20 years of no one is illegal ...19.-25. of June - action week in Kassel
My warm respect to all,
for the 20years of anti racists and refugee revolts in Germany. I feel
at this moment the inspiration of the KEIN MENSCH IST ILLEGAL after the
20 years of successful "Gorrilla war far" with the slogan "Kein Mensch
is illegal" to become the most successful slogan of the anti-racist
movement worldwide and of the political tool of expression in the
movement.
Break the colonial borders of Frontex Europe
One thing sure to me, not until the borders are open the Europeans will
not live to know or remember their history of colonialism and their
imperial orders that create the exodus of refugees to Europe and on the
exploitation of refugees.
Keep up with the fights - no border - no nation.
My special greetings to the activists in Hanau and Darmstadt
Power Up Now!
Osaren
for the 20years of anti racists and refugee revolts in Germany. I feel
at this moment the inspiration of the KEIN MENSCH IST ILLEGAL after the
20 years of successful "Gorrilla war far" with the slogan "Kein Mensch
is illegal" to become the most successful slogan of the anti-racist
movement worldwide and of the political tool of expression in the
movement.
Break the colonial borders of Frontex Europe
One thing sure to me, not until the borders are open the Europeans will
not live to know or remember their history of colonialism and their
imperial orders that create the exodus of refugees to Europe and on the
exploitation of refugees.
Keep up with the fights - no border - no nation.
My special greetings to the activists in Hanau and Darmstadt
Power Up Now!
Osaren
Dear friends,
find attached a text about 20 years no one is illegal in Germany but
with a lot of transnational references.
as mentioned earlier - and as you find below again in the link - an
action week started now in Kassel in the same context.
best greetings,
hagen
20 YEARS OF NO ONE IS ILLEGAL – MORE THAN A MINOR SUCCESS STORY
No one is illegal emerged during a precarious moment in time – the
drastic erosion of the right to asylum in Germany in 1993 had left its
mark, the number of new asylum claims was decreasing continuously
while the number of deportations remained high. The criminalisation of
the illegalised as well as potential ‘flight helpers’ grew and the
issue of undocumented migration remained marginal in the media and in
social movements. Moreover, the attempts in the early 1990s to create
autonomous anti-racist networks seemed to be dissolving. Nonetheless,
a range of activists from Munich, Hamburg, Berlin, Cologne, Göttingen
and the Rhine-Main region came together in June 1997 to launch an
offensive initiative with „no one is illegal“. Choosing the
location of Kassel was not accidental – the activist group ‘Cross
the Border’ from Munich had opened spaces within documenta X for
several days.
drastic erosion of the right to asylum in Germany in 1993 had left its
mark, the number of new asylum claims was decreasing continuously
while the number of deportations remained high. The criminalisation of
the illegalised as well as potential ‘flight helpers’ grew and the
issue of undocumented migration remained marginal in the media and in
social movements. Moreover, the attempts in the early 1990s to create
autonomous anti-racist networks seemed to be dissolving. Nonetheless,
a range of activists from Munich, Hamburg, Berlin, Cologne, Göttingen
and the Rhine-Main region came together in June 1997 to launch an
offensive initiative with „no one is illegal“. Choosing the
location of Kassel was not accidental – the activist group ‘Cross
the Border’ from Munich had opened spaces within documenta X for
several days.
In the so-called ‘Hybrid Space’, a temporary interface between art
and activism was created where, also online which was quite avantgarde
at that time, central questions and issues concerning flight and
migration were raised: the struggles of the Sans Papiers in Paris and
the support of self-organised networks, discussions about theAutonomy of Migration’ concept, the necessity of medical care for
the illegalised, as well as future ‘flight helping’ projects. In
this context, the call ‘no one is illegal’ emerged in Kassel,
signed at first by 30, and later by up to 200 groups and organisations
situated in a wide spectrum, encompassing the anti-racist movement,
from churches and labour unions.
and activism was created where, also online which was quite avantgarde
at that time, central questions and issues concerning flight and
migration were raised: the struggles of the Sans Papiers in Paris and
the support of self-organised networks, discussions about theAutonomy of Migration’ concept, the necessity of medical care for
the illegalised, as well as future ‘flight helping’ projects. In
this context, the call ‘no one is illegal’ emerged in Kassel,
signed at first by 30, and later by up to 200 groups and organisations
situated in a wide spectrum, encompassing the anti-racist movement,
from churches and labour unions.
In the months following the documenta-exhibition, a range of local
events and press conferences were organised, as well as the first
eight-page long TAZ newspaper supplement, and a large newspaper
‘ad’ in the Frankfurter Rundschau. A lot of energy was invested
into creating a logo and at that time nobody could have imagined that
it would receive such popularity and would, translated in all sorts of
ways, travel ‘around the world’.
