Anarchic update news all over the world - 10 June 2017

Today's Topics:

   
1.  France, Alternative Libertaire - history, Self-management in
      libertarian Spain of 1936 by AL Nancy (fr, it, pt) [machine
      translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
2.  US, black rose fed: Lorenzo Komboa Ervin: Why I Am An
      Anarchist (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
3.  Britain, freedom news: Brighton gearing up for the
      post-election fight (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
4.  Ppland,  rozbrat: Freedom Fighters #9 - report [machine
      translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
5.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL - 13 th Congress (Nantes,
      3-5 June 2017) -- Balance Sheet of Alternative Libertaire
      2015-2017 (fr, it, pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1





June 9th at 7 pm, at the MJC des Trois-Maisons, 12, rue de Fontenoy, Nancy. ---- The CCAN, 
the CNT Interco 54 and the AL 54 organize a conference of Franck Mintz on Friday 9 June at 
7 pm at the former school of the MJC of the Three Houses (12 rue de Fontenoy in Nancy) 
Libertarian self - management during the Spanish Revolution of 1936. ---- A documentary 
screening will introduce the conference, which will be followed by a debate and then the 
opening of an exhibition with a Spanish hostel. ---- Facebook event ---- 
https://www.facebook.com/events/1068072673292768/?acontext=%7B%22ref%22%3A%223%22%2C%22ref_newsfeed_story_type%22%3A%22regular%22%2C%22feed_story_type%22%3A%22263%22%2C%22action_history%22%3A%22null%22%7D
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?L-autogestion-dans-l-Espagne-libertaire-de-1936

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Message: 2





Lorenzo Komboa Ervin is a former member of the Black Panther Party and wrote the seminal 
text "Anarchism and the Black Revolution" while incarcerated as a political prisoner. This 
is an excerpt from the sections "Why I Became and Anarchist" and "What I Believe" and the 
full text can be found in Black Anarchism: A Reader published by Black Rose/Rosa Negra 
Anarchist Federation. ---- By Lorenzo Komboa Ervin ---- In the 1960s I was part of a 
number of Black revolutionary movements, including the Black Panther Party, which I feel 
partially failed because of the authoritarian leadership style of Huey P. Newton, Bobby 
Seale and others on the Central Committee. This is not a recrimination against those 
individuals, but many errors were made because the national leadership was too divorced 
from the chapters in cities all over the country, and therefore engaged in "commandism" or 
forced work dictated by leaders. But many contradictions were also set up because of the 
structure of the organization as a Marxist-Leninist group. There was not a lot of 
inner-party democracy, and when contradictions came up, it was the leaders who decided on 
their resolution, not the members. Purges became commonplace, and many good people were 
expelled from the group simply because they disagreed with the leadership.

Because of the over-importance of central leadership, the national organisation was 
ultimately liquidated entirely, packed up and shipped back to Oakland, California. Of 
course, many errors were made because the BPP was a young organisation and was under 
intense attack by the state. I do not want to imply that the internal errors were the 
primary contradictions that destroyed the BPP. The police attacks on it did that, but, if 
it were better and more democratically organised, it may have weathered the storm. So this 
is no mindless criticism or backstabbing attack. I loved the party. And, anyway, not 
myself or anyone else who critique the party with hindsight, will ever take away from the 
tremendous role that the BPP played in the Black Liberation movement of the 1960s. But we 
must look at a full picture of out organisations from that period, so that we do not 
repeat the same errors.

I think my brief period in the Panthers was very important because it taught me about the 
limits of - and even the bankruptcy of - leadership in a revolutionary movement. It was 
not a question of a personality defect on behalf of particular leader, but rather a 
realisation that many times leaders have one agenda, followers have another.

