Today's Topics:
1. Indonesia, anarkis.org: Disease of Populism Only Infected
the Country [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
the Country [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. [Spain] CNT Chronicle in Villalar 2017: A working and
popular reality By ANA (pt) [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
popular reality By ANA (pt) [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. France, Alternative Libertaire AL #271 - history, A bold
documentary on the Russian Revolution (fr, it, pt) [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
documentary on the Russian Revolution (fr, it, pt) [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. Greece, May 1, 2017 - All the way by Anarchist Federation --
PRICE TO WORKERS WHO EPANASTATES won WAR THAT
PRICE TO WORKERS WHO EPANASTATES won WAR THAT
TODAY WE Hanuman IN
PEACE (gr) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
PEACE (gr) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. US, black rose fed: THE NEXT 100 DAYS: MAY DAY AND WORKER
RESISTANCE UNDER TRUMP (ca) (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
Democratic States Genetical Syndrome by Bima Satria Putra ---- We know that religious
fundamentalist and ultra-nationalist groups are at the top in the political struggle in
many countries today. This power rises in the countries of Europe, America, and Asia, not
least in Indonesia. The emergence of such groups in Indonesia, often accompanied by
financial crises and their distrust of powerful political elites. The awakening of this
group at once also slapped us because of the old political weapon use by a new player in
the form of populism. Donald Trump (United States), Beppe Grillo (Italy), Norbert Hofer
(Austria), Marine Le Pen (France), Geert Wilders (Netherlands), Frauke Petry (Germany),
Nigel Farage (England), Pablo Iglesias (Spain) and A series of other names are figures
considered populist.
The political doctrine of populism, believes that the political elite often use the will
of the people ( populi ), and they want to solve the problems experienced by the people.
Therefore, if the problem is to be solved, they must come to power and gain popular
support. In The Populist Persuasion (1998), historian Michael Kazin describes populism as
"a language used by speakers to seize the convictions of ordinary people as a collection
of noble ones not for sale; That their elite enemies are selfish and undemocratic; And try
to mobilize it against them. "His resurrection shows the fall of the status quo,
Historians note that populism has become a common political phenomenon throughout history.
From the phenomenon of populism we can learn two things, first , populism driven by the
great will of reform in the economic field due to the failure of the authority in power.
Unfortunately, many contemporary political observers miss this, because they are too busy
studying the rise of populism in 21st Century Europe. It is important to note that the
motives in each case of populism tend to be different and should not be blown flat. The
rise of populism in European developed countries for example, is due to the deteriorating
economic conditions. Greece's debt crisis made it the first developed country to fail to
repay IMF loans and creditors from several European countries. This is exacerbated by the
adverse impact of the EU economic embargo on Russia due to its military intervention in
Ukraine, as well as the crisis of immigrants fleeing from the Middle East due to political
shocks and civil war. The immigrant crisis is thought to be wasting the budget and
becoming a criminal and terrorist breed in Europe, which has reinforced the conflict of
identity-centric politics.
The right populists accommodate the attributes of nationalism and religion, as well as
feel of carrying the interests of the 'crowds' and feel giving them protection. Hence,
'populism' and 'populist' are often used positively by their political opponents. The type
of solidarity of right populism is the solidarity of the nation or people, that "they,
steal our field of work". Some of the current US population has an exaggerated fear of the
rise of Islamic fundamentalists, in the shadow of terror of the events of 11 September.
This fear was exploited by Donald Trump in his campaign. When he was elected, he
immediately tightened immigration laws for asylum seekers and refugees from seven
Muslim-majority countries and a wall-building plan along the US-Mexico border.
In Europe, similar sentiments arise to immigrants from the Middle East, who run away from
political shock and civil war in the country. The EU is considered incompetent in dealing
with immigrants, who are accused, of being criminals and of terrorism in Europe. This
opportunity was used by Marine Le Pen, of the National Front Party, who some time ago
announced that he would advance in the French presidential election. He continues to voice
the need for a referendum for French society. He also conducted a Frexit or French Exit
campaign. The campaign was intensified following the UK's exit from the European Union,
later known as the Brexit or the British Exit. The same is true in Holland, where Geert
Wilders, leader of the Freedom Party of the Netherlands, accused the EU of taking money,
identity, democracy and European sovereignty. "We want to take power in our own country,
own our own money, our own borders and our own immigration policy. If I became prime
minister, there would be a referendum for the Dutch to leave the EU. Let the Dutch people
vote, "Wilders said on his personal website. The same is true in Germany, Italy and Austria.
This is why the populism becomes a negative connotation. It is labeled to the figure of
political elite and its supporters who are considered racist, sexist and xenophobic, and
are peyoratif used by their political opponents. The same sentiment but with a different
look can be found in Indonesia about the ethnic Chinese economic conspiracy, that they,
the non-native political and economic elites, try to exploit and dredge the wealth of
Indonesia. They have political affiliation with their home country and they will harm the
indigenous economy or indigenous people. This issue is spread in online news and black
propaganda in the 2014 presidential election. The Torch People's Tabloid , for example,
explains that the campaign fund of the Jokowi-JK candidate pair comes from Chinese
cukongs. This sentiment strengthened more recently in the elections of DKI Jakarta,
because candidate petahana Basuki Thahaja Purnama (Ahok), Chinese descendants of
Christian. This sentiment developed with the arrival of migrant workers from China after
the enactment of the ASEAN Economic Community (MEA).[1]This nonsense is spread and the
appeal of choosing Islamic leaders based on the fundamental eyes of the Qur'anic verses is
emphasized. This misconception, that populism closely with racism, try to be rectified by
Mudhoggir (2017). He stressed that what is worth worrying about in Indonesia is not
Islamic populism, but the racist politics that often follow. This sentiment developed with
the arrival of migrant workers from China after the enactment of the ASEAN Economic
Community (MEA).[1]This nonsense is spread and the appeal of choosing Islamic leaders
based on the fundamental eyes of the Qur'anic verses is emphasized. This misconception,
that populism closely with racism, try to be rectified by Mudhoggir (2017). He stressed
that what is worth worrying about in Indonesia is not Islamic populism, but the racist
politics that often follow. This sentiment developed with the arrival of migrant workers
from China after the enactment of the ASEAN Economic Community (MEA).[1]This nonsense is
spread and the appeal of choosing Islamic leaders based on the fundamental eyes of the
Qur'anic verses is emphasized. This misconception, that populism closely with racism, try
to be rectified by Mudhoggir (2017). He stressed that what is worth worrying about in
Indonesia is not Islamic populism, but the racist politics that often follow. Try to be
rectified by Mudhoggir (2017). He stressed that what is worth worrying about in Indonesia
is not Islamic populism, but the racist politics that often follow. Try to be rectified by
Mudhoggir (2017). He stressed that what is worth worrying about in Indonesia is not
Islamic populism, but the racist politics that often follow.
Populism is not an ideology with fixed dogmas; therefore, racist sentiments can not be
encountered in the case of resurrection of populism in developing countries, or in
countries with high poverty rates as in some Latin American countries. In a country like
this, populism is triggered by the uneven distribution of welfare, so that left populism
is easier to occur with class struggle rhetoric. Robert Samuel (2016) explains that left
populism does not lie in the type of conflict with identity politics, as the right group
does, but based on class conflict. The type of solidarity they use is class solidarity,
that "they, the upper classes, exploit us, the lower classes". This then causes a second
symptom , The political elite who used the first thing to claim knew the needs of the
people. As can be seen in the figure of Hugo Chávez in Venezuela, which approaches the
poor by promising redistributive policies and state control over national energy
resources.[2]Throughout history, populism has been used not only by top groups-some have
called it the far right , but it is also used by the left.
Populism, Genetic Disease State Democracy ( State Democracy )
From the above explanation, it would be appropriate if we justify Cas Mudde's (2004)
statement that, "many observers have noted that populism is inherent in representative
democracy." Similarly Thomas Piketty (in Hazareesingh, 2015), while claiming that the rise
of populism can be blamed Because of the growing gap in welfare distribution. It is
important to note, in the context of what socio-political system populism can grow.
Populism, not a disease for democracy, but it is democracy itself that carries the seeds
of populist disease, or, in a sense, a hereditary disease. Note that only representative
forms of democracy are genetically carrying populism as a logical consequence. State
democracy is designed and born to be very ill, vulnerable, vulnerable,
Populism, rather than being viewed as an immoral single political behavior of the elite,
is in fact one of the usual social and institutional processes in which the economic and
political elite attempt to influence the decision to allocate factors of production for
the present or future, Society, which could be doubted its sincerity. It is nothing but a
political-economic method that can only grow on the right social organism, in this case a
country with parliamentary democracy.
The populist political elite, as I explained above, undermines the true value of
democracy. Nevertheless, democracy is actually corrupted, it worsens the democracy of a
ruined state, by co-opting that the voice of the people is the voice of God ( vox populi
vox dei ), and they feel responsible for that voice. Thus, fulfilling the will of the
group may lead to dictator by majority or otherwise, in most cases, based on identity
politics. This is dangerous.
First of all we must realize the symptoms of populist disease, then understand the anatomy
of the state body. Because, by understanding the body and the right disease, we can
provide the right healing as well. The symptoms of populist disease by Marco Tarchi (in
Hardiman, 2017), characterized by first , its leaders claim to know the needs of the
people; Second , impatience with formal democratic procedures; Third , reference to the
'ordinary'; Fourth , dislike to party politicians. Not much different, Prime (2017) shows
that populism is characterized by the first , anti-establishment, in the sense of
representing the expression of a marginalized group; Second , the authority of the leader,
Either through charisma or personal figures or apocalyptic messages ("Our country is
bankrupt, we are going to hell"); And thirdly , strong in-group feelings , which, in terms
of being expressed in 'us vs. them' sentiments-the boundary line can be based on class or
economic status, citizenship status, or race and religion.
