Today's Topics:
1. fau - deliverunion: Second Call for Negotiations.
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. France, Alternative Libertaire AL #273 - interview,
Françoise Vergès (political scientist): " How does capitalism
manage the belly of racialized women ?" (fr, it, pt) [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. Czech, afed: Anarchists June 12 in Russia [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. Ayutla de los Libres will rule without political parties in
July 2018; It is time for the peoples to govern - Author
Collective Rupture (RC) by Demián Revart (ca) [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. France, Alternative Libertaire AL #273 - Oppressions:
Struggle at the intersection of " race", sex and class (fr, it,
pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Message: 1
We've sent Deliveroo and Foodora our second letter demanding a negotiation meeting. We'll
make sure they don't ignore us again. ---- Deliveroo and Foodora, both multimillion dollar
companies, have been ignoring our request to negotiate. Their refusal to even sit at a
table with us just shows how much they value us as employees. ---- As well as a living
wage and fair working conditions, we deserve dignity and respect - Deliveroo has not even
had the courtesy to write us an email in reply. ---- Both companies' buzzword is
flexibility, but when flexibility means precarity and not knowing if you'll earn enough to
get through the month, the only choice is for us to organise for better working
conditions. ---- Our last actions have shown that we are many, and if they continue to
ignore us they better know what's coming.
Free Workers Union
Secretariat of the General Syndicate Berlin
Grüntaler Straße 24
D-13357 Berlin
E-mail: faub-buero@fau.org
To the
Deliveroo Germany GmbH
Mr. Felix Chrobog
Schlesische Straße 26
D-10997 Berlin
Berlin, 12 June 2017
Subject: Agreement
Dear Mr. Chrobog,
Following our correspondence in April, and in view of the fact that you have refused to
meet with representatives of the FAU, we would like to present you with further negotiations.
The following are the requirements of the drivers of your company, which we represent,
which we would be pleased to discuss in detail during a personal meeting:
Transparency with regard to all working time arrangements
Costs for all work equipment through Deliveroo GmbH
An increase of the charges per hour or per delivery by at least one euro for the drivers
of your company
A sufficient minimum number of hours of service for all drivers
We expect an answer and a concrete date for a first meeting by Monday, 26th June 2017 at
the latest. If you have not consented to negotiations by then, we will be forced to take
trade union action against your company.
You can reach us at the following e-mail address: faub-buero@fau.org .
Best regards
Clemens Melzer
Secretariat of FAU Berlin
Free Workers Union
Secretariat of the General Syndicate Berlin
Grüntaler Straße 24
D-13357 Berlin
E-mail: faub-buero@fau.org
To the
Foodora GmbH
Mr. Julian Dames
Mr. Emanuel Pallua
Oranienburger Straße 70
D-10117 Berlin
Berlin, 12 June 2017
Subject: Agreement
Ladies and gentlemen, Mr Dames, Mr Pallua,
Following our correspondence in April, and in view of the fact that you have refused to
meet with representatives of the FAU, we would like to present you with further negotiations.
The following are the requirements of the drivers of your company, which we represent,
which we would be pleased to discuss in detail during a personal meeting:
Costs for all work equipment by Foodora GmbH
An increase of the charges by at least one euro per hour for the drivers of the company
A guaranteed minimum number of hours of service for all drivers
At least one paid hour per week for shift planning
We expect an answer and a concrete date for a first meeting by Monday, 26th June 2017 at
the latest. If you have not consented to negotiations by then, we will be forced to take
trade union action against your company.
You can reach us at the following e-mail address: faub-buero@fau.org .
Best regards
Clemens Melzer
Secretariat of FAU Berlin
https://deliverunion.fau.org/2017/06/17/second-call-for-negotiations/#more-151
------------------------------
Message: 2
Françoise Vergès returns in this interview about the circumstances that culminated in the
writing of her book Le Ventre des femmes. Capitalism, racialization, feminism (Albin
Michel, 229 p., 20 euros). In the 1970s, thousands of young Reunion women suffered forced
abortions while in metropolitan France feminists were fighting for the right to abortion.
How do we explain this difference in treatment and how does it invite us to rethink
feminism ? What is the connection between the belly of women, the policies of
nation-states and the configuration of capitalism ? ---- AL: What led you to make this
book? ---- Françoise Vergès: Several questions have come to me. First, why overseas are
rarely present in postcolonial analyzes [ 1 ] in France ? They focus on the suburbs and
immigration and very rarely on the overseas territories that are, as territories of the
slave empire (Antilles, Guyana, Reunion) and post-slavery (New Caledonia, Mayotte, Pacific
lands), symptomatic of republican postcoloniality. What does this oversight tell us about
the relationship between the left and the extreme left to the overseas ?
Secondly, why is feminism in the 1970s-I'm talking about the Women's Liberation
Movement-ignore the issue of racialized women from overseas ? Why, in the history of
French feminism, are the struggles of women enslaved and colonized displaced ? If
feminism is tackled by including the struggles of slave, maroon, and colonized women, [ 2
] the periodicity and spatiality of the feminist narrative are completely changed.
To return to the " belly of women " from the XVI th century, European states are
interested in the management of the population and the number of children that women do,
what body and how much will be sent to The factory ? To war ? In the fields ? etc. The
most rigorous registers we have at our disposal being those of the plantations, the
management of bodies, and especially of the bodies of women, which takes place in the
colonies is therefore very important to analyze.
