Anarchic update news all over the world - 14.08.2017

Today's Topics:

   
1.  THE CNT AND THE INTERNATIONAL WORKERS ASSOCIATION, PART 
      THE CNT SINCE FRANCO (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
2.  Czech, afed: Do not recognize any authority II -- The
      completion of an interview with Jan Tesar about authorities,
      capitalism and the bottom-up movement [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
3.  Poland, INICJATYWA PRACOWNICZA - WORKERS' INITIATIVE --
      Volkswagen's ethics are not our ethics [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
4.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL sp�cial de juillet-aout:
      social, Slum of Bobigny: A reprieve ... and a victory (fr, it,
      pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1





We are reproducing this translation of a text from 2016 giving an overview of the recent 
history of the CNT, a revolutionary union in Spain. This text covers their explosive 
growth in the 1970s through their "wandering in the desert" phase of the 80s and 90s, and 
their new focus on a building a coherent, revolutionary workplace strategy in recent 
years. ---- There is much that revolutionary unionists in the US can learn here. First, 
there is almost nothing in English about Spain's insurgent labor and social movements in 
the 70s, which had a lot in common with the better-known movements in the US and Italy, 
except that there was the skeleton and memory of a revolutionary union. This gave some 
structure to the wildcat strike wave. As the text clarifies, the membership fluctuated 
from almost nothing, to 120,000, to 250,000, to 30,000 within a few years. The first 
public meeting of the CNT in 1977 had 300,000 people. There were very real contradictions 
being worked out, which any revolutionary union will have to deal with if it is going to 
grow and take root in society. Revolutionary unionists outside of Spain would do well to 
learn from this.

We also want to highlight the CNT's focus in recent years to develop a coherent, 
revolutionary workplace strategy. This is more than just workplace activism. The CNT have 
built a strategy for building permanent, fighting job branches within workplaces that do 
not rely on the traps of Spanish labor law. US and Canadian labor law have different 
traps, but the need for a coherent strategy to build permanent, fighting job branches is 
the same.

The CNT's current outlook stretches beyond the individual workplaces where they organize. 
They are fighting to build deep roots in all parts of Spain, and to construct a militant 
and independent labor movement which can challenge the hegemony of the main business 
unions in Spain; a movement which has enough weight in Spanish society to directly 
confront and oppose austerity and capitalism, and win. This, too, is something that 
revolutionary unionists outside of Spain would do well to learn from.

The recent history of the CNT is also relevant for IWW members as we will discuss possibly 
forming a new international organization with them and other revolutionary unions at our 
upcoming Convention. It is important for us to understand them before we debate that, just 
as we hope they would want to understand our context. There is also a lot here that can 
help inform the discussion around the proposed restructuring.

The decision that the CNT took at its eleventh congress (December 2015) to re-found the 
International Workers Association is the latest act in the process of updating 
anarcho-syndicalism which began with the resurrection of the CNT in 1977, and which still 
isn't finished.

ORIGINALLY WRITTEN IN SPANISH BY RABIOSO. TRANSLATED BY BRANDON.

After the death of Franco in 1975, Spanish elites initiated a series of measures that 
would modernize the state apparatus and integrate it into Europe; thanks to this, in 1977 
the CNT was able to become legal once again, ending four decades of persecution and 
illegality. After the initial relief, it didn't take long for problems to surface. It goes 
without saying that in the forty years that had passed since the defeat of the 1936 
Revolution, the world had changed. During this period, the left had experienced (and 
survived) Stalinism, WW2, decolonization, the welfare state, the cold war, and the 
disintegration of the Marxist state in its various forms, to give just a few examples. The 
world in which anarcho-syndicalism had once flourished had disappeared, and the 
anarcho-syndicalist movement had ceased to exist, while the CNT turned into a 
working-class  Sleeping Beauty, maintaining its appearance despite the passage of time.

DORIAN GRAY OR THE WEIGHT OF GLORY

At least, that's how it seemed. Everyone who participated enthusiastically in the 
re-launching of the CNT soon learned that adapting to the enormous social changes which 
had taken place since 1939 was something like the Odyssey of Ulysses. It didn't take long 
for an infernal dynamic of polarization to begin between those who wanted to find a way to 
adapt anarcho-syndicalism to the neoliberal world, and those who didn't want to change 
anything for fear of ending up as reformists. Naturally, this is a black-and-white vision 
of the world and there were many more tendencies, but all of them had to face the question 
of how to adapt to the modern world.