From these various phenomena, we can further dissect the body of a parliamentary
democracy, to show that the state does save populism as a hereditary disease. How could it be?
The state is a system of government that controls a vast and centralized territory, where
power only accumulates in a handful of groups who claim to "represent the interests of the
people". They are elected yearly by the people, and this election, becomes a joke to us
when called a democratic party. Very funny, given that real democracy is a direct
democracy, in which people carry their own affairs, that power is in their hands. Now the
position of the people is very low, dwarfed to be merely taxpayers, voters and
constituents. After the electoral process is over, their role is lost in politics,
replaced by professionals who claim to have experience and expertise in the field of state
to take care of the people.
Social reality shows that the elite can not really work for the people. If accompanied by
financial crises and conflicts, the populist disease becomes easier to relapse. It was
then that the political elite took advantage of critical moments, the people were then
provoked by charismatic leaders who articulated the collective strife of the people.
Dislikes of the ruling government are increasingly prompted by certain groups of people,
and some political elites, who share their views, or are opportunistic, appear to take
advantage of this opportunity.
They are right in realizing that the formal procedure of state democracy, namely
elections, is too wasteful of time and energy. Therefore they often vent their anxiety in
the form of protests. The people, with great hostility, are mobilized against the ruling.
As seen in the decline of millions of Muslims in the action of Islamic Belgians 411 and
212 which demanded that the Police arrest and imprison Ahok for alleged blasphemy.
In fact, not necessarily disputes and efforts to resolve the anxiety is appropriate.
Because usually, there are different views in political life. In the UK and America for
example, there are pro policies to accept immigrants. If you think, who caused millions of
Middle Eastern citizens to become refugees, if not the liberal democratic countries
themselves? They create conflicts with their military intervention, disrupt civilian life,
then accidentally (or deliberately?) Create Islamic fundamentalist militias. They bombed
homes, starved them and became cold, and ultra-nationalists bordered their borders, as if
they were innocent of what their liberals were creating. It is becoming increasingly sad
when we remember that the white American population, In the eyes of indigenous Indians are
also immigrants. And now it is this immigrant's turn, who rejects other immigrants.
Applause for this.
The Body of Democracy Without a State: Immune Populism
There are two systems that are immune from the disease of populism. First , the absolute
monarchy. Clearly, populism will not be able to live in absolute monarchy. Instead of
being an organism, an absolute monarchy is a robot, the people automatically must be
obligated to submit to their authoritarian leader, given the decision making is
monopolized by one person. There will be no party, there will be no election, therefore,
no political elite needs to be populist. Trying to avoid populism by returning to the
absolute monarchy system like the kingdom is a foolish act. So I went straight to the
second system , democratic confederalism.[3]
Unlike the state, the confederation[4]implements direct democracy. In it all citizens in
the communities manage their own affairs through a process of judgment and decision-making
in face-to-face meetings , which is different from what the state does for them. For
"politics is too precarious to be left to professionals," wrote Janet Biehl (2016), so
"politics must be the field of amateurs or commoners." Confederations are
consensus-oriented, that is, they all agree to agree. In contrast to countries where
decision-making is placed on a handful of people and marginalises other diverse sounds.
Direct democracy is clearly not applicable to large areas and large populations.
Therefore, the confederation also implements decentralization. Decision-making is
conducted on the smallest possible local scale, in an identifiable community form in
accordance with geographic proximity, not primordial elements. Communities that implement
this direct democracy should be divided on the basis of the number of citizens who can be
considered rational to conduct meetings, and all those considered mature can equally
voice. These communities are networked, without losing their absolute autonomy, to
coordinate and cooperate.
Communities do not send representatives as to the parliamentary system of the state, whose
voices are considered to represent their constituent votes. Delegates to the confederation
system are delegates designated directly by the community, which carries the mandate as
the result of the decision, and therefore can be recalled at any time. In a healthy
political system like this, the disease of populism will not plague itself. Confederations
marked by direct democracies, consensus and an autonomous and decentralized community
network, do not allow populists to emerge.
This is in contrast to the parliamentary democracies, in which the elite of the
opportunist politicians skillfully captures the accumulation of unrest among some peoples,
and uses it as a campaign for the self-interest of the self and of its class. As Marine Le
Pen, Donald Trump, and the populist Geerts Wilder. While in state decision making, the
structure of domination established a handful of people in power over the majority. The
state is essentially, structurally and professionally, separate from the general public.
He exercises power over the people and makes decisions on people who can influence their
lives. Power ultimately rests on coercive violence. As hard as it seeks, the parliamentary
struggle that moves in the context of state politics is the energy-consuming, And often in
vain. Because a handful of elites who have the power to make decisions may not necessarily
hear the people's aspirations. Even if the decision is taken as expected by the people, it
is a decision that is in harmony with other interests that benefit him.
Today, the democratic system of democratization is developed by Abdullah Ocalan and is now
practiced in Kurdistan. Ocalan was inspired by the libertarian municipalist political
program initiated by the libertarian socialist theorist, Murray Bookchin. However, we do
not think before doing further historical tracing, that precisely the time when people
manage public affairs turned out to be closer than we think. Direct democracy is a central
element of political tradition so that Western society claims to be highly appreciative of
this system. Although well-articulated by Bookchin, municipalism was actually created in
the seventh century BC in Ancient Greece, until the Swabian League in the 18th Century. In
the 21st century, this system can also be seen still practiced in Switzerland,
In fact, as we can read the works of Aristotle, direct democracy reached a remarkable
level of application in Greece. Etymologically, politics is derived from the word polis ,
from ancient Greek (generally misinterpreted as "city-state") meaning public, a
participatory dimension, direct management by citizens over community affairs through
face-to-face democratic institutions, In the form of a people's assembly ( ecclesia ). In
its heyday, ecclesia was a mass meeting in the open with thousands of Athenian males
attending it. All persons (except slaves and women, including Aristotle himself excluded),
may participate in an open, orderly debate, in accordance with the principle of isegonia ,
Because it pinned the label of 'politics' in the system of parliamentary democracy is a
misnomer rough, this system should be more aptly named state ( statecraft ), not a
political one, because it does not meet the requirements in accordance with its historical
significance. If people are increasingly able to abandon their passivity and begin to
actively engage in political life, they will create problems for the state by tampering
with the inconsistencies between social realities and the accompanying rhetoric. Thus, the
main cause is precisely within the parliamentary democracy system, when the people's
anxiety is clogged up because formal democratic procedures through the paths are dominated
by a handful of professionals, who become populist when it catches this phenomenon. So
that populism does not grow, We must disperse the state with its damaged organs. Renew the
immunity of our political system with a healthier democracy, the confederation, which, in
a very radical sense, evokes direct democracy and develops it, with rational and ethical
values and practices that support it. Believe me, populism disease will not recur again.
Further References
Argandoña, Antonio. 2017. Why Populism Is Rising And How To Combat It . Retrieved from
Forbes.com on Monday, February 27, 2017.
Aspinall, Edward. 2014. Prabowo and Dangers Against Indonesian Democracy . Retrieved from
Indoprogress.com on Tuesday, February 28, 2017.
Biehl, Janet. 2016. Political Social Ecology: Libertarian Munarianism . Night Leaves.
Yogyakarta.
Bremmer, Ian. 2015. These 5 Facts Explain the Worrying Rise of Europe's Far-Right .
Retrieved from Time.com, on Friday, March 4, 2017.
Hardiman, F. Budi. 2017. Right Populism in a Democratic Law State . Paper in Seminar "
Indonesia and the Rise of Populism in Global Politics " at Driyarkara Philosophy College,
on Saturday, February 25, 2017 in Jakarta.
Kazin, Michael. 1998. The Populist Persuasion: An American History . Cornell University.
New York.
Mudde, Cas. 2006. The Populist Zeitgeist . In Government and Opposition . Blackwell
Publishing. Oxford.
Mudhoggir, Abdil Mughis. 2017. The Concern is a Racist Politics, not an Islamic Populism .
Retrieved from Indoprogress.com on Tuesday, February 28, 2017.
Prime, Ari A. 2017. Strength of Populism: Trump, Brexit to FPI . Retrieved from
Indoprogress.com on Tuesday, February 28, 2017.
Private, Airlangga. 2016. The Path of Hugo Chavez Socialism Through Populist Political
Projection . Retrieved from Indoprogress.com on Monday, February 27, 2017.
Samuels, Robert. 2016. Psychoanalyzing the Left and Right after Donald Trump:
Conservatism, Liberalism and Neoliberal Populism . Palgrabe Macmillan. California.