So the state chooses which women have the right to give birth.
Françoise Vergès: The starting point of the book is the following : in June 1970, a doctor
found a girl of 17 years in a comatose state following an abortion. The police are warned
and the investigation reveals that thousands of women have been aborted and sterilized
without consent, that is to say that after lying to them, they were asleep and in the
morning they were aborted , And this, in a clinic of the island that belongs to a powerful
man of the local right. The scandal is such that it is relayed by left-wing political
newspapers and organizations in France.
The trial verdict is in early March 1971, two months before the publication of the
Manifesto of the 343 women [ 3 ] in Le Nouvel Observateur who declare publicly having an
abortion. But the MLF will not say anything about what happened two months before in
Reunion, even though Le Nouvel Obs had covered the case. The fight for abortion and
contraception in France is conceived by the MLF as a struggle that concerns all women in
the same way. What the Reunion scandal shows us is that the state chooses which women have
the right to give birth (white metropolitan women), and which women do not (racialized
overseas women ).
At the trial, the doctors said they felt completely legitimate in their practice and they
were right. A whole system not only made their practice possible, it encouraged it. The
doctors and the clinic were also considerably enriched because the aborted and sterilized
women being poor, the act was reimbursed by the Social Security - under another name
obviously since abortion was always a crime - and most often overbilled.
It was a lucrative business, and on this subject a doctor, on the occasion of the
presentation of my book in Reunion, told me that he was told that he was studying medicine
in Lyon: " You want to make golden balls ? Then goes to Reunion and practices abortions.
The only convicts were a doctor of Moroccan origin and a Reunion nurse of Indian origin
(a malbar ). No white doctor was worried, nor of course the director of the clinic. A
profound racism inspired the doctors who had no qualms about mutilating the bodies of the
Reunion women, who could practice unsolicited abortions for more than seven months of
pregnancy !
How does the state choose women who are to procreate and who should not ?
Françoise Vergès: To answer this, we must start with a fact: the millions of Africans
deported had all a mother. But the role of the " belly " of African women, punctured by
the slave trade for centuries, remains invisible, why ? Then, in the colonies, the
reproduction of slave labor takes many forms. In the United States, from the abolition of
slavery in 1808, settlers set up a " slave breeding industry ." Women slaves are raped,
give birth, raped again ... The state of Virginia will be at the forefront of this
industry. In the French slave colonies, if there is local breeding, the choice is first
and foremost to ensure reproduction by the slave trade. Hence the enormous imbalance
between men and women, since the settlers want men - the general ratio allowed was two
thirds of men, one third of women. It is therefore necessary to look at the management of
the belly of women in the Global South in the reproduction of a racialized labor,
sexualized, precarious, gendered and mobile play where predation, puncture, and
reproduction at the service of capital [ 4 ] .
It is a colonial situation that persists under other configurations.
Françoise Vergès: From this story, I turn to the more general question: how capitalism he
manages the belly of women and racialized women in particular [ 5 ] ? How does global
capitalism treat women in the South ?
And then I come to the period after the Second World War. France, which participates in
the creation of the United Nations and Unesco, must reconfigure its colonial empire while
preserving its interests, but in a context of universal condemnation of racism, the
reconstruction of France, the cold war, the construction of the Decolonization, workers'
struggles and the reconfiguration of French and world capitalism. The State, which needs
the resources of the colonies but can no longer call them colonies , proposes the French
Union (an asymmetrical construction which will last for some years), but declares that the
development of the overseas departments is " Impossible ".
Two policies are needed: emigration and birth control. Emigration, it will be the Bumidom:
tens of thousands of West Indians and West Indians, Guyanese and Reunionese are sent to
France to occupy the most proletarianized category C public services or work in the
factories. Women are recruited for Category C functions, for the health care industry or
for domestic workers. Rather than developing these territories, they will be condemned,
which is echoing today with the situation in Guyana, it is a colonial situation that
persists under other configurations. Birth control: forced abortions and sterilizations,
distribution of the pill,
Maternal and Child Health (PMI) and Family Planning encourage women to take the pill and
the IUD and send them to the clinic where they are aborted without consent. The propaganda
is intense, radios, newspapers, posters showing a woman bending under the children with
big letters " Enough ! ". In France, by contrast, the state affirms a policy that is
resolutely natalist.
We will make the political choice to introduce birth control.
Françoise Vergès: In the 1960s and 1970s, the Gros Blancs (large landowners from Reunion
Island, often descendants of slave owners) began to sell their land to large
multinationals, factories closed and mechanization took root. Agriculture, factories and
ports. Unemployment is established on a long-term basis, it is contemporaneous with the
arrival of the consumer society and the creation of a middle class of civil servants with
a higher salary. The argument of " overpopulation " comes at a point: it justifies
emigration and birth control, removes the fear of decolonization - the anti-colonial
parties and movements are powerful. It also justifies the non-development,
This could not have been done without the active complicity of Reunion Islanders and
Reunion Islanders.
Yes, and it is very important to understand how consent to an ideology is fabricated,
because in order to develop dissent, should we not understand the strategies of consent ?
Why do the oppressed adopt the language of the oppressors ? Because if it is legitimate
for women to have access to contraception and abortion, how could abuse of power and
racist policies have been so massively deployed ? Which intermediaries ?