I also learned this lesson during my association with the African People's Socialist Party 
during the 1980s. When I had gotten out of the joint I had met Omali Yeshitela while I was 
confined in Leavenworth (KS.) federal pen, when he was invited to our annual Black 
Solidarity Bay festivities in 1979. This association continued when they formed the Black 
prisoners' organisation, the African National Prison Organisation shortly thereafter. ANPO 
was definitely a good support organisation, and along with News and Letters Committees the 
Kentucky branch of the National Alliance Against Racism and Political Repression, and the 
Social revolutionary Anarchist Federation (now defunct), they wrote letters and made phone 
calls to have me hospitalised after I had been infected with Tuberculosis, which saved my 
life. But the group folded when the proposed coalition of founding organisations collapsed 
due to sectarianism

After I got out of prison, I lost contact with them as they had moved from Louisville to 
the West Coast. It was not until 1987 that I once again contacted them when we were having 
a mass demonstration against police brutality in my hometown. They were invited and came 
to the demo, along with ANPO and several left-wing forces, and for two years off and on, I 
had an association with them. But I felt APSP politically was always an authoritarian 
organisation, and even though was never a member, I became more and more uncomfortable 
with their organisational policies In the Summer Of 1988, I went to Oakland, California to 
attend an "organisers' school"?, but I also wanted to satisfy myself about the internal 
workings of the group. For six weeks, I worked with them out of their national 
headquarters in the local community. I was able to determine for myself about internal 
matters and also abort the politics of the group itself. I found out that about a whole 
history of purges, factional fights, and the "one man" dictatorial leadership style of the 
Party. While in Oakland, I was asked to attend a meeting in Philadelphia that Fall to 
re-establish ANPO.

I attended the Philly meeting, but was very concerned when I was automatically placed as 
part of a "slate"? to be officers of the ANPO group, without any real democratic 
discussion among the proposed membership, or allowing others to put themselves forward as 
potential candidates. I was in fact made the highest-ranking officer in the group. 
Although I still believe that there should be a mass political prisoners' movement and 
especially a Black prisoners' movement, I became convinced that this was not it. I believe 
that it will take a true coalition of forces in the Black and progressive movements to 
build a mass base of support. I got to feeling that these folks just wanted to push the 
party and its politics, rather than free prisoners, and so I just dropped out and haven't 
dealt with them since. I was very disillusioned and depressed when I learned the truth. I 
won't be used by anybody - not for long.

The early stages of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee was a contrast in many 
ways to any Black freedom group to come before or after. Part of the SNCC activists were 
middle class college intellectuals, with a small number of working class grassroots 
activists, but they developed a working style that was very anti-authoritarian and was 
unique to the Civil rights movement. Instead of bringing in a national leader to lead 
local struggles, like Dr, Martin Luther King Jr. and his group, the Southern Christian 
Leadership Council, was wont to do, SNCC sent in field organisers to work with the local 
people and develop indigenous leadership and help organise, but not take over local 
struggles. They placed their faith in the ability of the people to determine an agenda 
which would best serve them and lead themselves to obtain their goals rather than being 
inspired or told what to do by a leader SNCC itself had no strong leaders, even though it 
had persons in decision-making authority, but they were accountable to membership boards 
and the community in a way no other group in the civil rights movement was.

SNCC was also a secular organisation, in contrast to SCLC, which was formed by Black 
preachers and had co-opted their style of organising from the Black church, with a 
religious authority figure who gave orders to the troops. Today most political 
commentators or historians still do not want to give full credit to the effectiveness of 
SNCC, but many of the most powerful and successful struggles of the Civil rights movement 
were initiated and won by SNCC, including most of the voting rights struggles and the 
Mississippi phase of the freedom movement. I learned a lot about internal democracy by 
being a part of SNCC, how it could make or break an organisation, and how it had so much 
to do with the morale of the members. Everyone was given an opportunity to participate in 
decision-making, and felt part of a great historical mission, which would change their 
lives forever. They were right. Even though SNCC gave some lifelong lessons to all of us 
involved, even if it was destroyed by the rich and their own, who resorted to an 
authoritarian style in later years.

I also began to have a rethinking process after I was forced to leave de U.S. and go to 
Cuba, Czechoslovakia and other countries in the "Socialist bloc"?, as it was called then. 
It was clear that these countries were essentially police states, even though they had 
brought many significant reforms and material advances to their peoples over what had 
existed before. I observed also that racism existed in those countries, along with the 
denial of basic democratic rights and poverty on a scale I would not have thought 
possible. I also saw a great deal of corruption by the Communist Party leaders and State 
administrators, who were well off, while the workers were mere wage slaves. I thought to 
myself, "there has to be a better way!". There is. It is Anarchism, which I started to 
read about when I was captured in East Germany and had heard more about when I was 
eventually thrown into prison in the United States.