Endnotes
[1]However, many Indonesian political observers claim that Gerindra Party Chairman Prabowo
Subianto is a populist, controversial. Some scholars consider Prabowo a populist for
example Edward Aspinall (2014) and Arie A. Perdana (2017). Indeed, Prabowo could benefit
because the candidate he proposed, the Anies-Sandiaga couple, could gain votes with this
sentiment in the 2017 Jakarta elections. But Prabowo is different from most populists in
Europe and America. He has never openly expressed anti-Chinese sentiments and the
obligation to elect an Islamic leader. Especially considering Prabowo also filed Ahok
accompany Joko Widodo in elections DKI Jakarta in 2012. Therefore I revoked my statement
in the article of Fundamentalist and Ultra-Nationalist Awakening writings: It is not the
End of History (2017) published in anarchis.org, that Prabowo is a populist. Different for
example with FPI Chairman Habib Rizieq Shihab whose political activities were fortunate
with anti-Christian leader sentiments. He also openly supports two other couples in the
2017 Jakarta Regional Head Election.
[2]A good review of left populism can be read in the work of Airlangga Pribadi (2016)
under the title of Hugo Chavez Socialist Path through Projected Left Populism .
[3]Further reading of this matter can be seen in the work of Janet Biehl, Political Social
Ecology: Libertarian Munisipalism (2016).
[4]The confederation is not to be equated with federalism developed in the United States.
http://anarkis.org/penyakit-populisme-hanya-menjangkiti-negara/
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Message: 2
This year the CNT reassembled its tent in Villalar under the motto " Your world destroys
us, let us build ours ", betting to give a popular and popular content to the date of
April 23[day reminding the revolt of the Communities of Castile and the Battle of Villalar
in 1521]. We can say that the harmony with the rest of the libertarian movement is
increasingly evident, making the discourse of union so necessary in the present day a
reality. ---- The media again gave an institutionalized, routine and commercial image of
April 23. It is difficult not to ask what communication they are talking about, when they
give this image and glance at solid activities linked to the struggles opened in these
lands, as is the case of the CNT tent. ---- This silence of the media (especially with the
CNT) breaks with the reality of what happens in Villalar and what could be attended by
thousands of people who were there. The protest demonstration of the many social
collectives that open their doors continues to be a speaker to the social, labor and
environmental problems that affect the whole peninsula. The CNT continues to carry
important content on each of the themes.
Around the tent, we were able to see all day distributors that shared information: CNT
Ávila, CNT Valladolid, CNT Zamora, Diario de Vurgos, Federation of Students Libertarians,
Ideas of Rebellion, La Maldita, Marcando Pezón, publisher Zarramaco. .. Also, and it is
something to take into account, many other collectives showed their interest in being in
Villalar, although they could not attend. We hope that in the next editions we can
establish relationships with them.
One of the strengths of this year was in the interventions in the social and union act,
which had several platforms on the defense of the environment. The presentation of the act
of the CNT was in charge of Rubén Ruiz, who recalled that it is "a pride that after more
than 10 years of presence in this camp the scenario has served to give space to several
popular demands, but never so that a politician Their lies, their particular interests, or
throw us their disgusting corruption. " Meanwhile , the chords of the CNT anthem " To the
barricades " echoed . We also wanted to make a special mention to the recently deceased
activist, Doris Benegas, "who contributed in a transparent way so that Villalar was a
space for social and political demands:
It was time for Alejandro Cano of the Toledo Platform in Defense of the Tagus River, which
emphasized how the Tagus in its different parts, "the most violated river in the Iberian
peninsula", how the institutions "adhere to particular political interests forgetting the
Common interests "and that only" from the union of our own people can we give voice and
solution to the serious problems that cross the largest river in the Iberian Peninsula. "
From the Anti-Nuclear Assembly of Salamanca and from the Coordinator against Garoña they
explained to us the whole drama and the process of nuclear energy in the Iberian
Peninsula: "they told us that they did not cut any oak trees and found a far-reaching
ecological disaster" and added notes Which point to the nuclear danger - "their transport,
their storage, the effects of exposure to radioactivity to health, their waste of
thousands of years etc". Also in the case of Garoña, "which is an obsolete center, with
technology that does not violate any guarantee ... and we did not say it to the
Coordinator, but to the Nuclear Safety Committee, said the spokesman of the Coordinator
against Garoña, Andrés Amayuelas.
Gaspar Manzaneda of the CNT recalled that "it has been 100 years since the workers in the
Russian lands started the biggest offensive against capital", "that we are the ones who
produce the wealth and therefore who should manage it" and called without fissures "The
unity of the workers, because, as the people of Salamanca, Toledo and Burgos said, it is
no longer a possible union, if not necessary for the survival of our species and our planet."
Finally, the presenter summoned the people who were there "to attend the demonstrations of
the First of May, historic date for the working class, where to denounce the cuts and
aggressions that we have been suffering for a decade."
Throughout the day we could hear the sound of numerous dulzainas through the collective
Tarambanas of Palencia, also the sound of ranches in charge of Los Linces de la Meseta
and, finally, a rock concert by APAKA de León and Brea Bastard and Debakle of
Valladolid.
We want to thank the music groups for the affinity and the companionship that they
transmit with the CNT and that their work is as fundamental as the rest of the people
(militants, distributors ...) who collaborate so that the tent of the CNT is different
year after year . Everything in the tent - in the assembly, in the bars, every minute of
the minute always a so united coexistence - was possible from the militant
self-management, cornerstone that we bet to build a world that does not destroy us.
See you in the fight and in the next Villalar.
Video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xdErdbW2Ovc
Source:
https://www.cntvalladolid.es/cronica-de-cnt-en-villalar-2017-a-realidad-obrera-y-popular/
Translation> Joana Caetano
------------------------------
Message: 3
With magnificent images, Lenin, another story of the Russian revolution, visible on
Arte.tv until the end of April, manages to make understand the major stages and strategic
issues of the revolution. Too bad he gives in to condescension. ---- With his documentary
Lenin, another story of the Russian Revolution, Cedric Tourbe attempted the feat: telling
the Russian Revolution from February 1917 to January 1918, in ninety-five minutes. ----
With such a short duration, it was a challenge to condense the facts, debates, characters,
twists and turns of a period so abundant, while restoring a political climate that the
viewer a century later , Has a hard time imagining. ---- There is, therefore, in this
documentary, good and bad. ---- The demonstrations of April 1917, when it is clear that
the social revolution is tackling the political revolution.
A red thread: Lenin
Among its strengths, one must first cite a cinematographic material of first choice. No
reconstitution in starched costume, but period images or sequences of Eisenstein films
shot ten years later and judiciously decrypted.
Then, the director was well advised, by a size: Marc Ferro, author of several reference
books on the Russian Revolution in the 1970s. He therefore resolutely departs from the
Stalinist vulgate who erected the statue of a Lenin Omniscient genius, ruling with an iron
hand an ultradisciplined Party towards victory. Realistic, on the contrary, Peat depicts
an unnamed political and economic chaos, in the midst of which the revolutionaries, shaken
by events, are torn on the path to follow and the slogans to be adopted, no choice being
obvious to decide.
The narrative framework is coherent. It draws extensively from the Memoirs of Nicholas
Sukhanov (photo), a left-wing Menshevik who has providentially witnessed almost all the
key moments of the year 1917. And she uses the action of Lenin as a red thread, To
problematize the strategic options that tormented the Bolsheviks between June and October:
is it because we have the military means to make a coup d'état ? And if so, when ? And
how, in order not to put everyone down ?
And the anarchists in there ?
Some will be frustrated that the documentary stops at the beginning of 1918, before the
outbreak of the civil war and its abysses of violence which, much more than October, will
shape the new regime. But, in ninety-five minutes, it would have been illusory.
After saying all this, a few flaws.
There are some factual errors here and there - soldier Fedor Linde, editor of the famous
Prikaz No.1 of the Petrogard Soviet, has never been anarchist - but rather secondary.
What is on the other hand deeply annoying is the staging and the tone used by the
narrator. Of course, it is healthy to demythologize events and to desecrate the
revolutionaries ... but not to use systematically a sarcastic tone ! A century of
distance, ironizing on the errors or failures committed in the tumult of the time, is a
condescension too comfortable.
When, in August 1917, General Kornilov threatened to unleash the counter-revolution, the
popular uprising kept him in check.
Finally, and this is an interesting point of view, one can regret that the documentary
hardly speaks of the anarchists. Although they were probably ten times less than the
Bolsheviks in Petrograd in 1917, they played a not insignificant role, notably during the
demonstrations in June and the insurrectional attempt of July 1917, Similar to those of
the Bolsheviks.
We will have the opportunity to tell all this in the summer folder 2017 of the monthly
Alternative libertarian.
Meanwhile, Lenin, another story of the Russian revolution met with a big success, with
more than 240,000 views in a month on Arte.tv. The documentary is still visible until the
end of April. Anyone who knows nothing about the Russian Revolution will look at him
without getting bored and will no doubt want to know more !
Guillaume Davranche (AL Montreuil)
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Un-documentaire-audacieux-sur-la-Revolution-russe
------------------------------
Message: 4
The story of insurgent workers of the 1886 Chicago marked the conscience of the
international class movement that their rights, the workers and the workers conquered
after aimatovamenous struggles and revolutions against the bosses and their dogs. ---- In
today's attack and the state capital and it is in this very consciousness of the working
class. The SYRIZA-ANEL government and local and foreign bosses playing the economic crisis
paper aim at a voluntary surrender of our industrial achievements. We ask us to stoop and
head do "patience until the economy back on track" to put up with the misery and
devaluation of our lives, reduced wages and exhausting hours, work Sunday without any
protection and social security.
In recent years - from 2012 started the crisis until today was cloudless for the ruling
classes, without social unrest and antistaseis.Poly quickly without discontinuity between
illusion capturing the SYRIZA program (and any similar social democratic capitalist
continuation program brutality with "human face") with the reality of modern capitalism
revealed. Failure to confirm the only truth that can arise effortlessly from the facts: on
the territory of today's global capitalist crisis opened two paths, either to accept the
terms of the global totalitarianism or the Social Revolution. Average road there.