We should recognize that behind this fear of the risks associated with modernization, 
there was a real danger. The Swedish SAC, the only anarcho-syndicalist union deserving of 
the name that managed to survive the bloodbath of fascism and WW2, is a perfect example. 
The SAC wasn't "lucky" enough to have a glorious death fighting against fascism, like the 
CNT, and it had to face the realities of the post-war world. After initially trying to 
remain faithful to anarcho-syndicalist principles after the war, the possibility of total 
marginalization caused a 180 degree change in its strategy, and it ended up integrating 
itself into the social democratic state model which took root in Sweden.

We should also remember, at this point, that the SAC was able to face this dilemma about 
its future in a very different situation from the reborn CNT in 1977. Its structures were 
intact, and it had enough of a membership base that it could still function as a union and 
not a mere propaganda group. The CNT, on the other hand, was facing a very different 
situation: fascism had torn its structures up by the roots, creating a generational 
divide. What's more, the underground situation which the dictatorship had made necessary 
also made day-to-day anarchist functioning impossible. Large-scale decision making through 
assemblies - needed to avoid the formation of power cliques - was as impossible as the 
development of a critical (and rational) mentality, a key task which had been carried out 
in the anarchist social centers[ateneos libertarios].

It didn't take long for the new CNT to feel the results of what was missing. In Marxism, 
the emphasis on rationalism/scientism gave place to parliamentarism and bureaucratization 
at first, and later to a complete dehumanization which saw human beings as mere numbers, 
clearing the path for the assorted savageries which were carried out under the hammer and 
sickle during the 20th century. In anarchism, on the other hand, even though rationalism 
plays a fundamental role, the basic component is a fundamental and staunch defense of the 
individual against the rest of the abstractions which the human mind generates in its 
struggle for life. This strongly emotional component, based in the personal perception of 
justice, is positive in that it makes it impossible to create a repressive apparatus which 
would impose anarchism or cold-blooded, systematic murder of those who simply think 
differently. But it can also be negative - from a dogmatic perspective, anarchism can 
become the best argument for remaining in a ghetto, praising anarchism without trying to 
use it as a tool for social change, even fighting against those who do try.

May 6, 1977: Legalization of the CNT. On the right is G�mez Casas, general secretary and 
author of important books on the history of the CNT.
Shortly after the CNT was revived it became clear that it was not the Sleeping Beauty of 
revolutionary mythology, but something closer to Dorian Grey's cursed reflection. On the 
one hand, during the long period of exile the CNT had become a shadow of its former self, 
suffering a large number of internal conflicts and splits; on the other hand, thanks to 
the 1936 Revolution, the CNT became the only alternative to authoritarianism and the 
bureaucratization of Marxism with real revolutionary experience. This contradiction 
between myth and reality was a poisoned legacy which quickly led to disastrous effects in 
the new CNT that had blossomed during the Transition.[i]Also, most of the new members were 
young militants, who had recently come to anarcho-syndicalism, attracted by its heroic 
history and its anti-authoritarian ideology. Unfortunately, they lacked even a basic 
experience of workplace struggle, and had very little background in anarchist ideas.

THE DISASTER: VALLADOLID AS AN EXAMPLE

The combination of militancy and a lack of background in anarchist ideas soon brought 
disastrous results. In Valladolid, where the extreme right was especially active and acted 
with complete impunity, the local anarchist youth focused on confrontation, which led the 
fascists to respond by putting a bomb outside the CNT hall.[ii]But while nobody can deny 
its commitment to confronting fascist violence, the CNT also had to focus on adapting its 
methods of struggle to a consumer society. This group did not accept attempts at 
modernization, and the situation escalated rapidly. According to Luis Pasquau, who was in 
the CNT's Education Union in Valladolid at that time, the "anarchists" came to the union 
assemblies when they knew that union strategy would be discussed, and to prevent 
discussion they put the same pistols that they used to fight fascists on the table. The 
logical consequence of this situation was the mass exit of education workers from the CNT, 
which then became a councillist group.[iii]

Finally, as you might guess, the defenders of doctrinal purism took a 180-degree turn, and 
ended up defending participation in the union elections.[iv]The consequences of this 
about-face were disastrous, as the membership numbers show. From 120,000 in September 1977 
(Joan Zambrana, La alternative libertaria en Catalu�a) to 250,000 in the fall of 1978 
(according to Juan G�mez Casas), membership fell to 30,000 in 1979 with the V Congress, 
during which the first split from the CNT took place. The police provocations (Caso Scala) 
and the anti-anarchist propaganda campaign which the State and the media carried out only 
increased the pressure to crush the CNT for refusing to collaborate in the Transition.[v]

Entrance to the CNT's V Congress in 1979.