A State does not exercise its power solely by repression. In the French overseas
departments, the French State suppressed, bludgeoned - and it bludgeoned very strongly:
any strike, any social movement were considered insurrectional. From my childhood and
adolescence in Reunion I have never known a serene election. The state imprisons, censors,
but it also makes an offer. On the one hand, the Reunionese and the Reunionese become like
the " French " on condition of moving away from their own culture, language, history of
resistance ; On the other hand, the offer is no longer addressed only to the Big Whites,
but also to a new social class, the petit-bourgeois Reunionese who is no longer white, and
who is going to get rich a little while providing allié.es.
A part of this new social class, from which the social workers will emerge, is going to
take over from these policies, they take up on their account scornful and racist
statements towards the people (" these people make too many children " " They are
uneducated, " etc.) and adopt the hygienist ideology of state campaigns on what a good
father is, a good mother ... Of course there has been resistance. In the 1960s, children
were hidden when social workers arrived.
On the issue of emigration as a policy to alleviate the " labor market ", it must be
emphasized that while thousands of overseas workers are sent to France, thousands of
white, male civil servants arrive. When I was little, the doctors, the civil servants, the
professors were all whites. This will be accompanied by the imposition of a new way of
life, the local world is covered by the attractiveness of whiteness (the white man is "
courteous, polite, distinguished ", unlike the Reunionnais who would be " vulgar ").
New social norms are being established. For example, you should drink whiskey rather than
rum, because rum becomes a prolo thing. All this is part of an apparatus in place to
pacify a society. And the most racialized in Reunion are the Blacks.
The " impossible development " is accompanied by the reinforcement of the dependence on
France: the local products disappear, the imports of France increase. Small, I was eating
meat from Madagascar, today between 70 and 90 % of the products consumed in the overseas
are imported.
Do you have any hard words in your book towards the MLF, saying that because he did not
know how to " provincialize ", he opened the way to a reactionary feminism ?
Françoise Vergès: Yes, it is a movement that could have become a great emancipation
movement and has totally missed this turning point. The MLF carried something because it
was attacking the state and patriarchy. But by forgetting the racization of patriarchy and
capital, imperialism and the politics of racialization, it could be gradually laundered. A
feminism obsessed with headscarves, secularism, etc., was born in the 2000s. We have seen
a " national feminism ", a civilizational feudalism. And many radical movements are now
facing their own racism.
Class and race are housed in the heart of patriarchy. The laundering of the struggles
makes today we can hear about feminism to the extreme right !
Islamophobia is the heart of these feminisms that have nothing to say about the
intervention in Mali, on the imperialist policies of the French state. The only thing on
which they have something to say is Islam. The word capitalism does not come out of their
mouth.
Of course women's rights are essential but these rights can not be the horizon of women's
emancipation. That I have these rights does not free society because on the one hand all
women do not have access to it for questions of class and race. On the other hand, the
horizon of feminism is the emancipation of society as a whole. That is why I propose in my
book to decolonize and provincialize feminism, that is, to be attentive and attentive to
the different oppressions that women in the world experience. There is a patriarchy that
plagues women everywhere, but we must refine. To speak of a French feminism is totally
contradictory to the idea of feminism. Feminism should be anti-racist, anti-capitalist,
anti-imperialist and therefore internationalist.
Interview by Bernard Gougeon (AL Tarn)
[ 1 ] That is to say, analyzes which are concerned with the way colonization and slavery
have shaped modern societies.
[ 2 ] Marooning refers to the escape of slaves from plantations. They incurred death or
mutilation according to a jurisdiction codified by the Black Code (the legal system of
slavery in force in the French colonies).
[ 3 ] Written by Simone de Beauvoir's manifesto was signed by many personalities, then
exposing to criminal prosecution.
[ 4 ] See for example the works of Silvia Federici: Revueperiode.net, " Reproduction and
feminist struggle in the new international division of labor "
[ 5 ] That is to say, which has historically and socially constructed racial alterity
through a pseudo-scientific literature, a specific jurisdiction, propaganda
representations, and so on.
[ 6 ] Long-acting contraceptive.
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Entretien-avec-Francoise-Verges-Comment-le-capitalisme-gere-t-il-le-ventre-des
------------------------------
Message: 3
Throughout Russia took place on Monday, June 12 protest against corruption, organized by
supporters of opposition leader Alexei Navalného. Also participated in them anarchists.
---- Petersburg ---- On Monday, June 12, the opposition once again tried to organize a
mass protest. In St. Petersburg, people should meet at Campus Martius in downtown, but at
this point the demonstration was not allowed. According to various estimates, I came here
several thousand people waited on by thousands of policemen. "The revolution is not like,"
said St. Petersburg anarchist T. "Above the square flying big yellow inflatable duck
(which symbolizes a protest against house for ducks in the summer residence of Prime
Minister Dmitry Medvedev), the cops threw themselves at any moment between people and
someone pulled out from the crowd, people and they ran again gathered. They shouted "Putin
is a thief," Viktor Tsoi sang songs. One man climbed a lamp and talked about gay rights in
Russia ... There were rightists and leftists, nacbolové, anarchists, liberals and all
people of all ages. "
Man with LGBT flag became the hero of the day. He talked about the fact that homophobia is
also a way of dividing people talked about the persecution of gays in Chechnya. The people
supported his speech, and when the Nazis took the rainbow flag, he tried to return it
back. But it was not - the Nazis along with the cops surrounded the activist.
