayos, engravings, shirts
and photographs that snapshot social protest, beyond books and vegan hamburgers , some cd
and more posters, present the Committee of solitude with the Kurdish struggle, the agendas
of the comrades of the group The voice of women in the neighborhood of Lugano, Libertarian
feminists of the city of Olavarria, the popular library José Ingenieros .
The center of the scene has been occupied by girls who thrive origami from the loving hand
of the educators of the popular baccalaureate who came together.
The largest space, the auditorium, is packed and at times you have to go out to renew the
air and that you can enter other comrades. The Forum has started and takes the floor ASL
to welcome and put into context the social and political climate that crosses us. Like
petals that fall on the present ones, the voices of Free Way of Colombia, of the companion
Azizé that will speak of the revolution and the ongoing war in Rojava, of Fernando - the
brother of the maple lonoro Facundo Jones Hualas, stopped in the Unit 14 of Esquel-, and a
commission of colleagues of the National Alternative Media Network. The clap closed does
not let the storm that hits the trees outside in the sidewalk is heard.
The compas come and go by carrying tuppers and containers filled with lentil stew without
meat, in the Forum everything is discussed and even the need for a vegan option was a
point of the agenda.
At the same time as the lunch the workshops of Cyberactivism and Cartography of the social
struggle are developed. It smells of turpentine and paint, and the patches with the logo
of the Forum come out like choripanes of square.
It promotes the afternoon and for a moment the area of the Fair transmutes in a round to
the session on Education, where university militants, popular high school teachers,
secondary students who escape the occupations that are starring in their schools are mixed.
On the first floor are the Feminisms, until there arrived the comrades of Casa Karacol of
the city of Cordoba - one of the premises raided in the August 31 raid that will evoke
excited what would have pleased the beloved comrade Maite Amaya el Forum. The Pre and Post
Council of Villurka that creates networks and materials to accompany safe abortions in the
groups of people with disabilities. The Juanito Laguna relates day by day the 48 that took
the National University of Art to avoid the cuts in public art education, gratuitous and
of quality and in that frame to apply the law of Integral Sexual Education, fights that
also forge affections - and again present anarchism and its possibilities of exploring the
political power of friendship.
In the trade union plenary, trajectories as dissimilar as that of the companions of
precarious Scientists share the mate, for example, with that of the drivers of bus line 60
or the workers who recovered their positions in the newspaper Hoy! of La Plata, with the
FORA de Lomas de Zamora and the other municipal workers of the city of Lanus.
The main salon now witnesses the plenary of Human Rights and anti-reprisal struggle that
opens Nilda Eloy of the Association of former Disappeared Detainees. Vanesa Orieta holds
the voice like a banner and, again, the Forum is silent in the middle of an applause
because she is walking, slowly, with a smile that does not hide her joy, her confidence
and her hope: Nora. Norita Cortiñas is going to sit there, like one more, and in the
semipenumbra someone gives a tear like a kiss.
In the space of discussion of territorial struggles, the members of the Federation of
Grassroots Organizations, the Front of Organizations in Struggle, militants who have made
their experience in the Popular Front Darío Santillán, and the Mapuche referent Moira
Millán, of spreading their joy.
The afternoon drops the blind of the night and the phones do not shut up. Rumors of the
barricade say it is likely that at any moment detained protesters will regain their freedom.
It begins the reading of a document, which will officiate farewell to the day, where it is
stressed that the Forum sought to promote the meeting so that anarchism plays a leading
role as a social force.
Again the applause is like the sound of a thousand drums clacking in the chest and it is
not possible to ignore the cries of freedom! and present! to the fallen.
The band is now on stage and shows that you can raise the temperature a couple of degrees
higher. To the barricades, the closure chosen by the Artistic Club Libertad is like a
strawberry for dessert, worth the common place.
The place is already sweeping and folding the tables. The collective stops welcome those
who are going to return home chewing ideas, anecdotes and conspiracies.