Since the issue of union elections threatened to provoke a new rupture in the CNT, the 
majority which opposed elections agreed at the VI Congress (1983) to put the question off 
to an extraordinary congress devoted to that issue. This was a mistake that only gave more 
time to Jose Bond�a, the secretary of the CNT at the time, to prepare the CNT's 
integration into the system. At this point the Socialist Party was struggling in the union 
field against the CCOO, a union close to the Communist Party, and the deputy prime 
minister, Alfonso Guerra, was toying with the idea of favoring the CNT and marginalizing 
the CCOO. In exchange for participating in the union elections, he offered aid from the 
state for the CNT to recover its enormous historical assets.[vi]We have to remember that, 
thanks to the crisis in which the organization was laboring, the majority of unions forced 
the reelection of Bond�a as general secretary even though it was against the statutes, a 
disastrous decision that would cost the organization dearly. (Despite his failure, Bond�a 
was "rewarded" with a post organizing the celebrations for the 500th anniversary of the 
conquest of the Americas. Who says Rome doesn't pay traitors?)[vii]

Since there was no agreement about union elections in the V Congress, the defenders of 
elections took advantage of the time before the extraordinary Congress to participate in 
union elections in some areas. This happened in Valladolid, where the opponents were a 
minority, and, to avoid a new rupture and hemorrhaging of members, they agreed to 
participate as the CNT in the elections at the enormous FASA-Renault factory (the biggest 
in the world outside of France, which is why the city is sometimes called Fasadolid). This 
could only serve to support the arguments of the defenders of electoral participation, 
thanks to the good results which were obtained. However, despite this, the majority of the 
extraordinary Congress voted against electoral participation. The pro-electoral minority 
announced that they were splitting, they organized a Congress in Valencia where they fused 
with the remains of the earlier splits, and they refused to stop calling themselves CNT, 
which made it impossible to access the enormous historical assets of the CNT for a long 
time. The defenders of the split didn't shy away from violence, predictably leading to 
shameful incidents, such as an early-morning ambush of some members on their way to work 
(in Palencia, near Valladolid), or the violent attempts in Madrid by the opponents of the 
split. These confrontations, occasionally violent, marked one of the most shameful moments 
in the history of the anarchist movement.

In Valladolid, the immense majority went with the split, justifying this in a manifesto 
which was distributed widely, and the CNT became a mere shadow of what it had been. When, 
during the collapse of "really existing socialism", this writer decided to leave the CGT 
(then still calling itself the CNT) and approach the CNT-AIT, it had ceased to exist de 
facto. It had no workplace activity, but it still had a union hall thanks to the 
stubbornness of three people from my father's generation (of which one was a Marxist with 
enormous respect for the CNT, another had been forced to flee to France due to an 
anti-anarchist raid under Franco, and the third had participated in the struggles at FASA 
during the Transition). There were also a handful of sympathizers, but it would still take 
time for the wounds of the split to heal.

These three people played a fundamental role in resurrecting the CNT in Valladolid. They 
had successfully maintained an infrastructure (the union hall was shared with a Flamenco 
group, as these were the only ones found who paid the rent on time), and even a minimal 
presence, through spreading propaganda like posters and leaflets. More important than this 
was their role in transmitting their ideas to a new generation, through many debates on 
all sorts of topics. In the early 90's, when a fellow worker in construction asked for the 
union's help during a conflict at their company, the CNT could begin to resurrect itself 
as a union. It had come full circle.