They were arrested over six hundred people.
In comparison with the March protests were perhaps those unexpected for the government
less and less meat. One of the anarchists is evaluated as follows: "The government should
lead the opposition missed the hype. Now on the youtube collect multimillion audience, but
the effect is short-term media ... Navalnyj et al. simply they emerged as the only ones in
this genre try to succeed, but what they will do next, how they will raise the stakes?
"From this point of view can be evaluated protests June 12, 2017 as a defeat, and whether
it was tactical or strategic, we will see in the near future .
Text of the leaflet, which handed out at the demonstration Petrograd anarchists:
For real change!
We did not come out into the streets because we have become pawns in someone else's game
or small coins in the machinations of politicians. We are trying to impose our fate
powerless and dependent masses and the democratic game and ice in the sandbox.
Change the system, not the person on the throne. Instead of the president, MPs and
officials need direct participation of everyone to social management. Instead, oligarchs
and capitalists need cooperation and social control.
We must and we can find life forms, where bureaucracy and corruption will not be possible.
To do this, you need to change the economic and political system.
We do not live in the illusion of immediate uprooting existing order. But we also do not
believe in half measures, which offer a political organization. Change the situation today
means finding like-minded people, to organize with neighbors, colleagues at work, go
straight to the government.
We do not need the President, Members and officials who fail to meet our direct tasks that
can not be withdrawn at any time. Our solution is autonomy. Your candidate in the
elections is you!
Irkutsk
Work on the square in Irkutsk on June 12 were about one and a half thousand people. In
thirty above zero, so the majority of people did not stand in the bleachers, but hid in
the shade. Although these protests often called meetings Navalného followers, most of the
speakers talked about Navalny, and even the detection of corruption, but the social
problems - low wages, housing problems, barbarous deforestation etc.
Anarchists did not come to the meeting to support the central adept to the Russian throne,
but to call on the people to fight for their own interests and not waiting for "better
Tsar". Anarchists poster proclaimed: "I give birth to corruption. Fight for freedom, not
the masters! "
Among the speakers was a member of the Movement irkutských anarchists Dmitrij Litvin, who
is being prosecuted for insulting feelings of believers. He warned those present to not
open the door early in the morning, when the question of who is there, heard that they
were neighbors from the bottom, you have turned on the heater. He is in such a situation
and opened up his flat raided by the police.
Anarchists at the event handed out hundreds of leaflets.
Moskva
In Moscow protest simultaneously in two places - on the class Sakharov and Tverskaya
Street. In the first place, the event was officially accepted, the other not.
Sakharov on the class, according to official information gathered about 1,800 people.
Speakers accused the Mayor and the city government of corruption and the bad to the
citizen. Police detained people with posters with a slashed portrait of Mayor Sobjanina.
Tverskaya Street was closed for the festival times and epochs. Neighborhood police
occupied. According to media protests attended by about ten thousand people. They chanted
"Russia without Putin", "Freedom to political prisoners", "Medvedev before the court",
etc. Police began to arrest half an hour after the start and people pulled out from the
crowd. Interested in it, especially those who chanted, holding posters or Russian flag.
One man arrested for being smoked. Another kicked unconscious, lying in beating people
with batons, beating the standing police vans. Finally pushed people towards the metro
station, not engage shoppers from stores, passengers were not allowed out of the subway.
Was arrested over eight hundred people and at least two were accused of using violence
against a public official.
Zdroje:
https://avtonom.org/freenews/na-revolyuciyu-eto-ne-pohozhe-piterskie-anarhisty-ob-akcii-12-iyunya
https://avtonom.org/news/miting-12-iyunya-v -irkutske
https://avtonom.org/freenews/antikorrupcionnye-protesty-v-moskve
http://www.afed.cz/text/6695/anarchiste-12-cervna-v-rusku
------------------------------
Message: 4
pic: A community of the House of Justice of the Paradise of the CRAC-PC in Ayutla is
defended with machete before the attempt of the Mexican Army to disarm its companions (21
of August of 2013). ---- A boom for autonomy ---- It seems that there is a boom in the
vindication of indigenous communities and indigenous peoples for choosing their own
representatives, not under the well-known rule of "let's vote and see what results they
give us" but that they emanate from the core of the people to solve The most innate and
daily circumstances that are presented to them. How can a suit official be asked to fix
the problems of the peasant if his hands are more insistent on accommodating papers and
not the furrows of the earth? I would say writer and poet John Keats: "The human landscape
is very good, but human nature is finer."
The push that led to the 140 colonies and communities of Ayutla de los Libres to be guided
by this route was that 8 of the 43 normalists disappeared from Ayotzinapa in September
2014 are originally from this municipality, so that there was lived one of the processes
The stronger the whole situation of the mobilizations, both by the requirement of its
presentation with life, substantial improvements in the security of the municipality, as
well as a new - and harmonious - way of organizing beyond marches and rallies.
On November 30, 2014, members of the CRAC-PC, teachers of CETEG, parents of Ayotzinapa,
supported by a large active sector of the population, decided to take the "Narco-City
Council" and publicly proclaimed to be governed by a Council Popular Municipal, because
"narco has already penetrated all instances of government and only this way we would avoid
another massacre and the constant forced disappearances that are lived day by day"[1].