In 1997, no one is illegal (kein mensch ist illegal – kmii) was no
more than a nation-wide ‘initiative’. But this changed quickly. A
year later, no one is illegal activists made a first assessment:
‘The campaign spreads, differently and at varying speeds, with
breaks and gaps. But with the aim of mutually strengthening the
collectivisation of existing and emerging initiatives, no one is
illegal has been more successful than even its optimists would have
dared to hope a year ago’.
events and press conferences were organised, as well as the first
eight-page long TAZ newspaper supplement, and a large newspaper
‘ad’ in the Frankfurter Rundschau. A lot of energy was invested
into creating a logo and at that time nobody could have imagined that
it would receive such popularity and would, translated in all sorts of
ways, travel ‘around the world’.
In 1997, no one is illegal (kein mensch ist illegal – kmii) was no
more than a nation-wide ‘initiative’. But this changed quickly. A
year later, no one is illegal activists made a first assessment:
‘The campaign spreads, differently and at varying speeds, with
breaks and gaps. But with the aim of mutually strengthening the
collectivisation of existing and emerging initiatives, no one is
illegal has been more successful than even its optimists would have
dared to hope a year ago’.
In 1998, no one is illegal activists pressed ahead with the
preparation of a first ‘border camp’ (later ‘noborder camp’)
in Görlitz, and in 1999 with the ‘Deportation-Class’ campaign
against deportations carried out by Lufthansa. No one is illegal grew
and spread through these practical campaigns while at the same time
creating a framework within which concrete ‘everyday structures’
to support the illegalised were built and connected: in counselling
services, in local struggles for the right to stay, and also with the
creation of the first ‘medi-offices’ (medical counselling
services).
Much attention was gained through the church asylum campaign in
Cologne, where Kurdish refugees, members of the church and those of no
one is illegal collaborated. The campaign, aiming to support
self-organised struggles, made references to the Sans Papiers
movement. And in the autumn of 1998, a new opening emerged when the
‘Caravane for the rights of refugees and migrants’, which had been
founded in spring that year, launched a bus tour through 40 cities. In
light of the upcoming general election in Germany, ‘we don’t have
a choice but a voice’ was their slogan, and in various places, local
no one is illegal groups offered support.
At the same time, no one is illegal played a crucial role in the
foundation of the noborder network in 1998 in Amsterdam. Due to the
increasingly europeanised border regime in the 90s, transnational
collaboration was always one of no one is illegal’s focal points:
The exemplary ‘image pollution’ campaign of Dutch activists
against deportations carried out by KLM had inspired the
‘Deportation-Class’ campaign, and the first border camps at the
German-Polish border became a model for the uncountable noborder camps
in the following years across Europe, from the Polish-Ukrainian border
in 2000, to Lesvos in 2009 and Thessaloniki in 2016.
BACK TO THE FUTURE.
As did 2016, the year of 2017 evolves in the context of a racist
‘roll back’: the mass dying in the Mediterranean continues while
civil Search and Rescue actors become denounced and criminalised.
Dublin-deportations to Italy and throughout Europe occur daily and are even planned to be carried out to Greece again. Several charter
deportation flights to Kabul departed from Frankfurt and Munich over
the past few months, while the law to ‘improve the implementation of the duty to leave’ (Gesetz zur ‘besseren Durchsetzung der
Ausreisepflicht’) was approved. But still, as we know through our
struggle for asylum and the freedom of movement over the past 25
years, racist propaganda and attacks were even more drastic in the 90s in Germany, deportations were at times deadly, and mass detention seemed to be the normal state of affairs. In 2008, the number of those who were able to file for asylum in Germany dropped below 30,000 and until the end of 2010, Dublin-deportations to Greece were a routine practice.
preparation of a first ‘border camp’ (later ‘noborder camp’)
in Görlitz, and in 1999 with the ‘Deportation-Class’ campaign
against deportations carried out by Lufthansa. No one is illegal grew
and spread through these practical campaigns while at the same time
creating a framework within which concrete ‘everyday structures’
to support the illegalised were built and connected: in counselling
services, in local struggles for the right to stay, and also with the
creation of the first ‘medi-offices’ (medical counselling
services).
Much attention was gained through the church asylum campaign in
Cologne, where Kurdish refugees, members of the church and those of no
one is illegal collaborated. The campaign, aiming to support
self-organised struggles, made references to the Sans Papiers
movement. And in the autumn of 1998, a new opening emerged when the
‘Caravane for the rights of refugees and migrants’, which had been
founded in spring that year, launched a bus tour through 40 cities. In
light of the upcoming general election in Germany, ‘we don’t have
a choice but a voice’ was their slogan, and in various places, local
no one is illegal groups offered support.