The libertarian forum was, for an afternoon, that temporarily autonomous area of which Bey
speaks, a border where the different territories of the horizontal, antiauthoritarian,
anarchist, rebel, indomitable, came together without passports, became confused, accepted
and even narrowed in kisses, hugs and laughter.
The libertarian Forum showed that the anarchist, antagonistic, autonomous and free
movement is made of adding the differences, of speaking in other languages, of dwelling in
common practices without diluting our particularities, assuming them, enhancing them.
There is a beast outside the territory house, neighborhood, social center, union, which
feeds on speculation and terror. And another beast in the body territory, who from fear of
losing freedom makes his feast of selfishness. Both beasts bit the dust during the Forum.
While they were leaving, many compas asked in passing how does this follow? It continues
as it began, because this trip is circular, to finish to begin.
Health and Social Revolution and Why not? Ever onward to victory.
Final document of the libertarian forum
Companions, companions, companions:
First of all we thank all of you for coming to discuss and exchange in this long day full
of tasks, experiences, new perspectives, approaches and collective solutions to the great
problems that cross our class.
This Forum was organized with the joint effort of some militant and libertarian
organizations, on the basis of meeting to discuss the axes referred to the resistance and
fight against patriarchy; to the hard fights that we give in the union world; the complex
educational and student space; to reflect on the experience of our territorial
intervention; in the struggles for DD. H H. in a context of advanced state repression and
economic adjustment.
In the past we find ourselves in various opportunities and trajectories putting on the
table the need to discuss the fundamental elements of our militancy. However, the
imagination to transcend the barrier of intellectual debate or the accidental practice of
unity was not enough. We must, our companions and partners, join and redouble our efforts
to become a social force. As powerful as the dreams we harbor in our hearts.
The recent history of the libertarian movement is marked by the disconnect between our
organizational aspirations and its results. Although much is the delivery, the militancy,
the struggles that aware of libertaries we gave and we give in pickets and factories; in
assemblies and route cuts; in student mobilizations or in resistance against the advance
of the reaction, we could not channel organically. As libertaries, we are part of a
tradition that gave the popular movement many tools for combat. We were an active part of
the piquetero resistance, the construction of experiences in the world of trade unions,
which helped to form internal delegations and commissions of anti-bureaucracy, historical
struggles in universities and research spaces, in the struggle against patriarchy so
entrenched in our class and in the urgent need for the appropriation of feminism. In
recent decades we have built good ideas, great companions, sound criticisms of the stage
and the popular field, but the material translation of a period is a constant "re-start".
Many were also the companions who went away for lack of answers, by sectarianisms or
self-constructions, because the ivory tower is unattainable for our class.
We propose, we propose, to learn to rebuild ourselves as libertarian militants, to recover
the confidence that our ideological current is not a museum piece in the class struggle.
Learning is to look at each worker and each worker as an ally; is to know how to live in
permanent contradiction and to find the right methods to solve them and increase our
popular strength; is to learn that our ideology is fundamentally anti-dogmatic and we
should never become churches that give doctrinal purity: our ideology is the liberation of
the oppressive forces of Capital, the State and the Patriarchate.
Learning from a libertarian practice is also to live up to the construction in the short
and medium term for the working class, to get involved in consensual strategies, to
overcome the demands and to organize to build that new world today, to undertake with the
bodies a struggle from self-defense in the face of the violent attacks of capitalism and
patriarchy, but also of collectively rethinking, making organizations spaces where it is
questioned, separating the violent and abusive. Males can not be the priority in our
organizations, nor the homopolitan practices, nor the competition between partners. Where
we are not daily generating training, problematizing, raising awareness to prevent,
repudiating and denouncing the intolerable, wins the patriarchy, gains the machismo, gains
the oppression and the self-exclusion of the companeras. We want you alive and free. We
want to be organized.
The current situation marks the inequality of forces: from the Condor Plan and the
genocide to 30,000, the dominant sectors undertook the most ruthless advance on the
workers, breaking the solidarity, breaking bodies and minds with individualism and
consumerism, precarious structurally the lives of millions of people.