A decade after the split, most of the members of the still-tiny union in Valladolid had 
little or no union experience, and we had to begin from square one. Maybe it wasn't quite 
that bad, thanks to the help and experience of the elders. And our situation wasn't very 
different from the rest of the CNT, which had lost the immense majority of the generation 
that had participated in reorganizing after the Transition, and which had to make it 
through a very difficult period of "wandering in the desert." In Valladolid, the elders 
were opposed to anything that threatened to reopen the wounds the split, and they trusted 
the youth (I had keys to the union hall even while I was still a member of the split). 
This allowed for a slow and gradual growth, which also helped to revive other parts of the 
region (Palencia, Zamora). Today, the Valladolid CNT is a union with real workplace 
presense and various industrial branches (metal, construction...), with more than 100 
members, and its own union hall. It has been able to host the Regional Committee, the CNT 
newspaper, and even the National Committee (which, it should be said, ended when a 
corruption scandal resulted in the immediate expulsion of the erstwhile general secretary 
from Valladolid).

GETTING UP TO DATE AFTER THE SPLIT

Overcoming the catastrophic period of the Transition took many forms: some areas, like 
Puerto Real, were able to avoid disaster, while others such as Valladolid had a real 
implosion and had to begin from zero, but each area had its own variations. Catalonia, the 
region most affected by the split, wasn't able to overcome it, and after several crises it 
was finally de-federated and ended up with almost no members. As in Valladolid, this 
allowed for a generational change and starting from a clean slate, marked by a slow but 
constant expansion, as well as overcoming conflicts which stretched back decades.

Another problem that was important to overcome was the delegate voting structure, which 
had come down from the beginning of the 20th century. The V Congress had attempted to 
update it by assigning votes to branches as follows:

 From 1-50 dues-paying members .... 1 vote

 From 51-100 "" .............................. 2 votes

 From 101-300 ""............................. 3 votes

... and so on, up to the limit of 8 votes for branches with more than 2,500 dues-paying 
members[cotizantes].[viii]This voting structure was a mistake, as it led to a distortion 
of reality inside the union: all you needed was 5 dues payers to be recognized as a union 
with a vote, which was pretty easy to achieve - especially for retirees. This led to 
"phantom" branches, some of which even had their own hall - a legacy of times past - but 
not even a hint of workplace activity, and which ended up as the fiefdoms of a few people 
at most, sometimes even just one.

At the same time, the real union branches practiced - and still practice - the opposite 
policy, declaring fewer dues payers than they really have in order to have more money for 
their local organizing; for example, it's not rare for a local group with 5 or more 
members to stay as a pre-branch group[nucleo confederal], to avoid the burden of 
per-capita payments and use their money locally.[ix]This situation was possible because of 
the implosion of the 80's, in which the local groups were focused on mere survival, and 
relations with the rest of the organization were basically secondary.

A map of the unions which participated in the V Congress in 1979. Those who split are 
marked in purple.
The results were a disproportionate presence for the pseudo-unions when it came to voting, 
while the real unions were under-represented. Ironically, the lack of any workplace 
activity from the pseudo-unions enabled their radicalism, turning them into a bloc that 
was opposed to the real unions, which were trying to adapt themselves to the realities of 
workplace organizing. It had nothing to do with participating in the union elections, 
whose defenders have always been a negligible minority. Rather, it was about giving 
ourselves the tools we needed to support workplace organizing - such as lawyers - or 
ensuring that the historic archive was well cared for and functioning. On these and many 
other topics, the discussion was blocked due to fear of creating a caste of professional 
staff[liberados].[x]

The CNT's growth ended up resolving this situation. The X Congress (Cordoba, 2010) finally 
put an end to this distortion of reality. At this Congress we modified the voting 
structure, which until then had allowed three branches with 5 members each to carry the 
same weight as one branch with 200 members. The new system is as follows:

 From 5-10 members ......... 1 vote

 From 11-20 members ........ 2 votes

 From 21-30 members ........ 3 votes

... and the same proportion up to 100: from 31-40 members, 4 votes, etc. To avoid an 
excessive accumulation of power by any one branch, after 100 members the number of 
additional votes slows down - so, a branch with 91-100 members receives 10 votes, but a 
branch with 101-150 receives 12 votes. For context, the majority of branches have between 
25-75 members. This agreement led to several branches leaving the organization after 
losing their erstwhile privileged position. This coincided with the end of a period of 
scandals and de-federations that particularly affected the regions of Catalonia, Galicia, 
and Levante, in which growth had stalled since the 80's. At the same time, there was a 
generational change, in which a generation linked to past conflicts disappeared for 
natural causes.