For our class, these years were recession year. The attack was not turned into the "past
centuries" and "Middle Ages" - unlike engraved and emphasized the image of the future. A
future tunnel boring state attack and capital to work, security, social liberties,
environmental and social goods. Following the reductions in salaries and pensions, cuts in
all public benefits, the phasing out of the Sunday holiday, the tax increase, the price
increase in commodities came the change in the pension system, came smashing to pieces of
social security, the auctions primary residence and the new labor bill that prevents the
right to strike and deny the collective bodies of the workers.
Workers and employees have a historic debt to the rebels of May Day: the duty to remind
the state and the bosses that you will always find us opposite them, until the total
overthrow of the current operating system. The Labor Day -from 1880 to Chicago and
Thessaloniki in 1936 is not simply a mosaic of labor demands and revolutions, but a
constant struggle against oblivion and power, as the relentless struggle of the working
class for its final liberation from the shackles of capitalism.
For us, Labor Day is a reminder that this battle begins from the social base of the
exploited against the exploiters, the left and right bosses, big and small, socialist and
right states, judges, cops and anthropofylakon. It is even the reminder that in this
struggle we are not alone. Next to us, locals and migrant workers in Greece, stand the
Turks and Kurdish fighters, the rebels of Stantingk Rock, the antifascists Bulgarians, the
Zapatistas, Palestinian hunger strikers, anarchists located within the walls of the
prison, those in each corner of the world realize that the struggle ends where begins the
classless society.
ONE IS THE ROAD TO LABOR NIKAS
to a new fighter, ADIALAKTO, self-organized LABOR THEORY
STRUGGLE FOR A SOCIETY WITHOUT STATE, FOR A WORLD WITHOUT EXPLOITATION
communism and anarchy
ATHENS
Museum Path 10:30
THESSALONIKI
10:00 Kamara independent class FORWARD
support blocks grassroots unions
LAMIA
Concentration
pl. Liberty
10 a.m.
anarchist Federation
anarchist-federation.gr
info@anarchist-federation.gr
twitter: twitter.com/anarchistfedGr
fb: facebook.com/anarxikiomospondia2015/
------------------------------
Message: 5
A May Day statement from Black Rose/Rosa Negra Labor Committee ---- After a ruthless
"first 100 days" of reaction from the Trump regime, including escalating attacks on
immigrants, open season for capitalists, bombing campaigns, and the looming threat of a
new "law and order," we stand in solidarity with those taking to the streets for May Day
across the country and around the world. ---- Since the election of Donald Trump, many
people have been asking what they can do to fight back. On May Day, International Workers
Day, one place to look is where many of us spend the bulk of our day: the workplace. This
May Day gives us an opportunity to draw inspiration from recent worker and immigrant
struggles, bring our co-workers together into collective action against the current
right-wing onslaught, and continue to build the solidarity, organization, and popular
power needed for a new revolutionary labor movement.
Although the number of workers participating in workplace actions against the Trump regime
has been relatively small, the fact that any group of workers is willing to take such
risks in standing together to fight for political demands - as opposed to the more narrow
economic demands of improved wages and working conditions - is significant. To give a
picture of what these actions have looked like, we want to share some of the experiences
of friends and comrades who have participated in strikes against Trump:
Teacher, Public High School in New York:
Our union decided to walk out of school on Women's Day. The plan was based on what some of
the more reluctant members of our union said they would be comfortable with. This was that
we would walk out at the end of the day, during seminar, and we would just shut school for
the last 45 minutes of the day. Plus, we missed all of our professional development.
Our profession is heavily gendered as female, and there are five male teachers total at
our entire school. So that connection was pretty obvious to people, but there were no
concrete demands that we were organized around, just this general sense that women's
rights are under attack, that women are doing powerful things when they act together, and
that we have to stand up for our students.
We designed this amazing lesson plan for those 45 minutes where the five male teachers
plus the administration would guide students through thinking about what gender inequality
is, and how it's important for us to teach the responsibility to engage in struggle and
fight injustice. We called on the men at our job to basically take on the role of
educating students about gender inequality. So those pieces all felt really good, but then
at the end of the day the most moderate members of our union did not participate either
way. They just quietly did not show up.
And then for the teachers who left we marched around in front of the school for a while
and then we took the subway downtown to join the Women's Day rally.
I think that there was very little actual building up to this - very little actually
saying how is this going to change anything, why this action, what exactly are we fighting
for on this day. If we had done that, who knows what kind of participation we could have
achieved. You can't manufacture a strike out of nothing.
I think that the point is to take action collectively, as much as possible, and that means
actually organizing people, actually having organizing conversations with people about why
to take this action. Not just asking "what are you willing to do?", but showing people
what, concretely, we're trying to achieve, and how these actions are part of strategy to
build something bigger and more powerful, not just a cycle of repeating the same thing
over and over again.
Medical Assistant, Community Health Center in Boston:
I'm an immigrant from El Salvador and the majority of my coworkers are immigrant women
from various countries such as Honduras, Haiti, the Dominican Republic, Puerto Rico, the
Philippines, Morocco and Nepal. We are all exploited as workers, and also as immigrants we
are affected by the Trump administration's attacks. For that reason I decided to
participate in the Asamblea del Pueblo, a new organization that is dedicated to defending
the immigrant community against deportations and everyday racism. We have been meeting
almost weekly since last November's election. When thousands of workers across the US
struck for the "Day without Immigrants" in February, we organized a rally and assembly
where we offered support to workers who faced retaliation from their bosses for
participating in the strike. I have focused on inviting my co-workers to join the
assemblies. Many of them have asked me "why organize like that?" and I tell them that we
know best what our problems are and what are real solutions to our problems. Besides the
work I'm doing with Asamblea del Pueblo, several months ago I joined the Industrial
Workers of the World (IWW), a combative and democratic union. One day I want us to be
organized in our workplace, although I know that that will take time and effort. I am
patient, but this May Day I will be on strike.
Graduate Student Instructor, UC San Diego in California:
On January 20, 2017, students and workers on our campus refused to work in protest of
Donald Trump's inauguration to office of the presidency. Faculty, staff, TAs, and students
spent three months planning for the strike. Weekly meetings took place with 50+
participants, all of whom took on active and essential roles in the organizing efforts. We
began the strike action by blocking the faculty parking lot with our picket line,
preventing fellow instructors from arriving to our workplace and subsequently prohibiting
the everyday functioning of our university. We then gathered for a rally at noon, where
over 600 people gathered for speeches, later to break into a spontaneous dance party in
the midst of the pouring rain.
Through this experience, I was able to forge new relationships grounded in solidarity and
shared interests as students and workers. In organizing collective action together with my
peers, my friends, I felt empowered to change my relationship with my workplace, thus
challenging my everyday conditions of oppression, my exploitation.
While these stories only gives us a glimpse of recent labor militancy, the current
atmosphere points to future opportunities for expanding the terrain of struggle. We need
to move beyond the relatively small scale, dispersed, and disconnected state of current
actions, which mostly revolve around public sector workplaces with low risk of
retaliation, toward broad-based, cross-sector coordinated strikes and workplace
mobilizations that include private sector, low wage and unwaged workers.
While there are real limits to mobilizations such as May Day, at the workplace level they
provide opportunities to continue the work that the stories above demonstrate - the work
of building relationships with our co-workers, growing political consciousness and
militancy, and making connections with other struggles to rebuild a fighting labor
movement. In other words, the specific action that happens matters less than the political
transformation and organization it creates or cultivates.
But action in the workplace needs a goal beyond just the immediate step of politicizing
and organizing with our co-workers. These are short-term gains that don't by themselves
answer the necessary question of how we are going to survive on a planet being throttled
by capitalism. We are taking action on May Day with the ultimate goal of the revolutionary
overthrow of capitalism and the state, and the dismantling of white supremacy and
heteropatriarchy. On May Day, as with all our actions, we should be asking ourselves: how
do our actions connect to our ultimate goals? To create a new society requires building
revolutionary social movements with the power to break the chains of capital and social
oppression as well as the vision and organization to build a new world from the bottom up.
For some workers in the US, a promising tool for building that movement is the Industrial
Workers of the World (IWW). Given the steady decline of union membership over the years,
most workplaces and industries have little or no union presence. Or in the case of
stay-at-home-parents, sex workers, and those incarcerated in the massive prison system,
most unions do not recognize these groups as workers. In the face of a union movement on
the wane and out of the desire to create a revolutionary pole within the broader labor
movement, workers have joined the IWW in increasing numbers since the economic crisis of
2008. In addition to its modest growth, the IWW's recent activity among service workers,
prison labor, and anti-fascist organizing points toward the kind of labor movement that is
needed in this moment.
Despite declining numbers, millions of workers are still members of existing unions that
should not be ignored. While we have no illusions about transforming mainstream unions
into vehicles for liberation, we support efforts to develop rank and file tendencies that
are independent of the leadership and committed to building struggle in and outside of the
workplace. Regardless of the method or organization, our task is to build a combative,
worker-controlled, and class struggle oriented labor movement.
When we talk with our co-workers about May Day, about the reasons why thousands of workers
will be taking to the streets, when we assert our collective power by disrupting
profit-making and exploitation, individuals are transformed into a conscious fighting
force - they become aware of their strength and role in the fight for a new world. It's
these small acts that deepen the struggles and consciousness of a militant and independent
working class.