Prison is a place where one continually thinks about his other past life, including the 
examination of new or contrary ideas, I began to think about what I had seen in the Black 
movement, along with my mistreatment in Cuba, my capture and escape in Czechoslovakia, and 
my final capture in East Germany. I replayed all this over and over in my head. I was 
first introduced to Anarchism in 1969, immediately after I was brought back to the U.S. 
and was placed in the federal lockup in New York City, where I met Martin Sostre. Sostre 
told me about how to survive in prison, the importance of fighting for prisoners' 
democratic rights, and about Anarchism. This short course in Anarchism did not stick 
however, even though I greatly respected Sostre personally, because I did not understand 
the theoretical concepts.

Finally around 1973, after I had been locked up for about three years, I started receiving 
Anarchist literature and correspondence from Anarchists who had heard about my case. This 
began my slow metamorphosis to a confirmed Anarchist, and in fact it was not until a few 
years later that I came over. During the late 1970s, I was adopted by Anarchist Black 
Cross-England and also by a Dutch Anarchist group called HAPOTOC (Help A Prisoner Oppose 
Torture Organising Committee) which organised an instrumental defence campaign. This 
proved crucial in ultimately getting people all over the world to write the U. S. 
government to demand my release.

I wrote a succession of articles for the Anarchist press, and was a member of the Social 
Revolutionary Anarchist Federation, the IWW, and a number of other Anarchist groups in the 
U.S. and around the world. But I became disheartened by the Anarchist movement's failure 
to fight white supremacy and its lack of class struggle politics. So, in 1979, I wrote a 
pamphlet called Anarchism and the Black Revolution, to act as a guide to the discussion of 
these matters by our movement. Finally, in 1983, I was released from prison, after having 
served almost 15 years.

For all these years, the pamphlet influenced a number of Anarchists who were opposed to 
racism and also wanted a more class struggle-oriented approach than the movement then 
afforded. Meanwhile I had fallen away from the Anarchist movement in disgust, and it was 
not until 1992 when I was working in my hometown of Chattanooga, Tennessee, as an 
anti-racist community organiser, that I ran into an Anarchist named John Johnson and once 
again made contact. He gave me an issue of Love and Rage newspaper, and as a result, I 
contacted Chris Day of Love and Rage, and comrades in WSA in New York. The rest, as they 
say, is history. I have been back with a vengeance ever since.

All of a sudden, I see there are now others in the movement who understand the workings of 
white supremacy and they have encouraged me to rewrite this pamphlet I have gratefully 
done so. Why am I an Anarchist? I have an alternative vision for the revolutionary 
process. There is a better way. Let us get on with it!

What I Believe

All anarchists do not believe in the same things. There are differences and the field is 
broad enough that those differences can coexist and be respected. So I don't know what 
others believe, I just know what I believe in and I will spell out it simply, but thoroughly.

I believe in Black liberation, so I am a Black revolutionary. I believe that Black people 
are oppressed both as workers and a distinct nationality, and will only be freed by a 
Black revolution, which is an intrinsic part of a Social revolution. I believe that Blacks 
and other oppressed nationalities must have their own agenda, distinct world-view, and 
organisations of struggle, even though they may decide to work with white workers.

I believe in the destruction of the world Capitalist System, so I am an anti-imperialist. 
As long as Capitalism is alive on the planet, there will be exploitation, oppression and 
nation-states. Capitalism is responsible for the major world wars, numerous brush wars, 
and millions of people starving for the profit motive of the rich countries in the West.

I believe in racial justice, so I am an anti-racist. The Capitalist system was and is 
maintained by enslavement and colonial oppression of the African people, and before there 
will be a social revolution white supremacy must be defeated. I also believe that Africans 
in America are colonised and exist as an internal colonial of the U.S, white mother 
country. I believe that white workers must give up their privileged status, their "white 
identity"?, and must support racially oppressed workers in their fights for equality and 
national liberation. Freedom cannot be bought by enslaving and exploiting others.

I believe in social justice and economic equality, so I am a Libertarian Socialist. I 
believe that society and all parties responsible for its production should share the 
economic products of labour. I do not believe in Capitalism or the state, and believe they 
both should be overthrown and abolished I accept the economic critique of Marxism, but not 
its model for political organising. I accept the anti-authoritarian critique of Anarchism, 
but not its rejection of the class struggle.