Two posters that are characteristic of the period: the two split groups speaking of unity 
and using a name which isn't theirs, and the CNT spreading die-hard slogans.
The beneficiaries of these agreements made themselves visible at the XI Congress 
(Zaragoza, 2015), which had twice as many participants. This congress introduced a new 
modification, changing the minimum number of members needed to charter a branch from 5 to 
15 for general membership branches[Sindicatos de Oficios Varios]and from 25 to 50 for 
industrial branches. At the same time, at this Congress we revisited our relation with the 
IWA, proposing its reorganization. But before we can understand the reasons, we have to 
briefly review the history of the anarcho-syndicalist international.

[To be continued...]

[i]"La transici�n" in Spain refers to the period from Franco's death in 1975 until 
"democracy" stabilized in the early �80's. Sometimes called "la traici�n"[the betrayal]as 
the Socialist and Communist parties agreed to preserve much of the fascist state structure 
and immunity for those who had run it. This and all other endnotes are from the translator

[ii]Valladolid is sometimes called "Facha-dolid", referring to a strong tradition of 
fascists in the city.

[iii]"Councillist" groups were influenced by the German/Dutch Council Communist tradition. 
Since the �60's these groups have held that formal unions are brakes on the struggle and 
that workers should only form temporary committees or strike councils. Needless to say, 
this is a distortion of the outlook of the original Council Communists.

[iv]Spanish labor law has proportional voting of representatives onto company councils, 
which are paid for by the company and state subsidies. This was part of the labor law 
imposed under Franco. The current CNT is almost unique among Spanish unions for refusing 
to participate in these elections or receive subsidies. The CNT's opposition to this setup 
has many aspects and would require a lot more space to explore, but I'll attempt to 
summarize their position: real unions are composed of workers acting together directly, 
they are not "representatives" which are separate from the workers; the union election 
setup turns unions into exactly that, creating a separate caste of full-time union 
functionaries through state and corporate subsidies who, like politicians, become 
unaccountable to the workers who vote for them every four years.

[v]"Caso Scala" was a club where several CNT members worked, which was bombed. The 
official story at the time blamed it on internal struggles, but the modern consensus is 
that it was a police operation.

[vi]After Franco's victory in the Spanish Civil War, all of the property of Spain's labor 
movements fell into the hands of the state. The Socialist Party, the socialist-affiliated 
UGT union, and the CNT were the main groups affected by this. The Communist Party had been 
tiny until the war, and the communist-affiliated union (CCOO) did not exist until the 
1970s. Discussions over returning historical assets were part of the maneuvering between 
the Socialists and the Communists during the Transition. The procedure that was set up to 
return assets had to give equal treatment to all of the organizations which had existed 
prior to the Civil War.

[vii]Refers to a successful rebellion against the Roman empire that only ended when the 
leader, Viriatus, was assassinated by his lieutenants. When the assassins asked for their 
payment, they were told that "Rome doesn't pay traitors." This is a common phrase in Spain 
and Portugal.

[viii]Unlike the IWW, the CNT does not have central membership records - each branch keeps 
its own records, and remits payments for the number of dues stamps it sells. This may be a 
legacy of how often the organization has been declared illegal.

[ix]Because they have high expectations of branches, the CNT also have a formal status for 
pre-branch groups, called "confederal nuclei", so that they can be mentored without 
rushing into administrative work. Apparently they don't pay as much in per-caps.

[x]The union elections and subsidies for unions lead most Spanish unions to have a 
bureaucratic caste of full-time officials, called liberados because they are "liberated" 
from work.

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Message: 2





It follows " Do not Recognize any Authority I " ---- Are you dealing with the "dogma" of 
class struggle? ---- The class struggle is not Marx's invention nor discovery. He was 
raging in the Old Kingdom of Egypt, the cause of her fall. Not recognizing it is like not 
recognizing microbes. It also has similar consequences for the non-perpetrator. But this 
is not the only reality of history. But my reservations relate to something else: 
allegedly the "progressive roles" of capitalism and the factual Marx fascination with 
capitalism and capital. In my opinion, Marx was a fool of the scandal fascinated by the 
stock market, who lacked the courage to go into the game. In my opinion, it is no 
coincidence that some modern capitalist economists Marx discover and admire. Vulgar 
materialism combines them.