This autonomist movement also extended to the municipalities of Tecoanapa, San Luis
Acatlán and Tlapa de Comonfort (geographically close) and to a lesser extent in Acapulco
de Juárez.
One of the main referents of the movement for self-determination, Manuel Olivares
Hernández (technical secretary of the Guerrero Network of Human Rights Bodies ) left the
following message for the action story: "we are in the narcopoder exercise , which has
left dozens of graves even Guerrero is a great clandestine cemetery, so the municipal
councils will replace the municipal authorities not guarantee the right to life and our
heritage "[2].
Since that date, the autonomist formula has been working until the State Electoral
Institute for Citizen Participation (IEPC) in the state of Guerrero and the Superior
Chamber of the Electoral Tribunal of the Judiciary of the Federation (TEPJF) to validate
the realization of A popular consultation last Saturday 10 and Sunday June 11 in the
center of the municipality.
Villagers approve the consultation at a meeting at the head of El Paraíso.
It is time for the peoples to self-negotiate
We would rise to idealism if we deduce that this process is running like Usain Bolt in an
unhindered track race. In the contest a great party and conservative countercurrent
persists that has opposed the choice of customs and practices from an advisory assembly
held in October 2015. As in many social movements, these are marked by the traces of a
strong polarization between strata - those who have more and those who lack it - in this
case, between the original and rural peoples - mostly with roots na 'saavi and me'pha - in
antagonism with the colonies of the municipal head. The more money in the pocket, the
greater exclusion of the faceless.
However, the outcome of the recent consultation was convincing and decisive; 7,178 people
voted for the model of community assembly , while only 5,965 voted for the election of
lists[3](mostly, militants of the corrupt triad PRI-PAN-PRD and its satellite parties, and
even made a stealth participation Current PRI mayor Hortencia Aldaco Quintana).
It is vital to say that "the consultation was not so easy, not that they had not even
consulted the indigenous peoples that there would be such a report on how to elect their
representatives", comments an Ayuntamiento, and in fact about 100 people took the
Facilities of the IEPC last May 25, 2017 to demand that they be consulted "Mixtec,
Tlapanecos, mestizos ... since the assembly is the highest authority where decisions are
made."
The results obtained on June 10 and 11 reaffirm the fact that, despite certain constraints
and interests disguised outside what is actually communitarian democracy, distorting it to
become unofficial of the most volatile territories within its political wallet, are The
majorities who claim the customs and customs.
Likewise, "various political parties have tried to convince the commissioners not to
present themselves to the boards with gifts and money ... also saying that social programs
like" Prospera "will disappear if the parties are expelled.
The Sebastopol[4]of autonomy and self-government will continue to gain strategic positions
and great local-national support to the partisan-business side.
From being out to the collective claim
Ayutla is considered as the birthplace of the Popular Revolutionary Army (EPR) born in
May 1994 , which is why the raids, exorbitant surveillance and extrajudicial killings that
both the Mexican Army and the police carried out on the pretext of capturing the guerrillas .
That same year the Me'phaa Indigenous People 's Organization (OPIM) would emerge with a
great and primordial participation of indigenous women. In 2016 they reported that in that
year alone, 20 women were executed together with the neighboring municipality of Acatepec.
Their anti-militarist work has led to the murder of 16 members and people close to their
community advocacy work, 7 more have been arrested and 107 have received direct threats
(government, politicians, drug traffickers, police ... and who to point at!
The poverty is a (though not an excuse minoico) determining factor for the internal
organization of the towns of Ayutla, because:
(...) according to the latest report of the National Council for Evaluation of Social
Development Policy (Coneval) , 2010, in Ayutla de los Libres 88% of the population lives
in poverty and half of its inhabitants do not have sufficient resources or Even to eat.
A third of the population has educational backwardness and has no access to health
services, while 78% do not have access to basic housing services (...),[5]
So that economic development from lo-local is also an argument for self-governance.
I return to one of the first questions that I formulated in the initial lines of this
text: how to ask the State to increase economic levels when it administers them - through
violence and stratification - facilitating capital gains to a single social class?
Community of the CRAC-PC realiazan inspection and surveillance in the entrances of the
municipality.
The security is another point to be treated. It was in 2010 that the Ayutlenses joined the
CRAC-PC of the Costa Chica to install checkpoints and reduce levels of insecurity. Over
time - and infiltrations - in the community project of the same CRAC, there was a rupture
that emerged the Union of Peoples and Organizations of the State of Guerrero (UPOEG) that
has not precisely had a white record as an armed group. This does not seem true! (But it
is). The popular will in Ayutla has strengthened the participation of both groups in
security, despite the mixofílicas differences and a political confrontation - even armed
and excessive - that still persists in other regions guerrenses.
The government began to tremble at the beginning of January of 2013 that the armed groups
made official to the media their incidence in Ayutla. The messages 'down the sleeve' from
the top of the government came assiduously to their respective leaders, but the seals and
actions "outside the law" were not interrupted for a single day.
On Thursday, January 31, 2013 in the community of El Mezón, about 500 people made the
first popular trial of 54 captured criminals who have been linked to organized crime.