I believe in workers control of society and industry, so I am an Anarcho-Syndicalist. 
Anarchist Syndicalism is revolutionary labour unionism, where direct action tactics are 
used to fight Capitalism and take over industry I believe that the factory committees, 
workers' councils and other labour organisations should be the workplaces, and should take 
control from the Capitalists after a direct action campaign of sabotage, strikes, 
sit-downs, factory occupations and other actions.

I do not believe in government, and so I am an Anarchist. I believe that government is one 
of the worst forms of modem oppression, is the source of war and economic oppression, and 
must be overthrown. Anarchism means that we will have more democracy, social equality, and 
economic prosperity. I oppose all forms of oppression found in modem society: patriarchy, 
white supremacy, Capitalism, State Communism, religious dictates, gay discrimination, etc.

https://blackrosefed.org/wp-content/cache/page_enhanced/blackrosefed.org//komboa-why-i-am-an-anarchist//_index.html_gzip

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Message: 3




With the general election just days away, libertarian-leaning groups in Brighton are 
getting ready to resist what comes next - whoever's in charge. ---- Organisers with 
Solidarity Federation, Plan C and the IWGB have jointly organised a Critical Mass bike 
ride for Friday June 9th to kick off their own manifesto: "Whatever the result, the daily 
organising continues!" The ride, which is open to all, will start 8pm at The Level, 
Brighton and aims to unite "workers, renters and students together fighting for a future 
beyond the Tories." ---- Politically, the collaboration is an interesting one as it brings 
together anarcho-syndicalists, autonomist-inspired movement builders and a grassroots 
union originally linked to the IWW for an official joint project, something which until 
recent years would have been potentially difficult to organise.

The collaboration is just part of a broader uptick in Brighton's radical circles, which 
have historically been influential in the city particularly in anti-war activism, student 
direct action and grassroots labour organising.

On June 18th, an Anti-Raids Revival meetup is being held at progressive hub the Cowley 
Club, on 12 London Road. The joint training and public discussion is aiming to 
reinvigorate an anti-raids network locally and will include talks by London's anti-raids 
activists, who have been relatively successful in organising rapid responses to raids by 
Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) officers.

And more broadly, there has been the founding of Left Hook, a radical sport and training 
group specialising in self-defence classes. The group said:

Over the past few decades we have seen sport become dominated by big money, with the soul 
sucked out of it. We want to reclaim it back for ourselves. We've seen a growing left-wing 
football scene with teams like Clapton FC, Whitehawk FC, Eastbourne Town FC etc. and we've 
taken inspiration from our comrades on the continent who run antifascist and anarchist 
boxing clubs, from Madrid to Warsaw.

As the political climate in Britain and across the world becomes more hostile, with an 
increase of racist attacks and the far-right becoming more confident, we see the need to 
organize ourselves not just politically but also physically.

https://freedomnews.org.uk/brighton-gearing-up-for-the-post-election-fight/

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Message: 4





On weekend, 27-28.05.2017 9th edition of Freedom Fighters. Another time summer edition 
took place on Rozbrat. We were supported with the ring by No Defeats crew from Wroclaw (by 
the way, we invite you for their tournament on 17.06!). Audience was numerous like always, 
noone left hungry or thirsty:). This year 7 fights took place, 1 grappling and 6 K-1 
Rules. Fighters from abroad and from Poznan's clubs attended. We were happy to have 1 
junior fight, just like a year ago.  Grappling match ended up with effective choke, and 2 
other fights during the event didn't need the judges. Luckily (not like last year) noone 
was hurt and our medical crew wasn't busy. No fighter suffered any major injury. Friendly 
atmosphere lasted till late night, first because KSW event watched on the screen, where 
freak fights and high-level fights were seen, and after because of the party (LOW 
Collective) and a fireplace.

Second day of the event belonged to Peter Irving who came to support us for the 4th time. 
Peter was a referee during the league and day after has coached 3 hour muay thai seminar. 
More than 20 adepts were mastering the sport that is fairly called a queen of the rings. 
The seminar was about controlling the balance which is neccesary to gain points in muay 
thai bouts. Trainees were practising both in distance and clinch fighting. In the 
afternoon Peter known also as a tattoo artist made few benefit tattoos in support of 
Freedom Fighters innitiative that apart of being a league and series of seminars is also a 
free gym.