Capitalism is, in my view, devoted to modern civilization and may be the cause of its 
complete collapse. It is hard to discuss this in depth within our discussion. Instead, I 
suggest you look at the alleged "progressive role" of capitalism at the time of its 
turbulent development from the perspective of comrades from Black Africa. Go to a museum 
set up in a huge marketplace in the harbor, where hundreds of hundreds of slaves were 
weaned on plantations to America as animals. Try to talk about the progressive role of 
primary capitalism there. You could not do it, it would be shame; But you would have to be 
full of logs so you did not feel it. Some socialist theorists do not feel it. Here you 
have an existential explanation of why "pure" Marxism is poorly tolerated by black skin.

Otherwise, it is interesting that essentially the same reservation for his friend Marx has 
already been made by Heinrich Heine: "Mynheer Van Cook's tenant is sitting in his cabin 
and counting / how much the truck weighs the tons / and what profits he's got ... my five 
thousandths of a million I get / if I'm left alive." - But who can do it without (As 
opposed to the scale of the previous European Dark Middle Ages) will speak of the 
"progressive role of capitalism", the progressiveness of, for example, the Stalinist 
canals or the polar railroad should be consistent and great: what a slumber, that of human 
life; Factory as progress built on enslavement of work; Collectivization as the right 
Hodokvas Death: it is still the same absolute preference for economic considerations and 
the ignoring of the basic criterion of humanity , which is the main thing, what socialism 
begins and ends and what connects all of us who report to it. I'll get my five thousandth 
if I'm alive. "- But who can do this without austerity, who, even in the face of these 
horrors (going beyond the previous European Dark Middle Ages) will talk about the" 
progressive role of capitalism "; Would be consistent and also be glorifying the progress 
of, for example, Stalin's canals or polar railways: what a slumber, that of human life; 
Factory as progress built on enslavement of work; Collectivization as the right Hodokvas 
Death: it is still the same absolute preference for economic considerations and the 
ignoring of the basic criterion of humanity , which is the main thing, what socialism 
begins and ends and what connects all of us who report to it. I'll get my five thousandth 
if I'm alive. "- But who can do this without austerity, who, even in the face of these 
horrors (going beyond the previous European Dark Middle Ages) will talk about the" 
progressive role of capitalism "; Would be consistent and also be glorifying the progress 
of, for example, Stalin's canals or polar railways: what a slumber, that of human life; 
Factory as progress built on enslavement of work; Collectivization as the right Hodokvas 
Death: it is still the same absolute preference for economic considerations and the 
ignoring of the basic criterion of humanity , which is the main thing, what socialism 
begins and ends and what connects all of us who report to it.

Who, in the face of these horrors, will speak of the "progressive role of capitalism", it 
should be consistent and also glorify the progress of, for example, the Stalin Canal or 
the Polar Railroad: what a slumber, that of human life; Factory as progress built on 
enslavement of work; Collectivization as the right Hodokvas Death: it is still the same 
absolute preference for economic considerations and the ignoring of the basic criterion of 
humanity , which is the main thing, what socialism begins and ends and what connects all 
of us who report to it. Who, in the face of these horrors, will speak of the "progressive 
role of capitalism", it should be consistent and also glorify the progress of, for 
example, the Stalin Canal or the Polar Railroad: what a slumber, that of human life; 
Factory as progress built on enslavement of work; Collectivization as the right Hodokvas 
Death: it is still the same absolute preference for economic considerations and the 
ignoring of the basic criterion of humanity , which is the main thing, what socialism 
begins and ends and what connects all of us who report to it. It's human life; Factory as 
progress built on enslavement of work; Collectivization as the right Hodokvas Death: it is 
still the same absolute preference for economic considerations and the ignoring of the 
basic criterion of humanity , which is the main thing, what socialism begins and ends and 
what connects all of us who report to it. It's human life; Factory as progress built on 
enslavement of work; Collectivization as the right Hodokvas Death: it is still the same 
absolute preference for economic considerations and the ignoring of the basic criterion of 
humanity , which is the main thing, what socialism begins and ends and what connects all 
of us who report to it.

That is why I also think that until the new workers' movement dispenses with this 
capitalist-materialistic pseudo-religion, it is always threatened by deviations of similar 
Stalinism. Capitalism is the deviation of our civilization, and Marxism is the 
materialistic deviation of the workers' movement.