These initiatives from within the towns and neighborhoods - since all members of the
CRAC-PC are elected by community assembly - provoked intense annoyances and tantrums by
the state government. On August 21 of the same year, the Mexican Army tried to disarm the
community members of the CRAC-PC of the House of Justice "El Paraíso" in the town of the
same name, resulting in the capture of six of them ( Bernardino García Franciso, Ángel
García García, Florentino García Castro, Eleuterio García Carmen, Ambad Ambrosio Francisco
and Benito Morales Justo).
It would take 3 years until his release on May 13, 2016 ...
Members of both armed groups detain 54 criminals linked to organized crime. At the
meeting, it was decided to postpone the sanctions at a new meeting in the municipality of
Tecoanapa.
Self-construction and some conclusions for the future
The relevance of admiring community democracy practiced through customs and practices is
not as such to the form represented by the paradigm shift in decision making, but in the
following contents:
A) The final expulsion of political parties, therefore , the constant confrontation -
which is often not apparent - with the structure of the modern state.
B) The abolition of a presidential figure and the future- temporary eradication of
political hierarchies, by forming councils composed of settlers from each of the
neighborhoods or communities that are elected by the service and interest in the
collective development of a territory and who They inhabit it, not for partisan tricks or
avant-garde advantage for organizations already conformed.
C) The total and anti-systematic autonomization of the territory after the solid formation
of a cooperative economy and the strengthening of community self-defense, leaving aside
the gifts of the three levels of government.
You do not have to be mean (that's what I'm talking about with the second paragraph of
these arguments). In the process of choosing for uses and customs there may also be the
intention of organizations and ambitions personified in authoritarian representatives to
obtain "independent" political positions that demerit the intervention of people
interested in the common good.
The conclusions will have to be derived from a serious and constant deliberative exercise
and limits-reaches from - and for - communities where rivalries or ambition to
be-authority prevail.
THAT THE MAKING OF DECISIONS RESIDES FROM THE MOST UNDER THE PEOPLE!
SOLIDARITY WITH THE COMMUNITIES OF AYUTLA DE LOS LIBROS I LEAD TO AUTONOMY!
NEVER MORE A WARRIOR WITHOUT THOSE OF DOWN!
Notes and references
[1]Conversation with residents of Ayutla in the XXI Anniversary of CRAC-PC, held in the
community of Horcasitas in San Luis Acatlán, Guerrero. October 2016.
[2]"Popular councils form in Ayutla de los Libres and Acapulco " by Sergio Ocampo and
Héctor Briseño, La Jornada , November 30, 2014, p. 7. (
http://www.jornada.unam.mx/2014/11/30/policies/007n1pol )
[3]"Win in Ayutla the model of choice for uses and customs in assemblies" by Jacob Morales
Antonio, El Sur: Guerrero newspaper, June 14, 2017. ( http://suracapulco.mx/1/gana-en
-ayutla-the-model-of-choice-by-uses-and-customs-in-assemblies /)
[4]Warship used by anarchist sailors at the Kronstadt Rebellion in 1921.
[5]"Ayutla de los Llibres, the place where civilians exercise justice" by Daniela Rea, CNN
Mexico , February 1, 2013. ( http://expansion.mx/nacional/2013/02/01/ayutla-
Of-the-free-the-place-where-the-civil-exercise-justice)
http://rupturacolectiva.com/ayutla-de-los-libres-se-regira-sin-partidos-politicos-en-julio-de-2018-es-hora-de-que-los-pueblos-se-gobiernen/
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Message: 5
There are several forms of oppression, and to think them together is born the term "
intersectionality ". Is this concept a fad of academics or does it tell us something
useful in order to think and fight for emancipation ? ---- How do we think of crossing
forms of oppression ? When a black maid is discriminated against when hired, is it because
of her gender, her " race " (we freely use the term " race " in accordance with an
Anglo-Saxon tradition ; Term does not designate a fixed biological category but an
evolutionary social category, which depends on a historical construction) or its class ?
---- Intersectionality is a theoretical and practical tool to understand how these
different forms of oppression hold together. Involving in militant circles and
increasingly extending into university studies, this concept is the subject of controversy
and misunderstandings.
Intersectionality refers to the intersection of several types of oppression. The term is
used to describe a problem posed to black women by Kimberley Crenshaw, " Mapping the
Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Violence against Women of Color " [1],
They are victims without endorsing the racist prejudice that makes Black men violent ? How
can we combat this prejudice without denying the violence that black women can experience
in their communities ? Crenshaw tries to understand how a specific political subject is
formed through the experiences he or she undergoes. A woman experiences forms of
oppression that a man does not know. But a black woman does not have the same experiences
as a white woman, or a rich woman as a poor woman. Different types of crosses between sex
(including gender and LGBTI sexual minorities), class and " race " (to which specific
handicaps may also be added) produce different political subjects, experiences and
specific demands. To understand how these different forms of domination intertwine, some
misunderstandings must be cleared up. Different types of crosses between sex (including
gender and LGBTI sexual minorities), class and " race " (to which specific handicaps may
also be added) produce different political subjects, experiences and specific demands. To
understand how these different forms of domination intertwine, some misunderstandings must
be cleared up. Different types of crosses between sex (including gender and LGBTI sexual
minorities), class and " race " (to which specific handicaps may also be added) produce
different political subjects, experiences and specific demands. To understand how these
different forms of domination intertwine, some misunderstandings must be cleared up.