Struggle Changes Everything! / La Lucha Cambia Todo!
Build Working Class Power! / A Construir el Poder de la Clase Obrera!
Remember the Martyrs of Chicago! / Que Vivan Los Mártires de Chicago!
http://blackrosefed.org/next-100-days-may-day-worker-resistance-trump/
------------------------------
RESISTANCE UNDER TRUMP (ca) (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Message: 1
Democratic States Genetical Syndrome by Bima Satria Putra ---- We know that religious
fundamentalist and ultra-nationalist groups are at the top in the political struggle in
many countries today. This power rises in the countries of Europe, America, and Asia, not
least in Indonesia. The emergence of such groups in Indonesia, often accompanied by
financial crises and their distrust of powerful political elites. The awakening of this
group at once also slapped us because of the old political weapon use by a new player in
the form of populism. Donald Trump (United States), Beppe Grillo (Italy), Norbert Hofer
(Austria), Marine Le Pen (France), Geert Wilders (Netherlands), Frauke Petry (Germany),
Nigel Farage (England), Pablo Iglesias (Spain) and A series of other names are figures
considered populist.
The political doctrine of populism, believes that the political elite often use the will
of the people ( populi ), and they want to solve the problems experienced by the people.
Therefore, if the problem is to be solved, they must come to power and gain popular
support. In The Populist Persuasion (1998), historian Michael Kazin describes populism as
"a language used by speakers to seize the convictions of ordinary people as a collection
of noble ones not for sale; That their elite enemies are selfish and undemocratic; And try
to mobilize it against them. "His resurrection shows the fall of the status quo,
Historians note that populism has become a common political phenomenon throughout history.
From the phenomenon of populism we can learn two things, first , populism driven by the
great will of reform in the economic field due to the failure of the authority in power.
Unfortunately, many contemporary political observers miss this, because they are too busy
studying the rise of populism in 21st Century Europe. It is important to note that the
motives in each case of populism tend to be different and should not be blown flat. The
rise of populism in European developed countries for example, is due to the deteriorating
economic conditions. Greece's debt crisis made it the first developed country to fail to
repay IMF loans and creditors from several European countries. This is exacerbated by the
adverse impact of the EU economic embargo on Russia due to its military intervention in
Ukraine, as well as the crisis of immigrants fleeing from the Middle East due to political
shocks and civil war. The immigrant crisis is thought to be wasting the budget and
becoming a criminal and terrorist breed in Europe, which has reinforced the conflict of
identity-centric politics.
The right populists accommodate the attributes of nationalism and religion, as well as
feel of carrying the interests of the 'crowds' and feel giving them protection. Hence,
'populism' and 'populist' are often used positively by their political opponents. The type
of solidarity of right populism is the solidarity of the nation or people, that "they,
steal our field of work". Some of the current US population has an exaggerated fear of the
rise of Islamic fundamentalists, in the shadow of terror of the events of 11 September.
This fear was exploited by Donald Trump in his campaign. When he was elected, he
immediately tightened immigration laws for asylum seekers and refugees from seven
Muslim-majority countries and a wall-building plan along the US-Mexico border.
In Europe, similar sentiments arise to immigrants from the Middle East, who run away from
political shock and civil war in the country. The EU is considered incompetent in dealing
with immigrants, who are accused, of being criminals and of terrorism in Europe. This
opportunity was used by Marine Le Pen, of the National Front Party, who some time ago
announced that he would advance in the French presidential election. He continues to voice
the need for a referendum for French society. He also conducted a Frexit or French Exit
campaign. The campaign was intensified following the UK's exit from the European Union,
later known as the Brexit or the British Exit. The same is true in Holland, where Geert
Wilders, leader of the Freedom Party of the Netherlands, accused the EU of taking money,
identity, democracy and European sovereignty. "We want to take power in our own country,
own our own money, our own borders and our own immigration policy. If I became prime
minister, there would be a referendum for the Dutch to leave the EU. Let the Dutch people
vote, "Wilders said on his personal website. The same is true in Germany, Italy and Austria.
This is why the populism becomes a negative connotation. It is labeled to the figure of
political elite and its supporters who are considered racist, sexist and xenophobic, and
are peyoratif used by their political opponents. The same sentiment but with a different
look can be found in Indonesia about the ethnic Chinese economic conspiracy, that they,
the non-native political and economic elites, try to exploit and dredge the wealth of
Indonesia. They have political affiliation with their home country and they will harm the
indigenous economy or indigenous people. This issue is spread in online news and black
propaganda in the 2014 presidential election. The Torch People's Tabloid , for example,
explains that the campaign fund of the Jokowi-JK candidate pair comes from Chinese
cukongs. This sentiment strengthened more recently in the elections of DKI Jakarta,
because candidate petahana Basuki Thahaja Purnama (Ahok), Chinese descendants of
Christian. This sentiment developed with the arrival of migrant workers from China after
the enactment of the ASEAN Economic Community (MEA).[1]This nonsense is spread and the
appeal of choosing Islamic leaders based on the fundamental eyes of the Qur'anic verses is
emphasized. This misconception, that populism closely with racism, try to be rectified by
Mudhoggir (2017). He stressed that what is worth worrying about in Indonesia is not
Islamic populism, but the racist politics that often follow. This sentiment developed with
the arrival of migrant workers from China after the enactment of the ASEAN Economic
Community (MEA).[1]This nonsense is spread and the appeal of choosing Islamic leaders
based on the fundamental eyes of the Qur'anic verses is emphasized. This misconception,
that populism closely with racism, try to be rectified by Mudhoggir (2017). He stressed
that what is worth worrying about in Indonesia is not Islamic populism, but the racist
politics that often follow. This sentiment developed with the arrival of migrant workers
from China after the enactment of the ASEAN Economic Community (MEA).[1]This nonsense is
spread and the appeal of choosing Islamic leaders based on the fundamental eyes of the
Qur'anic verses is emphasized. This misconception, that populism closely with racism, try
to be rectified by Mudhoggir (2017). He stressed that what is worth worrying about in
Indonesia is not Islamic populism, but the racist politics that often follow. Try to be
rectified by Mudhoggir (2017). He stressed that what is worth worrying about in Indonesia
is not Islamic populism, but the racist politics that often follow. Try to be rectified by
Mudhoggir (2017). He stressed that what is worth worrying about in Indonesia is not
Islamic populism, but the racist politics that often follow.
Populism is not an ideology with fixed dogmas; therefore, racist sentiments can not be
encountered in the case of resurrection of populism in developing countries, or in
countries with high poverty rates as in some Latin American countries. In a country like
this, populism is triggered by the uneven distribution of welfare, so that left populism
is easier to occur with class struggle rhetoric. Robert Samuel (2016) explains that left
populism does not lie in the type of conflict with identity politics, as the right group
does, but based on class conflict. The type of solidarity they use is class solidarity,
that "they, the upper classes, exploit us, the lower classes". This then causes a second
symptom , The political elite who used the first thing to claim knew the needs of the
people. As can be seen in the figure of Hugo Chávez in Venezuela, which approaches the
poor by promising redistributive policies and state control over national energy
resources.[2]Throughout history, populism has been used not only by top groups-some have
called it the far right , but it is also used by the left.
Populism, Genetic Disease State Democracy ( State Democracy )
From the above explanation, it would be appropriate if we justify Cas Mudde's (2004)
statement that, "many observers have noted that populism is inherent in representative
democracy." Similarly Thomas Piketty (in Hazareesingh, 2015), while claiming that the rise
of populism can be blamed Because of the growing gap in welfare distribution. It is
important to note, in the context of what socio-political system populism can grow.
Populism, not a disease for democracy, but it is democracy itself that carries the seeds
of populist disease, or, in a sense, a hereditary disease. Note that only representative
forms of democracy are genetically carrying populism as a logical consequence. State
democracy is designed and born to be very ill, vulnerable, vulnerable,
Populism, rather than being viewed as an immoral single political behavior of the elite,
is in fact one of the usual social and institutional processes in which the economic and
political elite attempt to influence the decision to allocate factors of production for
the present or future, Society, which could be doubted its sincerity. It is nothing but a
political-economic method that can only grow on the right social organism, in this case a
country with parliamentary democracy.
The populist political elite, as I explained above, undermines the true value of
democracy. Nevertheless, democracy is actually corrupted, it worsens the democracy of a
ruined state, by co-opting that the voice of the people is the voice of God ( vox populi
vox dei ), and they feel responsible for that voice. Thus, fulfilling the will of the
group may lead to dictator by majority or otherwise, in most cases, based on identity
politics. This is dangerous.
First of all we must realize the symptoms of populist disease, then understand the anatomy
of the state body. Because, by understanding the body and the right disease, we can
provide the right healing as well. The symptoms of populist disease by Marco Tarchi (in
Hardiman, 2017), characterized by first , its leaders claim to know the needs of the
people; Second , impatience with formal democratic procedures; Third , reference to the
'ordinary'; Fourth , dislike to party politicians. Not much different, Prime (2017) shows
that populism is characterized by the first , anti-establishment, in the sense of
representing the expression of a marginalized group; Second , the authority of the leader,
Either through charisma or personal figures or apocalyptic messages ("Our country is
bankrupt, we are going to hell"); And thirdly , strong in-group feelings , which, in terms
of being expressed in 'us vs. them' sentiments-the boundary line can be based on class or
economic status, citizenship status, or race and religion.