Those above seek to banish the idea of change and to enshrine the capitalist logic, the
idea that capitalism and the state can not be replaced. They seek to destroy any kind of
resistance. Proof of this is the repression, the dispossession of the original peoples and
the construction of these as internal enemies, as terrorists.
If we understand that today is marked by fragmentation, our main task is to rebuild
solidarity, the possibility of social change and the idea of Revolution.
The social organizations do not lie, the struggle gives results and we will continue to
demonstrate that we have the capacity to manage ourselves and the organization of life
that the State has today. An example of this is the valuable experiences we share in the
panels and debates today. If the State prohibits and denies public policies to women who
decide to abort, putting our lives at risk, we create Counseling; if the State does not
generate effective public policies or allocate a budget against gender violence, we plant
a camp, make protocols for action, raise awareness, prevent femicides, act collectively;
if they aim to make working conditions even more flexible, to retrace a century of labor
conquests, to lower our wages to make the regional economy more profitable with the Labor
Reform, we will continue to underpin the resistance and organization in the broadest unit;
if they want to make the forced disappearance of the common currency, a message of fear,
an excuse to safeguard the interests of the landowners and extractivist multinationals
there, we will be building dignified self-defense and the struggle for appearance with
life. We do not want to get out of our hands a partner or a partner. excuse to safeguard
the interests of the landowners and the extractivist multinationals there we will be
building the dignified self-defense and the struggle for the appearance with life. We do
not want to get out of our hands a partner or a partner. excuse to safeguard the interests
of the landowners and the extractivist multinationals there we will be building the
dignified self-defense and the struggle for the appearance with life. We do not want to
get out of our hands a partner or a partner.
For that, it is necessary to put forward the facts, to foresee, to strategically discuss
how we are going to stop in the face of conflicts, not to go after the next femicide, the
next 10 adjustment measures. It's not about being left on the left. It is a matter of
analyzing deeply and collectively what are the most effective tactics to develop for
resistance and the accumulation of power from below. To resist is not to stand still or
simply to be defensive. We must look at political creativity as a patient but firm
addition to the destabilization of the dominant sectors. The current stage of rearmament
of the working class has a high preparatory component and requires specific tasks: in
labor places and unions strengthening workers' awareness, from below, a combative and
participatory perspective; in social movements we should not accept reducing our struggles
to the merely vindictive, breaking with the pointy logics, building popular power. We are
unemployed workers and precarizades and we will propose to move forward in taking
seriously the programmatic debate of our sector and the development of power in the local;
from feminism we will do everything to continue deepening direct action and
self-management, together with the movement of women who believe in street combativity by
urgent and publicly felt demands to combat gender-based violence and heteronormative
culture. Sadness and anger should not blind us. breaking with the pointy logics, building
popular power. We are unemployed workers and precarizades and we will propose to move
forward in taking seriously the programmatic debate of our sector and the development of
power in the local; from feminism we will do everything to continue deepening direct
action and self-management, together with the movement of women who believe in street
combativity by urgent and publicly felt demands to combat gender-based violence and
heteronormative culture. Sadness and anger should not blind us. breaking with the pointy
logics, building popular power. We are unemployed workers and precarizades and we will
propose to move forward in taking seriously the programmatic debate of our sector and the
development of power in the local; from feminism we will do everything to continue
deepening direct action and self-management, together with the movement of women who
believe in street combativity by urgent and publicly felt demands to combat gender-based
violence and heteronormative culture. Sadness and anger should not blind us. from feminism
we will do everything to continue deepening direct action and self-management, together
with the movement of women who believe in street combativity by urgent and publicly felt
demands to combat gender-based violence and heteronormative culture. Sadness and anger
should not blind us. from feminism we will do everything to continue deepening direct
action and self-management, together with the movement of women who believe in street
combativity by urgent and publicly felt demands to combat gender-based violence and
heteronormative culture. Sadness and anger should not blind us.