The intersection is not an addition
An intersection is not an accumulation. Intersectionality does not think of the crossing
of forms of oppression solely in the form of an addition of oppressions. It is true that a
woman perceived as a Muslim can combine sexist, racist and classist oppression in the
sense that she may be subjected to casualization at work, can be assigned to domestic
tasks and childcare, She may be subjected to physical violence by men and is insulted on
the street by racist invectives. But whenever it encounters racism, sexism and class
domination, it is as a whole, a proletarian woman perceived as a Muslim, that she lives
it. It does not merely accumulate oppressions, it lives them specifically,
French materialistic feminists (materialistic here mean the understanding of social
relations from the place occupied within the mode of production, hence from an economic
perspective) criticize the notion of intersectionality because it would eliminate the
question of class. Thus the sociologist Danielle Kergoat prefer the concept of "
consubstantial " and criticized the proponents of intersectionality highlight race at the
expense of the issue of class [2]. Is this a reproach ? There is no doubt that in all the
academic works that claim to be intersecting, some people forget the economic question of
the class in favor of the articulation of gender and race. But it does not matter that
there are better jobs than others, and, to the limit, no matter what the concept is. The
important thing is always to think of the multiplicity of experiences experienced from the
crossing of forms of oppression, not from a single category that would be universal
(whether gender, class or race). As Crenshaw says: " At the most basic level, race, gender
and class are all involved, given the strong correlation between" woman of color "and
poverty. In addition, the disparity in access to employment and housing - that is
discrimination - is redoubled by their race and gender identity. Race and gender are among
the primary factors responsible for this particular distribution of social resources that
results in observable class differences. "
In France, the majority of the racialized are from the working classes, and 80 % of the
precarious jobs are occupied by women, which forbids to forget the class question.
An accumulation of differences ?
Another criticism of intersectionality would be its presumed interest in the accumulation
of differences, thereby preventing, on the one hand, any form of common struggle (because
everyone is ultimately different) and, on the other hand, Leading to an escalation in
oppression to the point that only a poor and handicapped black homosexual woman could
claim oppression. Of course, this is not the case, thinking of the crossing of specific
forms of oppression does not prevent us from thinking at the same time what different
oppressions have in common and how they reinforce each other. The humiliation that a
worker undergoes at work can reinforce his machismo to safeguard his own love and manhood.
Similarly, the French of Maghrebian origin in the working-class neighborhoods can overplay
their manhood, in response to racist humiliation in a way that has nothing to do with
patriarchy in Arab countries (where men can be very touch without fear of dévirilisés)[3].
It has been known since the Theo affair that racialized young people in the suburbs are
treated as " women ", that is to say, subjected to sexual violence which, in the
misogynistic representation of a police officer, is associated with women as sexual
objects 'Where the feminizing insults they undergo). Colonial and neo-colonial racism,
which has contributed much to represent the Arabs as effeminate, produces a specific
machismo. in a way that has nothing to do with patriarchy in Arab countries (where men can
be very touch without fear of dévirilisés)[3]. It has been known since the Theo affair
that racialized young people in the suburbs are treated as " women ", that is to say,
subjected to sexual violence which, in the misogynistic representation of a police
officer, is associated with women as sexual objects 'Where the feminizing insults they
undergo). Colonial and neocolonial racism, which has contributed much to represent the
Arabs as effeminate, produces a specific machismo. in a way that has nothing to do with
patriarchy in Arab countries (where men can be very touch without fear of dévirilisés)[3].
It has been known since the Theo affair that racialized young people in the suburbs are
treated as " women ", that is to say, subjected to sexual violence which, in the
misogynistic representation of a police officer, is associated with women as sexual
objects 'Where the feminizing insults they undergo). Colonial and neocolonial racism,
which has contributed much to represent the Arabs as effeminate, produces a specific
machismo. That is to say, undergo sexual violence which, in the misogynist representation
of a policeman, is associated with women as sexual objects (hence the feminizing insults
they undergo). Colonial and neo-colonial racism, which has contributed much to represent
the Arabs as effeminate, produces a specific machismo. That is to say, undergo sexual
violence which, in the misogynist representation of a policeman, is associated with women
as sexual objects (hence the feminizing insults they undergo). Colonial and neocolonial
racism, which has contributed much to represent the Arabs as effeminate, produces a
specific machismo.