From these various phenomena, we can further dissect the body of a parliamentary
democracy, to show that the state does save populism as a hereditary disease. How could it be?
The state is a system of government that controls a vast and centralized territory, where
power only accumulates in a handful of groups who claim to "represent the interests of the
people". They are elected yearly by the people, and this election, becomes a joke to us
when called a democratic party. Very funny, given that real democracy is a direct
democracy, in which people carry their own affairs, that power is in their hands. Now the
position of the people is very low, dwarfed to be merely taxpayers, voters and
constituents. After the electoral process is over, their role is lost in politics,
replaced by professionals who claim to have experience and expertise in the field of state
to take care of the people.
Social reality shows that the elite can not really work for the people. If accompanied by
financial crises and conflicts, the populist disease becomes easier to relapse. It was
then that the political elite took advantage of critical moments, the people were then
provoked by charismatic leaders who articulated the collective strife of the people.
Dislikes of the ruling government are increasingly prompted by certain groups of people,
and some political elites, who share their views, or are opportunistic, appear to take
advantage of this opportunity.
They are right in realizing that the formal procedure of state democracy, namely
elections, is too wasteful of time and energy. Therefore they often vent their anxiety in
the form of protests. The people, with great hostility, are mobilized against the ruling.
As seen in the decline of millions of Muslims in the action of Islamic Belgians 411 and
212 which demanded that the Police arrest and imprison Ahok for alleged blasphemy.
In fact, not necessarily disputes and efforts to resolve the anxiety is appropriate.
Because usually, there are different views in political life. In the UK and America for
example, there are pro policies to accept immigrants. If you think, who caused millions of
Middle Eastern citizens to become refugees, if not the liberal democratic countries
themselves? They create conflicts with their military intervention, disrupt civilian life,
then accidentally (or deliberately?) Create Islamic fundamentalist militias. They bombed
homes, starved them and became cold, and ultra-nationalists bordered their borders, as if
they were innocent of what their liberals were creating. It is becoming increasingly sad
when we remember that the white American population, In the eyes of indigenous Indians are
also immigrants. And now it is this immigrant's turn, who rejects other immigrants.
Applause for this.
The Body of Democracy Without a State: Immune Populism
There are two systems that are immune from the disease of populism. First , the absolute
monarchy. Clearly, populism will not be able to live in absolute monarchy. Instead of
being an organism, an absolute monarchy is a robot, the people automatically must be
obligated to submit to their authoritarian leader, given the decision making is
monopolized by one person. There will be no party, there will be no election, therefore,
no political elite needs to be populist. Trying to avoid populism by returning to the
absolute monarchy system like the kingdom is a foolish act. So I went straight to the
second system , democratic confederalism.[3]
Unlike the state, the confederation[4]implements direct democracy. In it all citizens in
the communities manage their own affairs through a process of judgment and decision-making
in face-to-face meetings , which is different from what the state does for them. For
"politics is too precarious to be left to professionals," wrote Janet Biehl (2016), so
"politics must be the field of amateurs or commoners." Confederations are
consensus-oriented, that is, they all agree to agree. In contrast to countries where
decision-making is placed on a handful of people and marginalises other diverse sounds.
Direct democracy is clearly not applicable to large areas and large populations.
Therefore, the confederation also implements decentralization. Decision-making is
conducted on the smallest possible local scale, in an identifiable community form in
accordance with geographic proximity, not primordial elements. Communities that implement
this direct democracy should be divided on the basis of the number of citizens who can be
considered rational to conduct meetings, and all those considered mature can equally
voice. These communities are networked, without losing their absolute autonomy, to
coordinate and cooperate.
Communities do not send representatives as to the parliamentary system of the state, whose
voices are considered to represent their constituent votes. Delegates to the confederation
system are delegates designated directly by the community, which carries the mandate as
the result of the decision, and therefore can be recalled at any time. In a healthy
political system like this, the disease of populism will not plague itself. Confederations
marked by direct democracies, consensus and an autonomous and decentralized community
network, do not allow populists to emerge.
This is in contrast to the parliamentary democracies, in which the elite of the
opportunist politicians skillfully captures the accumulation of unrest among some peoples,
and uses it as a campaign for the self-interest of the self and of its class. As Marine Le
Pen, Donald Trump, and the populist Geerts Wilder. While in state decision making, the
structure of domination established a handful of people in power over the majority. The
state is essentially, structurally and professionally, separate from the general public.
He exercises power over the people and makes decisions on people who can influence their
lives. Power ultimately rests on coercive violence. As hard as it seeks, the parliamentary
struggle that moves in the context of state politics is the energy-consuming, And often in
vain. Because a handful of elites who have the power to make decisions may not necessarily
hear the people's aspirations. Even if the decision is taken as expected by the people, it
is a decision that is in harmony with other interests that benefit him.
Today, the democratic system of democratization is developed by Abdullah Ocalan and is now
practiced in Kurdistan. Ocalan was inspired by the libertarian municipalist political
program initiated by the libertarian socialist theorist, Murray Bookchin. However, we do
not think before doing further historical tracing, that precisely the time when people
manage public affairs turned out to be closer than we think. Direct democracy is a central
element of political tradition so that Western society claims to be highly appreciative of
this system. Although well-articulated by Bookchin, municipalism was actually created in
the seventh century BC in Ancient Greece, until the Swabian League in the 18th Century. In
the 21st century, this system can also be seen still practiced in Switzerland,
In fact, as we can read the works of Aristotle, direct democracy reached a remarkable
level of application in Greece. Etymologically, politics is derived from the word polis ,
from ancient Greek (generally misinterpreted as "city-state") meaning public, a
participatory dimension, direct management by citizens over community affairs through
face-to-face democratic institutions, In the form of a people's assembly ( ecclesia ). In
its heyday, ecclesia was a mass meeting in the open with thousands of Athenian males
attending it. All persons (except slaves and women, including Aristotle himself excluded),
may participate in an open, orderly debate, in accordance with the principle of isegonia ,
Because it pinned the label of 'politics' in the system of parliamentary democracy is a
misnomer rough, this system should be more aptly named state ( statecraft ), not a
political one, because it does not meet the requirements in accordance with its historical
significance. If people are increasingly able to abandon their passivity and begin to
actively engage in political life, they will create problems for the state by tampering
with the inconsistencies between social realities and the accompanying rhetoric. Thus, the
main cause is precisely within the parliamentary democracy system, when the people's
anxiety is clogged up because formal democratic procedures through the paths are dominated
by a handful of professionals, who become populist when it catches this phenomenon. So
that populism does not grow, We must disperse the state with its damaged organs. Renew the
immunity of our political system with a healthier democracy, the confederation, which, in
a very radical sense, evokes direct democracy and develops it, with rational and ethical
values and practices that support it. Believe me, populism disease will not recur again.
Further References
Argandoña, Antonio. 2017. Why Populism Is Rising And How To Combat It . Retrieved from
Forbes.com on Monday, February 27, 2017.
Aspinall, Edward. 2014. Prabowo and Dangers Against Indonesian Democracy . Retrieved from
Indoprogress.com on Tuesday, February 28, 2017.
Biehl, Janet. 2016. Political Social Ecology: Libertarian Munarianism . Night Leaves.
Yogyakarta.
Bremmer, Ian. 2015. These 5 Facts Explain the Worrying Rise of Europe's Far-Right .
Retrieved from Time.com, on Friday, March 4, 2017.
Hardiman, F. Budi. 2017. Right Populism in a Democratic Law State . Paper in Seminar "
Indonesia and the Rise of Populism in Global Politics " at Driyarkara Philosophy College,
on Saturday, February 25, 2017 in Jakarta.
Kazin, Michael. 1998. The Populist Persuasion: An American History . Cornell University.
New York.
Mudde, Cas. 2006. The Populist Zeitgeist . In Government and Opposition . Blackwell
Publishing. Oxford.
Mudhoggir, Abdil Mughis. 2017. The Concern is a Racist Politics, not an Islamic Populism .
Retrieved from Indoprogress.com on Tuesday, February 28, 2017.
Prime, Ari A. 2017. Strength of Populism: Trump, Brexit to FPI . Retrieved from
Indoprogress.com on Tuesday, February 28, 2017.
Private, Airlangga. 2016. The Path of Hugo Chavez Socialism Through Populist Political
Projection . Retrieved from Indoprogress.com on Monday, February 27, 2017.
Samuels, Robert. 2016. Psychoanalyzing the Left and Right after Donald Trump:
Conservatism, Liberalism and Neoliberal Populism . Palgrabe Macmillan. California.
Endnotes
[1]However, many Indonesian political observers claim that Gerindra Party Chairman Prabowo
Subianto is a populist, controversial. Some scholars consider Prabowo a populist for
example Edward Aspinall (2014) and Arie A. Perdana (2017). Indeed, Prabowo could benefit
because the candidate he proposed, the Anies-Sandiaga couple, could gain votes with this
sentiment in the 2017 Jakarta elections. But Prabowo is different from most populists in
Europe and America. He has never openly expressed anti-Chinese sentiments and the
obligation to elect an Islamic leader. Especially considering Prabowo also filed Ahok
accompany Joko Widodo in elections DKI Jakarta in 2012. Therefore I revoked my statement
in the article of Fundamentalist and Ultra-Nationalist Awakening writings: It is not the
End of History (2017) published in anarchis.org, that Prabowo is a populist. Different for
example with FPI Chairman Habib Rizieq Shihab whose political activities were fortunate
with anti-Christian leader sentiments. He also openly supports two other couples in the
2017 Jakarta Regional Head Election.
[2]A good review of left populism can be read in the work of Airlangga Pribadi (2016)
under the title of Hugo Chavez Socialist Path through Projected Left Populism .