We agree with you as anarchists.

Yes, and I will say: do not recognize any authority, not the dead, nor the living! 
Everyone is responsible for himself, and no one is relieved of responsibility, everyone 
has his brain and his heart, so he must have his own reason and his conscience. Sometimes 
it's hard enough to go out on the deck and you suddenly see that you're alone and alone, 
the bitch to blast. So say that it is better to be shot as a wildcat because of your own 
mistake than to be cut like a dull sheep. The support in the authorities is treacherous, 
and have authority in a living person, that's the worst. When one begins to behave like a 
so-called authority, even if he has had a respectable past behind him, and perhaps has 
good intentions, from the moment he wishes to be an authority, he has embezzled himself 
and actually is losing himself - and the one who went blindly behind him , Leads to 
despair. See how the former "velvet" youngsters came: Ends in cynicism. And when you have 
authority in the dead (philosopher or artist), it's just a matter of time before you find 
yourself in a situation that no old author gives you a recipe. But instead of staring at 
the dead as your friends, just as you are today, longing, looking and flawed (of course, I 
mean those dead that we choose from the past like ourselves) when you try to live in Their 
inner struggle and their decision-making, you will find that - despite the external 
circumstances that are subordinate - you have countless close friends over the centuries, 
starting with Spartak (and thousands of his names of unknown friends), and that will 
strengthen you. Countless "mankind of the rivers" (as Jan Neruda says) gathered around a 
red battalion ,

This ideal will never go away, even if it is yet another thousand years to be crushed. And 
I'm proud to be in the relay of many millions of people captivated by this gorgeous idea, 
in all modesty.

What do you think we can do if we do not want to be just beaten?

Creating teams of all kinds, in the widest sense, not only economic. Whatever seems to be 
utopian today, socialism can only arise from the bottom, as a popular movement. Of course, 
we will also need that these free-standing people's associations are not overwhelmed by 
state power, as is the case. Whoever remembers the era twenty years ago knows that 
cooperatives were deliberately, deliberately and violently destroyed (instead of being 
liberated from bureaucratic kurateles). This is one of the biggest crimes of the hall and 
what came after it. Unfortunately, we did it without enough resistance. But we have 
political civil rights, and our ancestors have fought them just to force our collective 
power to influence political power to promote social rights. It begins with a struggle for 
trade unions and political associations,

And what everybody can do now and every day is to persuade people around us that a crisis 
in which everything and everyone's eyes is submerged is a general crisis of capitalism 
that can not be solved otherwise than by socializing large means of production. Everyone 
can read in the available statistics that the luxury of selling the crisis is rising. The 
biggest rich in the crisis suits. How can it be believed that those who are masters of 
everything will get rid of their own benefits? The crisis of the world will not cease 
until the capital is expropriated. Our first task is to overcome the prevailing resistance 
to this idea, to break the factual spiritual monopoly of the advocates of capitalism or 
even to prohibit the propagation of socialist ideas by law. International capital, which 
has managed to make a far-reaching world-wide restaurant, strives to criminalize the 
slogan itself to expropriate capital. He does not want to say it openly yet. Instead, we 
have to draw attention to it and not to build it as if we did not observe it (as many 
Communist parties do today). This key part of our practical agenda must be struggling 
today and every day. The fact that we have not done so much in a time of so-called 
"communism" is our share of complicity for the catastrophe that has occurred since 1989. 
The answer to this sad truth is not to be silent about it today!

I also think that from this point of view, what is the main practical question - what now 
- we can also return to our reflection on what we have and where we should not see 
progress or the essence of our ideal as socialists. Is it really the so-called "higher 
economic efficiency"? Or should it connect us (and differ from others) to human preferences?