http://alasbarricadas.org/noticias/node/38876
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Message: 2
Are we moving towards the abolition of assisted jobs ? They will in any case seriously
planed, announced in August the government. The result is a probable wave of large-scale
redundancies in the voluntary sector, linked to the rise of civic service. ---- The
government announced in August the decline in the number of assisted jobs, considered "
expensive " and " ineffective " by the Minister of Labor Muriel Pénicaud. Only 293,000
contracts of this type are scheduled this year, compared with 459,000 signed in 2016. This
government initiative is part of a silent plan for the disappearance of employment in the
voluntary sector. Indeed, all public action is centered on training linked to the needs of
employers and aid for the creation of companies. This, together with the reform of
vocational training, led to the first disappearance of intermediary associations and to
the dismemberment of Afpa (vocational training for adults) as well as training boxes.
subsidies abolished
Many town halls also cut subsidies from the associations that disturb them, while we are
talking about participatory with a turn of arms. Many MJCs have closed down and have their
premises destroyed. They are replaced by structures that conform to the elitist cultural
policy of the people in power at the moment. We did not see that coming.
Today, the government's policy of saving local governments leads to the closure of
associations, especially those involved in the " city policies ". The reform of the
housing tax will undermine the culture, solidarity and the social bond on a daily basis.
These associations are adjustment variables, since the public authorities favor
associations and tenders with a sports dimension (linked to the forthcoming Olympics).
Indirectly, the decrease in Taps (extracurricular reception time) will also reinforce
poverty, the precariousness of the staff of animation. It is, however, a supplementary
salary for students or professors who can often have two to eight different bosses.
Associations suffer from a lack of long-term funding, as this funding is liberalized due
to the shift from an operating subsidy logic to a competitive bidding process in ad hoc
markets. In Paris, for example, social enterprises are gaining control of public
facilities. This is in line with this liberalization, the financialisation of the
voluntary sector and a weakening of public power. The State duplicates the commercial,
capitalist logic.
The voluntary sector benefits from specific employment policies (employment for young new
services, employment support contract - CUI / CAE, stepping-up jobs, and to some extent
civic service), although it is sometimes a poor employer: 53 % of employees in the sector
are on permanent contracts, compared with 88 % in the private sector and 83 % in the
civil service ; 50 % of the associative jobs are part-time, and up to 70 % in the sports
and culture sectors. Following the abolition of assisted jobs, Pôle Emploi is in the
process of canceling all applications made since 1 st August concerning new conventions,
and no new convention will be made. There is no information on the duration of this
suspension.
Is it a matter of making room for the " rise in charge " of the civic service promised
by Jean-Michel Blanquer, Minister of National Education in charge of Youth, on 29 June
last before the Conseil d'orientation des youth policies ? In July 2016 the mandatory
civic service was adopted in Parliament, but the decrees were not published.
The disappearance of the Ministry of Youth and Associative Life, the decline in national
subsidies and the end of public aid to associations in too many regions, leave us
wondering what is expected of the almost 2 million workers of the associations. Missions
of general interest or of public service, defended by the associations, should now be
carried out only by " volunteers ", earning less than the SMIC and not benefiting from
labor law ? Is this the way in which the Ministry of Labor promotes the professional
insertion of young people and those most in difficulty ?
Civic service as a republican rite ?
Civic service is working between 24 and 48 hours a week, without rights or social
protection ... Mr. Blanc, president of the Civic Service Agency, says that the civic
service is " neither a job nor an internship " , on the ground, we can verify the reality
of the work of these volunteers. The argument of civic service as a new " republican rite
" hardly holds ground.
The reform of youth information (1,700 places in France) promised by the socialists and
which will be set up by Macron and Blanquer in 2018 will reveal the government's
objectives on youth. It is a safe bet that the focus will be on the " fight against
radicalism " and put forward the so-called republican values. We must also imagine the
orientation of young people towards precarious or underpaid jobs, and of course
entrepreneurship or even the obligation to advertise civic service. Youth information will
become an armed wing of governmental and capitalist ideology.