[3]Further reading of this matter can be seen in the work of Janet Biehl, Political Social
Ecology: Libertarian Munisipalism (2016).
[4]The confederation is not to be equated with federalism developed in the United States.
http://anarkis.org/penyakit-populisme-hanya-menjangkiti-negara/
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Message: 2
This year the CNT reassembled its tent in Villalar under the motto " Your world destroys
us, let us build ours ", betting to give a popular and popular content to the date of
April 23[day reminding the revolt of the Communities of Castile and the Battle of Villalar
in 1521]. We can say that the harmony with the rest of the libertarian movement is
increasingly evident, making the discourse of union so necessary in the present day a
reality. ---- The media again gave an institutionalized, routine and commercial image of
April 23. It is difficult not to ask what communication they are talking about, when they
give this image and glance at solid activities linked to the struggles opened in these
lands, as is the case of the CNT tent. ---- This silence of the media (especially with the
CNT) breaks with the reality of what happens in Villalar and what could be attended by
thousands of people who were there. The protest demonstration of the many social
collectives that open their doors continues to be a speaker to the social, labor and
environmental problems that affect the whole peninsula. The CNT continues to carry
important content on each of the themes.
Around the tent, we were able to see all day distributors that shared information: CNT
Ávila, CNT Valladolid, CNT Zamora, Diario de Vurgos, Federation of Students Libertarians,
Ideas of Rebellion, La Maldita, Marcando Pezón, publisher Zarramaco. .. Also, and it is
something to take into account, many other collectives showed their interest in being in
Villalar, although they could not attend. We hope that in the next editions we can
establish relationships with them.
One of the strengths of this year was in the interventions in the social and union act,
which had several platforms on the defense of the environment. The presentation of the act
of the CNT was in charge of Rubén Ruiz, who recalled that it is "a pride that after more
than 10 years of presence in this camp the scenario has served to give space to several
popular demands, but never so that a politician Their lies, their particular interests, or
throw us their disgusting corruption. " Meanwhile , the chords of the CNT anthem " To the
barricades " echoed . We also wanted to make a special mention to the recently deceased
activist, Doris Benegas, "who contributed in a transparent way so that Villalar was a
space for social and political demands:
It was time for Alejandro Cano of the Toledo Platform in Defense of the Tagus River, which
emphasized how the Tagus in its different parts, "the most violated river in the Iberian
peninsula", how the institutions "adhere to particular political interests forgetting the
Common interests "and that only" from the union of our own people can we give voice and
solution to the serious problems that cross the largest river in the Iberian Peninsula. "
From the Anti-Nuclear Assembly of Salamanca and from the Coordinator against Garoña they
explained to us the whole drama and the process of nuclear energy in the Iberian
Peninsula: "they told us that they did not cut any oak trees and found a far-reaching
ecological disaster" and added notes Which point to the nuclear danger - "their transport,
their storage, the effects of exposure to radioactivity to health, their waste of
thousands of years etc". Also in the case of Garoña, "which is an obsolete center, with
technology that does not violate any guarantee ... and we did not say it to the
Coordinator, but to the Nuclear Safety Committee, said the spokesman of the Coordinator
against Garoña, Andrés Amayuelas.
Gaspar Manzaneda of the CNT recalled that "it has been 100 years since the workers in the
Russian lands started the biggest offensive against capital", "that we are the ones who
produce the wealth and therefore who should manage it" and called without fissures "The
unity of the workers, because, as the people of Salamanca, Toledo and Burgos said, it is
no longer a possible union, if not necessary for the survival of our species and our planet."
Finally, the presenter summoned the people who were there "to attend the demonstrations of
the First of May, historic date for the working class, where to denounce the cuts and
aggressions that we have been suffering for a decade."
Throughout the day we could hear the sound of numerous dulzainas through the collective
Tarambanas of Palencia, also the sound of ranches in charge of Los Linces de la Meseta
and, finally, a rock concert by APAKA de León and Brea Bastard and Debakle of
Valladolid.
We want to thank the music groups for the affinity and the companionship that they
transmit with the CNT and that their work is as fundamental as the rest of the people
(militants, distributors ...) who collaborate so that the tent of the CNT is different
year after year . Everything in the tent - in the assembly, in the bars, every minute of
the minute always a so united coexistence - was possible from the militant
self-management, cornerstone that we bet to build a world that does not destroy us.
See you in the fight and in the next Villalar.
Video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xdErdbW2Ovc
Source:
https://www.cntvalladolid.es/cronica-de-cnt-en-villalar-2017-a-realidad-obrera-y-popular/
Translation> Joana Caetano
------------------------------
Message: 3
With magnificent images, Lenin, another story of the Russian revolution, visible on
Arte.tv until the end of April, manages to make understand the major stages and strategic
issues of the revolution. Too bad he gives in to condescension. ---- With his documentary
Lenin, another story of the Russian Revolution, Cedric Tourbe attempted the feat: telling
the Russian Revolution from February 1917 to January 1918, in ninety-five minutes. ----
With such a short duration, it was a challenge to condense the facts, debates, characters,
twists and turns of a period so abundant, while restoring a political climate that the
viewer a century later , Has a hard time imagining. ---- There is, therefore, in this
documentary, good and bad. ---- The demonstrations of April 1917, when it is clear that
the social revolution is tackling the political revolution.
A red thread: Lenin
Among its strengths, one must first cite a cinematographic material of first choice. No
reconstitution in starched costume, but period images or sequences of Eisenstein films
shot ten years later and judiciously decrypted.
Then, the director was well advised, by a size: Marc Ferro, author of several reference
books on the Russian Revolution in the 1970s. He therefore resolutely departs from the
Stalinist vulgate who erected the statue of a Lenin Omniscient genius, ruling with an iron
hand an ultradisciplined Party towards victory. Realistic, on the contrary, Peat depicts
an unnamed political and economic chaos, in the midst of which the revolutionaries, shaken
by events, are torn on the path to follow and the slogans to be adopted, no choice being
obvious to decide.
The narrative framework is coherent. It draws extensively from the Memoirs of Nicholas
Sukhanov (photo), a left-wing Menshevik who has providentially witnessed almost all the
key moments of the year 1917. And she uses the action of Lenin as a red thread, To
problematize the strategic options that tormented the Bolsheviks between June and October:
is it because we have the military means to make a coup d'état ? And if so, when ? And
how, in order not to put everyone down ?
And the anarchists in there ?
Some will be frustrated that the documentary stops at the beginning of 1918, before the
outbreak of the civil war and its abysses of violence which, much more than October, will
shape the new regime. But, in ninety-five minutes, it would have been illusory.
After saying all this, a few flaws.
There are some factual errors here and there - soldier Fedor Linde, editor of the famous
Prikaz No.1 of the Petrogard Soviet, has never been anarchist - but rather secondary.
What is on the other hand deeply annoying is the staging and the tone used by the
narrator. Of course, it is healthy to demythologize events and to desecrate the
revolutionaries ... but not to use systematically a sarcastic tone ! A century of
distance, ironizing on the errors or failures committed in the tumult of the time, is a
condescension too comfortable.
When, in August 1917, General Kornilov threatened to unleash the counter-revolution, the
popular uprising kept him in check.
Finally, and this is an interesting point of view, one can regret that the documentary
hardly speaks of the anarchists. Although they were probably ten times less than the
Bolsheviks in Petrograd in 1917, they played a not insignificant role, notably during the
demonstrations in June and the insurrectional attempt of July 1917, Similar to those of
the Bolsheviks.
We will have the opportunity to tell all this in the summer folder 2017 of the monthly
Alternative libertarian.
Meanwhile, Lenin, another story of the Russian revolution met with a big success, with
more than 240,000 views in a month on Arte.tv. The documentary is still visible until the
end of April. Anyone who knows nothing about the Russian Revolution will look at him
without getting bored and will no doubt want to know more !
Guillaume Davranche (AL Montreuil)
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Un-documentaire-audacieux-sur-la-Revolution-russe
------------------------------
Message: 4
The story of insurgent workers of the 1886 Chicago marked the conscience of the
international class movement that their rights, the workers and the workers conquered
after aimatovamenous struggles and revolutions against the bosses and their dogs. ---- In
today's attack and the state capital and it is in this very consciousness of the working
class. The SYRIZA-ANEL government and local and foreign bosses playing the economic crisis
paper aim at a voluntary surrender of our industrial achievements. We ask us to stoop and
head do "patience until the economy back on track" to put up with the misery and
devaluation of our lives, reduced wages and exhausting hours, work Sunday without any
protection and social security.
In recent years - from 2012 started the crisis until today was cloudless for the ruling
classes, without social unrest and antistaseis.Poly quickly without discontinuity between
illusion capturing the SYRIZA program (and any similar social democratic capitalist
continuation program brutality with "human face") with the reality of modern capitalism
revealed. Failure to confirm the only truth that can arise effortlessly from the facts: on
the territory of today's global capitalist crisis opened two paths, either to accept the
terms of the global totalitarianism or the Social Revolution. Average road there.