For whatever the craters in the picture boxes and magazines are trying to do, the rotation 
of the globe will not stop. Soon, new (western!) Fashion will be promoted, and everything 
will turn red again, this time not only in the East. It would be a source of new infinite 
suffering for our descendants if the question remains unclear until the future 
transformation. This task of our generation can be seen as a great chance for us: 
Stalinism, and then the capitalist restaurant in particular, have led to absurd 
consequences everything that otherwise was not quite obvious. We, due to the fact that we 
live in this otherwise sad period, can well recognize what was left behind by the 
ancestors. That is why we also understand that, first of all, for the socialists, the 
decisive criteria must be human, not economic, and second, our enemy is an ideology that 
proclaims the opposite but not a sincerely minded comrade,

Published in Existence No. 4/2013 .
http://www.afed.cz/text/6727/neuznavejte-zadnou-autoritu-ii

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Message: 3





Volkswagen Poznan dismissed three employees last week from trying to set up a trade union. 
Yesterday (August 10th) a press conference was held at the Wildu's foundry with a cast of 
employees. According to the press spokesman of the company, Dagmary Pristina, the reason 
for the layoffs were "unethical comments in social media that compromise the good name of 
employees and businesses." Volkswagen for breaking the ethics considers entries calling 
for self-organization of employees, which aims to complete the continuous deterioration of 
working conditions. Workers' contributions under generally accepted ethical standards are 
by no means unethical. It is Volkswagen that is driven by degenerate ethical principles. 
Its only priority is to increase profits at the expense of employees, And those who fight 
for the dignity of work, thrown on the pavement. Despite the fact that the spokeswoman has 
denied the media the quotations that are the basis for the release, we do not conceal our 
opinions about the company and below publish scans of these "unethical" entries.

At the same time, Volkswagen's headquarters in the production halls have announced a 
statement in which they convince workers that they must "take decisive steps" as the crew 
bypasses the company's "means of communication". We assume that no company, there are no 
grounds to impose on employees the forms of communication they use in the workplace and 
beyond. We are not living in a totalitarian state and we do not agree to the totalitarian 
forms of control implemented in the workplace. The absurd reasons for the dismissal of 
three employees cited by the company confirm that the real reason for this was the desire 
to set up a trade union

http://ww.ozzip.pl/teksty/informacje/wielkopolskie/item/2285-etyka-volkswagena-to-nie-nasza-etyka

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Message: 4





The land awarded to Romanian families for five years along the rue de Paris in Bobigny has 
allowed the social integration of its inhabitants and inhabitants. Despite its success, it 
is being called into question for political reasons. ---- In 2012, under the pressure of a 
collective of solidarity and teachers mobilized to educate children, the communist town 
hall allocates an industrial wasteland along the National 3 to a few Romanian families, 
present in the commune since Years despite several expulsions from their successive shanty 
towns. Minimum facilities (water, showers, electricity, toilets ...) are installed in 
exchange for an occupancy allowance, which families have always been keen to pay each month.

An association is mandated to accompany the families towards the common law: papers, work, 
housing ... Since that time, neither the conditions of occupation nor the number of 
residents have changed. Some families have found accommodation. All were able to take 
advantage of this secure stability to regularize their situations with recourse to the 
status of self-contractor for several scrap dealers. And the piece of land that will 
eventually accommodate the construction of new homes is still not concerned with the 
renovation of the canal banks. There is no urgency to break an insertion route.

But the IDU took the town hall in 2014 with in its ten promises of campaign the expulsion 
of the families installed in shantytowns. This is done for two other areas, despite the 
long mobilization of the field of the Eggcups, for example, which has achieved some 
results for the families. The expulsion is more difficult to justify in the case of the 
Rue de Paris, because the occupation was initially contractual with the town hall, until 
this turnaround.

Change in political color

The court of first instance has already twice canceled in 2017 the request for expulsion 
of the owner (Sequano, a mixed economy company whose town hall is a shareholder). A final 
judgment in appeal will take place in October but for now the TGI argues the best interest 
of families in the right of ownership, a position in accordance with the law and yet 
seldom adopted unfortunately. To circumvent these unfavorable court rulings, the mayor 
ended a May municipal order requesting deportation within 48 hours for "imminent peril".

Curious way to admit to putting families in danger for four years, since nothing has 
changed on the ground  ! Or a pitiful maneuver in the hope that the administrative tribune 
of Montreuil, known for its favorable decisions to the proprietors, would open to the 
prefect the recourse to the public force ? The fact remains that this same administrative 
court, seized by the family lawyer, suspended the deportation order.

A respite, and a new victory for some 150 people, supported by the teachers of the city 
and the associations Voice of the Roma, Movement of May 16, Aset 93, LDH, Mrap etc.

Jean-Yves, (AL 93 Center)

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Bidonville-de-Bobigny-Un-sursis-et-une-victoire

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