As organisers we'd like to thank everyone that supported the event - mostly fighters who 
stepped in a ring, spontaneous audience, judges, medical crew, No Defeats, chefs, Djs and 
Djanes, announcer and Peter Irving. See you next time!

http://www.rozbrat.org/informacje/poznan/4537-freedom-fighters-9-relacja

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Message: 5




The past two years were mainly marked by the social movement against Labor law in the 
spring of 2016 and by the refusal of security hardening under cover of anti-terrorism. 
---- The increasingly decentralized AL federation has made progress in its ability to 
assist AL (CAL) collectives in organizing action. In addition to an increased placement of 
the Alternative Libertarian monthly, she was able to be responsive enough to distribute 
intervention materials that CAL had immediate need (stickers, leaflets, posters), and run 
campaigns based on Social networks. ---- It is impossible to enumerate all the actions and 
manifestations to which AL participated, from Brussels to Toulouse, from Rennes to 
Marseille during these two years. The general trends which characterize this activity will 
be considered here.

Business and social movement

Sur le front de la résistance au capitalisme, AL a activement participé à la préparation 
de la journée de grève interprofessionnelle du 9 avril 2015, avec une campagne virale, 
l'édition d'un autocollant et la production d'un contenu critique sur la façon de 
mobiliser. Rebelote avec le soutien aux syndicalistes d'Air France traînés en justice pour 
l'affaire de la «chemise arrachée», et avec ceux de Goodyear, lors des rassemblements de 
Paris et d'Amiens.

But it is of course the struggle against the El Khomri law that mobilized the most from 
February to September 2016. The organization has, on this occasion, endeavored to "  walk 
on its two legs  ", with both A capacity for political intervention (posters, stickers, 
leaflets, communiqués, etc.), and activists in social and trade union movements. On the 
union front, several LA militants have played a role in boosting the call for "  blocking 
everything", drawing the contours of a trade union network of struggle. The collective 
experience of events was mainly summarized in the AL 2016 summer dossier.

Against safe hardening

After the attack on Charlie hebdo in January 2015, AL had refused to play the game of the 
ephemeral  " national unity " behind the French government.

After the attacks in Paris in November 2015, Brussels in March 2016 and Nice in July 2016, 
AL maintained this line, reaffirming that the militarist and imperialist escalation would 
not in any way get out of the jihadist gear. Only social responses in Europe and aid to 
the progressive forces in the Middle East can defuse the jihadist threat here, and 
disintegrate it there.

 From November 2015, AL participated in various prohibited demonstrations, braving the 
state of emergency, and contributed in particular to the animation of the unitary 
framework "  Stop the state of  emergency" which organized the demonstrations of January 
30 And 12 March 2016.

International Solidarity

The war in Syria, the ravages of jihadism, the refugee crisis, the struggle of the Kurdish 
left and the fascination of Turkey have marked AL's international activity over the past 
two years.

AL defended the reception of refugees on European soil on the one hand, arguing in favor 
of freedom of movement and installation, demonstrating that "  invasion  " was a myth, and 
on the other hand participating in Public demonstrations in support of refugees.

Locally, concrete support actions were also initiated, notably in Douai and Paris, where 
the federal premises of AL helped to logistics a wild encampment rue d'Aubervilliers. AL 
also distributed material (stickers, posters) produced on the issue by the Libertarian 
Antifascist Campaign (Claf).

The organization also increased its support for the revolutionary experience of Rojava and 
its cooperation with the Kurdish left. Numerous study articles in the monthly magazine, 
public meetings, support for the Kobanê feminist reconstruction project, edition of a 
support tee-shirt, participation in solidarity demonstrations in France ... Without 
abandoning a necessary critical reserve Well accepted by our Kurdish comrades.

In Turkey itself, the Anarchist Revolutionary Action (DAF), in solidarity with the Kurdish 
left and struggling against the fascism of the country, was able to benefit from financial 
support (14,000 euros) collected by the francophone libertarian movement.

As for Greece, Alternative libertarian has relayed the action of the anarcho-syndicalists 
of Rocinante, in fight against the payment of the debt that imprisons the country, and 
against the treason of the Syriza government.