For our class, these years were recession year. The attack was not turned into the "past
centuries" and "Middle Ages" - unlike engraved and emphasized the image of the future. A
future tunnel boring state attack and capital to work, security, social liberties,
environmental and social goods. Following the reductions in salaries and pensions, cuts in
all public benefits, the phasing out of the Sunday holiday, the tax increase, the price
increase in commodities came the change in the pension system, came smashing to pieces of
social security, the auctions primary residence and the new labor bill that prevents the
right to strike and deny the collective bodies of the workers.
Workers and employees have a historic debt to the rebels of May Day: the duty to remind
the state and the bosses that you will always find us opposite them, until the total
overthrow of the current operating system. The Labor Day -from 1880 to Chicago and
Thessaloniki in 1936 is not simply a mosaic of labor demands and revolutions, but a
constant struggle against oblivion and power, as the relentless struggle of the working
class for its final liberation from the shackles of capitalism.
For us, Labor Day is a reminder that this battle begins from the social base of the
exploited against the exploiters, the left and right bosses, big and small, socialist and
right states, judges, cops and anthropofylakon. It is even the reminder that in this
struggle we are not alone. Next to us, locals and migrant workers in Greece, stand the
Turks and Kurdish fighters, the rebels of Stantingk Rock, the antifascists Bulgarians, the
Zapatistas, Palestinian hunger strikers, anarchists located within the walls of the
prison, those in each corner of the world realize that the struggle ends where begins the
classless society.
ONE IS THE ROAD TO LABOR NIKAS
to a new fighter, ADIALAKTO, self-organized LABOR THEORY
STRUGGLE FOR A SOCIETY WITHOUT STATE, FOR A WORLD WITHOUT EXPLOITATION
communism and anarchy
ATHENS
Museum Path 10:30
THESSALONIKI
10:00 Kamara independent class FORWARD
support blocks grassroots unions
LAMIA
Concentration
pl. Liberty
10 a.m.
anarchist Federation
anarchist-federation.gr
info@anarchist-federation.gr
twitter: twitter.com/anarchistfedGr
fb: facebook.com/anarxikiomospondia2015/
------------------------------
Message: 5
A May Day statement from Black Rose/Rosa Negra Labor Committee ---- After a ruthless
"first 100 days" of reaction from the Trump regime, including escalating attacks on
immigrants, open season for capitalists, bombing campaigns, and the looming threat of a
new "law and order," we stand in solidarity with those taking to the streets for May Day
across the country and around the world. ---- Since the election of Donald Trump, many
people have been asking what they can do to fight back. On May Day, International Workers
Day, one place to look is where many of us spend the bulk of our day: the workplace. This
May Day gives us an opportunity to draw inspiration from recent worker and immigrant
struggles, bring our co-workers together into collective action against the current
right-wing onslaught, and continue to build the solidarity, organization, and popular
power needed for a new revolutionary labor movement.
Although the number of workers participating in workplace actions against the Trump regime
has been relatively small, the fact that any group of workers is willing to take such
risks in standing together to fight for political demands - as opposed to the more narrow
economic demands of improved wages and working conditions - is significant. To give a
picture of what these actions have looked like, we want to share some of the experiences
of friends and comrades who have participated in strikes against Trump:
Teacher, Public High School in New York:
Our union decided to walk out of school on Women's Day. The plan was based on what some of
the more reluctant members of our union said they would be comfortable with. This was that
we would walk out at the end of the day, during seminar, and we would just shut school for
the last 45 minutes of the day. Plus, we missed all of our professional development.
Our profession is heavily gendered as female, and there are five male teachers total at
our entire school. So that connection was pretty obvious to people, but there were no
concrete demands that we were organized around, just this general sense that women's
rights are under attack, that women are doing powerful things when they act together, and
that we have to stand up for our students.
We designed this amazing lesson plan for those 45 minutes where the five male teachers
plus the administration would guide students through thinking about what gender inequality
is, and how it's important for us to teach the responsibility to engage in struggle and
fight injustice. We called on the men at our job to basically take on the role of
educating students about gender inequality. So those pieces all felt really good, but then
at the end of the day the most moderate members of our union did not participate either
way. They just quietly did not show up.
And then for the teachers who left we marched around in front of the school for a while
and then we took the subway downtown to join the Women's Day rally.
I think that there was very little actual building up to this - very little actually
saying how is this going to change anything, why this action, what exactly are we fighting
for on this day. If we had done that, who knows what kind of participation we could have
achieved. You can't manufacture a strike out of nothing.
I think that the point is to take action collectively, as much as possible, and that means
actually organizing people, actually having organizing conversations with people about why
to take this action. Not just asking "what are you willing to do?", but showing people
what, concretely, we're trying to achieve, and how these actions are part of strategy to
build something bigger and more powerful, not just a cycle of repeating the same thing
over and over again.
Medical Assistant, Community Health Center in Boston:
I'm an immigrant from El Salvador and the majority of my coworkers are immigrant women
from various countries such as Honduras, Haiti, the Dominican Republic, Puerto Rico, the
Philippines, Morocco and Nepal. We are all exploited as workers, and also as immigrants we
are affected by the Trump administration's attacks. For that reason I decided to
participate in the Asamblea del Pueblo, a new organization that is dedicated to defending
the immigrant community against deportations and everyday racism. We have been meeting
almost weekly since last November's election. When thousands of workers across the US
struck for the "Day without Immigrants" in February, we organized a rally and assembly
where we offered support to workers who faced retaliation from their bosses for
participating in the strike. I have focused on inviting my co-workers to join the
assemblies. Many of them have asked me "why organize like that?" and I tell them that we
know best what our problems are and what are real solutions to our problems. Besides the
work I'm doing with Asamblea del Pueblo, several months ago I joined the Industrial
Workers of the World (IWW), a combative and democratic union. One day I want us to be
organized in our workplace, although I know that that will take time and effort. I am
patient, but this May Day I will be on strike.
Graduate Student Instructor, UC San Diego in California:
On January 20, 2017, students and workers on our campus refused to work in protest of
Donald Trump's inauguration to office of the presidency. Faculty, staff, TAs, and students
spent three months planning for the strike. Weekly meetings took place with 50+
participants, all of whom took on active and essential roles in the organizing efforts. We
began the strike action by blocking the faculty parking lot with our picket line,
preventing fellow instructors from arriving to our workplace and subsequently prohibiting
the everyday functioning of our university. We then gathered for a rally at noon, where
over 600 people gathered for speeches, later to break into a spontaneous dance party in
the midst of the pouring rain.
Through this experience, I was able to forge new relationships grounded in solidarity and
shared interests as students and workers. In organizing collective action together with my
peers, my friends, I felt empowered to change my relationship with my workplace, thus
challenging my everyday conditions of oppression, my exploitation.
While these stories only gives us a glimpse of recent labor militancy, the current
atmosphere points to future opportunities for expanding the terrain of struggle. We need
to move beyond the relatively small scale, dispersed, and disconnected state of current
actions, which mostly revolve around public sector workplaces with low risk of
retaliation, toward broad-based, cross-sector coordinated strikes and workplace
mobilizations that include private sector, low wage and unwaged workers.
While there are real limits to mobilizations such as May Day, at the workplace level they
provide opportunities to continue the work that the stories above demonstrate - the work
of building relationships with our co-workers, growing political consciousness and
militancy, and making connections with other struggles to rebuild a fighting labor
movement. In other words, the specific action that happens matters less than the political
transformation and organization it creates or cultivates.
But action in the workplace needs a goal beyond just the immediate step of politicizing
and organizing with our co-workers. These are short-term gains that don't by themselves
answer the necessary question of how we are going to survive on a planet being throttled
by capitalism. We are taking action on May Day with the ultimate goal of the revolutionary
overthrow of capitalism and the state, and the dismantling of white supremacy and
heteropatriarchy. On May Day, as with all our actions, we should be asking ourselves: how
do our actions connect to our ultimate goals? To create a new society requires building
revolutionary social movements with the power to break the chains of capital and social
oppression as well as the vision and organization to build a new world from the bottom up.
For some workers in the US, a promising tool for building that movement is the Industrial
Workers of the World (IWW). Given the steady decline of union membership over the years,
most workplaces and industries have little or no union presence. Or in the case of
stay-at-home-parents, sex workers, and those incarcerated in the massive prison system,
most unions do not recognize these groups as workers. In the face of a union movement on
the wane and out of the desire to create a revolutionary pole within the broader labor
movement, workers have joined the IWW in increasing numbers since the economic crisis of
2008. In addition to its modest growth, the IWW's recent activity among service workers,
prison labor, and anti-fascist organizing points toward the kind of labor movement that is
needed in this moment.
Despite declining numbers, millions of workers are still members of existing unions that
should not be ignored. While we have no illusions about transforming mainstream unions
into vehicles for liberation, we support efforts to develop rank and file tendencies that
are independent of the leadership and committed to building struggle in and outside of the
workplace. Regardless of the method or organization, our task is to build a combative,
worker-controlled, and class struggle oriented labor movement.
When we talk with our co-workers about May Day, about the reasons why thousands of workers
will be taking to the streets, when we assert our collective power by disrupting
profit-making and exploitation, individuals are transformed into a conscious fighting
force - they become aware of their strength and role in the fight for a new world. It's
these small acts that deepen the struggles and consciousness of a militant and independent
working class.
Struggle Changes Everything! / La Lucha Cambia Todo!
Build Working Class Power! / A Construir el Poder de la Clase Obrera!
Remember the Martyrs of Chicago! / Que Vivan Los Mártires de Chicago!
http://blackrosefed.org/next-100-days-may-day-worker-resistance-trump/
------------------------------