The different oppressions thus echo each other and allow for common struggles up to a
certain point. One can not doubt that a woman like Laurence Parisot is sexist in her
social environment (we know how misogynistic the men of power she frequents are). Simply
put, she will pass her class interest well before her interest as a woman, and prefer to
support a patriarchal and misogynist system rather than abandon her class. This is because
the bourgeoisie can rest on other women what is dependent on the women of the working
classes (domestic work, childcare, etc.) and has the facilities to divorce and file a
complaint if it is subjected to physical violence The part of his companion. So, " If all
women experience sexism, there is no identical experience of sexism " [4](see the
interview of Françoise Vergès in this issue). In the same way, Angela Davis explains that
massive black lynchings were allowed following the abolition of slavery on mere accusation
of rape. When white feminists struggle - legitimately - against the presumption of lies
they suspect when they accuse a white rape, Black women must fight against the violence
they are subjected to, but also against the presumption of guilt of black men in case of
accusation because " they have understood that they can not fight against the sexual
assaults they Suffered without opposing the false accusations of rape which served as a
pretext for lynching. The fight against racism must include and defense of women of color
and the defense of the numerous victims falsely accused of rape [5]. " The fight against
racism must include and defense of women of color and the defense of the numerous victims
falsely accused of rape[5]. " The fight against racism must include and defense of women
of color and the defense of the numerous victims falsely accused of rape[5]. "
Race, gender and capitalism
When form nation states and where capitalism develops in the XVI th century, women will be
isolated and socially marked to contribute to the effort of the nation must produce
proletarians. The role of wife is then invented: " It seems plausible that the witch-hunt
was, at least in part, an attempt to criminalize birth control and place the female body,
the uterus, An increase in the population, production and accumulation of the labor force
[6]. "
It is this history that has assigned women a specific place in the capitalist mode of
production (domestic tasks, the care industry, etc.): " Capitalist exploitation consists
of a mixture of capitalist overexploitation - That is to say, taking place on the labor
market, but according to patriarchal mechanisms - and domestic exploitation, which is
characterized by dependence on a person [7]. " Similarly, the colonized peoples will be
racialized, exploited and enslaved: " The speeches naturalists justified the sexual
exploitation of women and humiliation of men or slaves in French colonies indigenous [8] "
The contemporary racism can not be understood apart from this cross history of capitalism,
patriarchy and colonization. To take just the example of Islamophobia in France, it is not
intelligible regardless of the history of colonization of Algeria, systematic rape, used
as a weapon of war, Algerian women, obsession of french settlers for the unveiling in
order to undermine the foundations of the Algerian culture to facilitate the conquest of
the territory [9].
A militant use
What is important within intersectionality is not the great academic debates that agitate
it, whether to use another word, or to focus only on works that claim to be This
tradition. How can we understand the reluctance of " women of color " in the United
States to file a complaint of domestic violence if we do not understand that in addition
to domestic sexism, they suffer social racism that makes them feel more at home? The
house is not merely the place where man reigns supreme, as patriarchy requires ; It is
also a haven where to live free from the humiliations of the racist society. In many
cases, women of color have even more harm in asking protection against domestic violence
they just want to protect this haven that is home against attacks from the outside
world[10]. " The important thing is to always be careful and attentive to the
experiences of the first concerné.es. " Intersectional " feminism is a feminism that is
sensitive to social, racial and critical issues in relation to Islamophobic feminism,
which focuses on the wearing of the headscarf. For the militant world, it is the
questioning of its practices and its prejudices which makes it possible to listen to the
oppressed,
Bernard Gougeon (AL Tarn)
European appeal for the right to abortion: the forgetfulness of Roma women
An international call [11]should be launched shortly to defend the right to abortion in
Europe (threatened in several countries), but it does not mention the struggle of Roma
women against forced sterilization.
Starting from a mobilization that shows the solidarity of European women with one another,
the call rightly insists that any abortion is a personal choice and a right because our
body belongs to us. However, as drafted and thought exclusively around the right to
abortion, it invisibilizes other struggles and excludes from the circle of European
sorority the Roma women who are currently fighting (in particular in Hungary, the Czech
Republic and Slovakia) To obtain compensation for unsuccessful sterilizations that they
sometimes suffered until 2009 !
Begun under Nazism, these sterilizations continued under communism and long afterwards in
liberal democracies, thus revealing the continuity of eugenic policies that had
constituted the Roma as an undesirable population.
Why in this call for the defense of women's rights not include the right to reproductive
justice, and specifically the right not to have abortions or sterilization without real
consent ? Such ignorance of the status of Rroma women shows how much feminism needs to be
decentralized and to practice what is known as decolonial feminism, intersectionality:
bodies are not dispossessed in the same way according to what 'One is white or rrom. For
the latter, it is their very fertility which is perceived as a danger.
A genuinely inclusive feminism should be able to voice the voices of these minority women
and thus acknowledge the community of our struggles so that we can each say,
notwithstanding the color of skin, nationality, ethnicity, religion, culture to which We
belong: " my body, myself ".
Hourya (AL Tarn)
For further discussion:
A. Koczé, " Forced sterilization of Roma women in today's Europe ", at www.cairn.info .
[1] " Mapping margins: intersectionality, politics of identity and violence against women
of color " ; The article is translated into French and available online: www.cairn.info .
[2] www.erudit.org
[3] See Nacira Guénif and Eric Macé, The feminists and the Arab boy, ed. Of the Aube, 106
pages, 7 euros
[4] Elsa Dorlin, Sex, Gender and Sexuality, PUF, p. 84.
[5] Angela Davis, Women, race class, ed. Antoinette Fouque, chap. XI: " Rape, racism and
the myth of the black rapist "
[6] Silvia Federici, Caliban and the Witch - Women, Body and Primitive Accumulation,
Entremonde, p. 332.
[7] Christine Delphy, " Gender and Class in Europe " in The Primary Enemy ( vol.2 ),
Syllepse, p. 299.
[8] Elsa Dorlin, The Matrix of the Race, p. 221.
[9] See Fanon, The Year V of the Algerian Revolution, " Algeria unveils itself "
[10] Crenshaw, op. cit.
[11] worldwomensconference.org
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Oppressions-Lutter-a-l-intersection-de-la-race-du-sexe-et-classe
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