At the same time, no one is illegal played a crucial role in the
foundation of the noborder network in 1998 in Amsterdam. Due to the
increasingly europeanised border regime in the 90s, transnational
collaboration was always one of no one is illegal’s focal points:
The exemplary ‘image pollution’ campaign of Dutch activists
against deportations carried out by KLM had inspired the
‘Deportation-Class’ campaign, and the first border camps at the
German-Polish border became a model for the uncountable noborder camps
in the following years across Europe, from the Polish-Ukrainian border
in 2000, to Lesvos in 2009 and Thessaloniki in 2016.
BACK TO THE FUTURE.
As did 2016, the year of 2017 evolves in the context of a racist
‘roll back’: the mass dying in the Mediterranean continues while
civil Search and Rescue actors become denounced and criminalised.
Dublin-deportations to Italy and throughout Europe occur daily and are even planned to be carried out to Greece again. Several charter
deportation flights to Kabul departed from Frankfurt and Munich over
the past few months, while the law to ‘improve the implementation of the duty to leave’ (Gesetz zur ‘besseren Durchsetzung der
Ausreisepflicht’) was approved. But still, as we know through our
struggle for asylum and the freedom of movement over the past 25
years, racist propaganda and attacks were even more drastic in the 90s in Germany, deportations were at times deadly, and mass detention seemed to be the normal state of affairs. In 2008, the number of those who were able to file for asylum in Germany dropped below 30,000 and until the end of 2010, Dublin-deportations to Greece were a routine practice.
So, when looking back a bit further, and through a
‘migrant-political’ lens, the years 2011 to 2015 have come to
stand for a phase of upheaval, when the Arab Uprisings temporarily
hampered European deterrence policies in North Africa. Also in
Germany, migrant (solidarity) movements gained momentum politically and in the media – for example through the march from Würzburg to Berlin against residency laws, through legal improvements (including the adjustment of social benefits equivalent to Unemployment Benefits II (ALG II)), and through the defeat of much of the practice of putting people into custody pending deportation (‘Abschiebehaft’).
The sensational breakthrough on the Balkan route in September 2015, when hundreds of thousands overran the European border regime, signifies the (preliminary) high point of the struggle for freedom of movement.
‘migrant-political’ lens, the years 2011 to 2015 have come to
stand for a phase of upheaval, when the Arab Uprisings temporarily
hampered European deterrence policies in North Africa. Also in
Germany, migrant (solidarity) movements gained momentum politically and in the media – for example through the march from Würzburg to Berlin against residency laws, through legal improvements (including the adjustment of social benefits equivalent to Unemployment Benefits II (ALG II)), and through the defeat of much of the practice of putting people into custody pending deportation (‘Abschiebehaft’).
The sensational breakthrough on the Balkan route in September 2015, when hundreds of thousands overran the European border regime, signifies the (preliminary) high point of the struggle for freedom of movement.
These unprecedented dynamics can be traced also in official
statistics: More than 430,000 refugees, the majority of whom arrived
in 2015, have received a residence status in 2016 in Germany. This
exceeds, by far, all numbers over the past 30 years and should also
not be underestimated in terms of its long-term effects. Through this
dynamic, and to a new extent, migratory movements have created a new reality in Germany and struggles for the right to stay will continue: tens of thousands of refugees will not accept being deported to other EU countries or to countries of origin.
We can and must connect to these ongoing struggles, even if racist
laws and attacks seem to be on the rise. Over the past three years,
networks of self-organised and supporter structures have become
further consolidated, and diverse projects against deportation and
social marginalisation prevail against racist and repressive policies
and the populist right-wing media. And yet, what is lacking so far is
visibility of these networks beyond the local and to win a common
political and public articulation.
statistics: More than 430,000 refugees, the majority of whom arrived
in 2015, have received a residence status in 2016 in Germany. This
exceeds, by far, all numbers over the past 30 years and should also
not be underestimated in terms of its long-term effects. Through this
dynamic, and to a new extent, migratory movements have created a new reality in Germany and struggles for the right to stay will continue: tens of thousands of refugees will not accept being deported to other EU countries or to countries of origin.
We can and must connect to these ongoing struggles, even if racist
laws and attacks seem to be on the rise. Over the past three years,
networks of self-organised and supporter structures have become
further consolidated, and diverse projects against deportation and
social marginalisation prevail against racist and repressive policies
and the populist right-wing media. And yet, what is lacking so far is
visibility of these networks beyond the local and to win a common
political and public articulation.