Under the guise of promoting national unity, the civic service instructions drawn up by
the civil service agency are clear: the aim is to promote the " employability " of young
people (the Europe 2020 project), to pacify social relations especially in sensitive urban
areas ... The voluntary sector will undergo a major upheaval in the coming years, that of
the disappearance of employment: hundreds of thousands are concerned. Struggles will
emerge, the values of popular education will have to be reaffirmed. It is up to us all to
remain vigilant and to put in place the conditions of solidarity and struggle of this
ultra-priced sector.
Christmas Morel (AL Melun-Southeast suburbs)
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Baisse-des-contrats-aides-Les-assos-dans-le-viseur
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Message: 3
In February 1917 autocracy collapsed like a chateau of cards. Joy almost unanimous.
However, this is not enough to solve the social distress and suffering of a useless war.
Now the socialist intelligentsia, desirous of " normalizing " the revolution, knows only
how to temporize. Yet in some of the red bastions of Petrograd, exasperation is palpable.
---- " Feed the children of the defenders of the mother country. Petrograd Textile
Workers' Parade shouting famine on February 23, 1917. The weather was very lenient for a
week and undoubtedly favored street demonstrations. ---- A few years later, the Russians
had to say of Nicolas II, jokingly, that it would have been necessary to award him a medal
of revolutionary merit posthumously, as he had worked for the fall of the tsarist regime
by the stupidity of his policy.
History, indeed, furnishes but few instances of a government so obstinately attached to
sawing the branch on which it sat.
The incompetence and cruelty of this anachronistic monarchy had alienated almost all
sectors of society: the progressive intelligentsia, of course, but also the modernist
patronage and especially the working class and part of the peasantry. It was by a miracle
that the regime had survived the revolution of 1905-1906. His entry into the war against
Germany in August 1914 was destined to be fatal. More than ever, the conflict exposed the
regime's defects, unable to bear the logistical effort of mobilizing 12 million soldiers.
The campaign which was to resupply the people around the triptych "
autocracy-nation-orthodoxy " turned into disaster.
From 1915-1916, Russia was on the verge of defeat. Discredited by the hecatomb, surpassed
by needs, the State, in full disaggregation, was supplemented already by the associations
citizens, patronages and cooperatives.
The revolution of February 1917 swept away the regime as a castle of cards, to the general
relief.
At the end of a week of strikes, demonstrations and riots in the capital, Petrograd, the
tsar, tetanized, yielded to the supplications of the staff and, no doubt relieved himself,
renounced the throne. Petrograd snow covered the abdication with an explosion of joy.
Then, very quickly, public opinion forgot the Romanovs. The page of Tsarism was turned.
The socialist intelligentsia wants to calm the situation
For the progressive intelligentsia, it is an immense hope, mingled with a dull anguish.
Hope to see Russia finally attaining " European modernity " ; the anguish of having to
deal with an actor unpredictable, hungry and exhausted patience: the people.
These herds of workers and workers, vomited by the giant factories that have grown like
mushrooms for twenty years, what will they demand ? These hordes of mutinous soldiers,
mujiks, dressed in uniforms, whom their officers were still treating like dogs the day
before, what are they capable of ? The crowds of enraged sailors who, on the 1st of March,
shot the whole staff of Kronstadt, took a taste for blood ? How, finally, will the
hinterland react and its unfathomable multitude of barefooters who, in 1905-1906, had set
fire to the manors of the nobility in order to seize the land ?
At the beginning of March 1917, however, the crowd celebrating the revolution by singing
La Marseillaise is still motley: ladies in hats and bourgeois democrats ; high-school
students ; sailors and soldiers brandishing their rifles ; workmen and workmen wearing red
ribbons and who already claimed the eight hours ; revolutionaries somewhat stunned by the
rapidity of events and brutally exposed to their responsibilities: what to do now ?