Finally, AL has relayed the campaign for the release of Alexander Koltchenko, a Ukrainian 
anarchist kidnapped and imprisoned by the Russian services, organizing several protest 
rallies in front of Russian diplomatic representations in France.

The bulletin of the international commission and the articles of the monthly Alternative 
libertarian show that our international activity extends well beyond the examples cited. 
It would become even more effective by making the Commission the common tool for all our 
international initiatives and by appointing at least one committee correspondent in each CAL.

In addition, during this mandate, AL will take the means of reflection and decisions 
concerning the structuring and development of our current internationally ; Which includes 
a review of our investment in the Anarkismo network, shared perspectives on its future, 
and how to implement the internationalism we are calling for.

Against racism

The last two years have been marked by an aggravation and disinhibition of racism, mainly 
directed against the Rrom minority and the Muslim minority or supposedly such.

In this context, and in particular during the anti-burkini outbreak of August 2016, AL 
constantly advocated respect for freedom of conscience and denounced the violation by the 
public authorities of the freedom of worship guaranteed by the law of 1905 on secularism.

In the fight against the state of emergency, then against the Labor Act, the organization 
systematically denounced the repression against the social movement and the impunity of 
racist crime committed by the police in the working-class neighborhoods. With Adama Traoré 
and Théo Luhaka having been the most publicized in 2016-2017.

As regards support for the action of racialized associations, AL welcomed the success of 
the March for Dignity of 31 October 2015, which confirmed the now pre-eminent role of 
these associations in anti-racist mobilizations. The organization supported the 
commemoration by the Jewish and Revolutionary Jewish group of the 10 years of the 
assassination of Ilan Halimi. AL was not able to establish relations with Asian 
associations after the murder of Chaolin Zhang in Aubervilliers in August 2016.

In terms of unitary work, AL joined forces with the Call Against Racialization Policies 
and the Manifesto for Political Anti-Racism, in the framework of the May 2015 and October 
2016 Fora ATMF, the FUIQP, the UJFP, the Fasti, the CRI, the Gisti, the Cran ...

On the ecological front

The last two years were mainly marked by the fight against the airport project at 
Notre-Dame-des-Landes (44), opposition to the nuclear burying project at Bure (55) and 
mobilization to denounce The mascarade of the Cop21.

In the Loire-Atlantique region, AL was one of all the demonstrations against the ubucco 
project of Notre-Dame-des-Landes, sometimes with regional or even national reinforcement. 
The AL Federation published a poster, which was extensively pasted at the time of the June 
2016 referendum.

The organization had decided to make the Climate Summit in Paris in December 2015 a time 
of political mobilization to underline the fundamental responsibility of capitalism in 
global warming. A lot of material had been produced (articles in the monthly, four-page 
pamphlet, leaflets, poster, stickers) and a national ascent was planned for the November 
29 demonstration. The attacks of 13 November and the state of emergency have changed the 
situation. AL was able to speak at the "  alternative summit  " of 5-6 December in 
Montreuil, but the planned blocking action had to be canceled due to security measures. On 
the other hand, the organization braved the ban on demonstrating on 29 November, at the 
cost of a few dozen custody.

On the feminist front

Apart from the usual participation in the March 8th days, AL's feminist activity over the 
last two years was mainly marked by the launch of the campaign against violence against 
women in the fall of 2016.

As for the Cop21, a pack of complete material (special folder in the monthly, poster, 
stickers, leaflets, video) was produced by the federation. The CALs made November 25 a 
highlight, and organized public meetings to politicize this issue of violence against women.

On the cultural front

In early 2016, the organization decided to start a small campaign around the 80th 
anniversary of the Spanish Revolution, based on the traveling exhibition carried out by 
the CGT-E. A poster and a special issue in Alternative Libertarian of July-August 2016 
were also planned, but mobilization against the El Khomri law has hampered these projects. 
Nevertheless, a number of LACs organized events around the 80th anniversary of July 36, 
but with no federal material at their disposal.

Outside of the AL framework, in 2015-2016, several tours of the book Too young to die took 
place, which helped to rediscover revolutionary syndicalism. Whenever they wished, the 
CALs were able to organize or be associated with these tours.

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Bilan-d-Alternative-libertaire-2015-2017

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