This is why a current political mobilisation is of great significance:
“Get Together”, a young german-wide network of the anti-racist
movement has launched a large-scale mobilisation for September 2017.
“Get Together”, a young german-wide network of the anti-racist
movement has launched a large-scale mobilisation for September 2017.
On the 2nd of September, many local actions will take place that will
evoke the historic breakthrough against the border regime two years
ago. The March of Hope and the Refugee Welcome actions of 2015 will be the reference points to bring local initiatives and struggles for two weeks into the public eye and to connect them transnationally. On the 16th of September, one week before the national elections, Berlin is sought to be turned into the central nodal point for nation-wide mobilisations. ‘We’ll Come United’ is the slogan of the action
days and the concluding parade, a political community carnival in the
capital city.
evoke the historic breakthrough against the border regime two years
ago. The March of Hope and the Refugee Welcome actions of 2015 will be the reference points to bring local initiatives and struggles for two weeks into the public eye and to connect them transnationally. On the 16th of September, one week before the national elections, Berlin is sought to be turned into the central nodal point for nation-wide mobilisations. ‘We’ll Come United’ is the slogan of the action
days and the concluding parade, a political community carnival in the
capital city.
Flight and migration are and will be central social issues along which
societal polarisations will, in all likelihood, further sharpen. The
AntiRa-movement - conceived in its entire breadth from self-organised
refugees and communities to welcome initiatives, from Refugee Councils
to noborder groups – has the potential to form a progressive pole in
this debate and to contribute to social mobilisations for a different
and open Europe.
20 years ago, no one is illegal laid a foundation for these
developments and dynamics and has given impetus beyond the
AntiRa-movement – even if the initiative dissolved as an independent
structure in the 2000s and morphed into other networks. From the
external borders to the inner cities, from rescue at sea to solidarity
cities – consistent campaigns and projects have emerged on all
levels that mirror and keep alive this simple while radical slogan.
h., no one is illegal, Hanau (04.06.2017).
Reading suggestions:
societal polarisations will, in all likelihood, further sharpen. The
AntiRa-movement - conceived in its entire breadth from self-organised
refugees and communities to welcome initiatives, from Refugee Councils
to noborder groups – has the potential to form a progressive pole in
this debate and to contribute to social mobilisations for a different
and open Europe.
20 years ago, no one is illegal laid a foundation for these
developments and dynamics and has given impetus beyond the
AntiRa-movement – even if the initiative dissolved as an independent
structure in the 2000s and morphed into other networks. From the
external borders to the inner cities, from rescue at sea to solidarity
cities – consistent campaigns and projects have emerged on all
levels that mirror and keep alive this simple while radical slogan.
h., no one is illegal, Hanau (04.06.2017).
Reading suggestions:
kein mensch ist illegal, Handbuch zu einer Kampagne (ID-Verlag 1999)
Without papers in Europe (Schwarze Risse 2000)
20 years ago we founded the network no one is illegal during the
artist exhibition documenta in Kassel.
find attached the program for next week in Kassel, including a nice
video clip on the original (but still updated!) manifesto.
artist exhibition documenta in Kassel.
find attached the program for next week in Kassel, including a nice
video clip on the original (but still updated!) manifesto.
best,
hagen
BETREFF: 19.-25.JUNI AKTIONSWOCHE KEIN MENSCH IST ILLEGAL/NO ONE
IS ILLEGAL IN KASSEL
hagen
BETREFF: 19.-25.JUNI AKTIONSWOCHE KEIN MENSCH IST ILLEGAL/NO ONE
IS ILLEGAL IN KASSEL
***
In 1997 the network "no one is illegal" was founded at the
documenta X. A manifesto was written with an analysis and
political demands which still seem alarmingly up-to-date. On
Monday, 19th June, the week of action starts during which we want
to discuss what happened in the last 20 years and in which
situation current struggles find themselves.
Here is our manifesto-video:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5mZWsHIdKO0&t=10s
In 1997 the network "no one is illegal" was founded at the
documenta X. A manifesto was written with an analysis and
political demands which still seem alarmingly up-to-date. On
Monday, 19th June, the week of action starts during which we want
to discuss what happened in the last 20 years and in which
situation current struggles find themselves.
Here is our manifesto-video:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5mZWsHIdKO0&t=10s
"The regulation of migration and the systematic denial of rights
is opposed to the demand for equality in all socal and political
matters, to the demand for the respect of human rights of every
person independent of origin and papers."
The whole programme: https://noii2017.wordpress.com/programm/
is opposed to the demand for equality in all socal and political
matters, to the demand for the respect of human rights of every
person independent of origin and papers."
The whole programme: https://noii2017.wordpress.com/programm/