Government and Soviet: two non-antagonistic powers ... for now
At the end of February, two distinct powers emerge from the ruins of the tsarist state. On
the one hand, a group of parliamentary leaders is a provisional government composed of
modernist bourgeois and a progressive aristocrat, Prince Lvov. On the other hand, the
socialist intelligentsia of Petrograd - Menshevik, Bolshevik and SR - replicated the
experience of 1905 and founded a " Soviet[council]of Workers 'and Soldiers ' Deputies "
and called the factories and barracks to send delegates . Miracle: it works. It works even
beyond expectations. In a few days, the room of the palace of Tauride where the soviet was
installed is filled with nearly 3,000 delegates mandated. A proletarian Parliament was
born, but also an administration, which will ensure the supply of Petrograd.
We must not believe that the Soviet and the Provisional Government are opposed, quite the
contrary. The socialist intellectuals piloting the Soviet have no desire to govern a
country in full shipwreck, under the pressure of crowds unleashed that deep inside of them
they dread. They have been very relieved that this cabinet is being constituted as a
lightning rod, with an ideological alibi in keeping with " Marxist science ": Russia is
not ripe for socialism, it must first go through a long phase of modernization capitalist
period during which the bourgeoisie must govern.
In this view, the Soviet's role is limited to that of a " representative chamber " of
workers 'and soldiers' interests with the government ... at least until the convocation of
a Constituent Assembly supposed to define the architecture of Russia new.
In practice, this pattern will be untenable. First of all, because the 250,000 soldiers of
the Petrograd garrison send delegates to the Soviet and declare that they will only accept
orders from him. The same goes for factory workers.
The situation is thus paradoxical: the government issues decrees but hardly has the means
to enforce them ; the Soviet exercises real power, without any formal responsibility.
From February to August 1917, however, there was a clear consensus between the
Provisional Government and the Petrograd Soviet: urgency to " complete the revolution ",
normalize the situation and get the country out of chaos. The role of Lvov is therefore to
win the confidence of the allied countries, the employers, the military staff and the
administration of the ministries. That of the Soviet is to moderate the popular demands,
the fundamental triptych of which is land to peasants, workers' control over production
and the conclusion of peace. Wasted effort. So much to ride a furious bull. By continually
postponing to the Constituent Assembly the satisfaction of these demands, the moderates
will discredit themselves in the space of six months for the benefit of the revolutionaries.
In the rest of the country, among the dozens of Soviets created in a few weeks, the
situation is mixed: some are in the same conciliatory position as in Petrograd ; others
are more radical, in the first rank of which the Soviet of ... Cronstadt ! Although the
island is only a district of the capital, it acquires its own soviet, before accepting its
inclusion in that of Petrograd [1]. Nevertheless, over the course of the weeks, Cronstadt
became a Bolshevik bastion, anarchist and maximalist SR.
Guillaume Davranche
In the folder:
February-March 1917: After the Tsarists, drive the capitalists
Minority but galvanized, anarchists advocate expropriation all the way
A tract of the Communist Anarchist Federation of Petrograd (March 1917)
The first libertarian wave (1905-1908)
April-May: The irrepressible rise to the social explosion
Anarcho-syndicalists in factory committees
June-July: Creating insurrection is not enough
The fiasco of the Journées de juillet
August-September: The counter-revolution digs its own tomb
The Other Components of Russian Socialism in 1917
October red (and black): The assault in the unknown
A Ukrainian revolutionary: Maroussia emerges from oblivion
November 1917-April 1918: From pluralism to the confiscated revolution . Four cleavage points:
People's Power vs. State Power
Socialization against nationalization
Popular militia against hierarchical army
On requisitions and expropriations
Epilogue 1918-1921: Resistance and eradication
[1] Israel Getzler, " Kronstadt 1917-1921. The Fate of a Soviet Democracy ", Cambridge
University, 1983.
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Dossier-1917-fevrier-mars-Apres-les-tsaristes-chasser-les-capitalistes
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