Anarchic update news all over the world - 26.05.2017
Today's Topics:
1. Greece, Libertarian Thessaloniki Initiative, Information
from the protests of 17 and 18 May by anarchist Federation (gr)
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. France, Alternative Libertaire AL #272 - antipatriarcat,
Saint-Denis: " Women welcome ", an unwelcome label (fr, it, pt)
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. Greece, Media, Anarchists Fill Services Void Left by
Faltering Greek Governance By NIKI KITSANTONISMAY
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. France, Alternative Libertaire AL #272 - Representativeness:
The trap of " gathered syndicalism " closes on the CGT (fr, it,
pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. Czech, afed: Insolence - Reviews of the new feminist zine
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
On 17/5, day general strike, the Anarchist Federation called for progress in Heraklion
Crete and strike protection, organized by the Coordination against Sunday work and
"liberated hours." ---- Held in Heraklion concentration Venizelos statue and march
downtown. In the AO block gathered about 60 al / compas. ---- In Thessaloniki, the strike
safeguard turned ATTICA stores, WIND and Bershka for their Tsimiski Street, and invited
-Only to view thereof; the closure of other branches. ---- The strike march called at
Kamara and moved to the streets Egnatia- St. Sophia, Tsimiski, Venizelou and came to the
Ministry of Macedonia and Thrace. ---- Along the way, which was accompanied by about 2,500
demonstrators called the primary unions, the club book-paper employees, scullery (faction
in food supply), the unemployed network and precarious workers, the women solidarity
space, indu, workers from the metro, EYATH and ELVO, pensioners in the private and public
sector, Thessaloniki race committee for Slag, the class solidarity Assembly (ERC
Association of Mental Health and Social Welfare, Society Servitoron- Cooks Central
Macedonia First class ovoulia Merchants) and left-wing movements and parties. Along the
way there were 3 anarchist block: the block of collegiality Anarchists from the East, the
Anarchist collectives over throsko and Anarchist pyranthos group, the Assembly block for
Social Anarchism Black and red and block the open anarchist meeting students / students
Quieta Movere .
On 18/5 called fighting demonstrations throughout Greece against new measures were voted
in Parliament.
The Anarchist Federation called for progress in Athens and Thessaloniki and Heraklion
concentration.
In Thessaloniki, the course called Kamara and moved to St. Egnatia- route Sofia-few
kilometers turn right Avenue White Pyrgos- Angelaki they resulted in Kamara. In
demonstration was attended by around 500 people.
Along the way there were 3 Anarchist block: the Anarchist Federation block, the block of
collegiality for Social Anarchism Black and Red and the Libertarian Trade Union block.
In Heraklion held concentration after call Anarchist Federation in lions square. Responded
to the call about 50 people, and after a while the world of concentration departed from
the port to stand by the strike of the seamen they remained until evening.
In Athens, the concentration called Syntagma Square.
Overall, with the PAME world is not exceeded 7,000. The anarchist presence consisted of
the Anarchist Federation block and counterattack class, which were accompanied by a few
hundred demonstrators. The union faction ND (DAKE) attempted to lift banner but was
attacked by anarchists and was forced to leave. Around 8.45 became symbolic gesture to the
Parliament the right side of the world adjacent to Rachel Makris. Anarchists and anarchist
attack carried out in parliament by the left. It became intense tear gas. Overall between
the hours of 9 to 10 were four attacks in parliament. After 10.15 people started leaving.
Except for those times of conflict, the mood was subdued.
We have no illusion that the one-day strikes or two days of protests, as they remain
limited to the fact of the enactment of the new memorandum would be nothing but racing
rituals that give a certain discontent message. At the same time the support should be
trying to put in motion a new process. A counterattack planned process on all fronts: on
the sidewalk, in the street, at work, in the neighborhood. A match that will last long and
will be difficult. So difficult, the worse it has become our class position and possible
blackmail power over us. The cost of resignation already paying and the next time will be
voted "understandings" will be even bigger than today. As long as we tolerate these chains
will become heavier.
We need a new beginning.
All the streets.
anarchist Federation
anarchist-federation.gr
info@anarchist-federation.gr
twitter: twitter.com/anarchistfedGr
fb: facebook.com/anarxikiomospondia2015
https://libertasalonica.wordpress.com/2017/05/19
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Message: 2
On the occasion of the 8th of March, the association " Observatoire de laïcité " in
Saint-Denis and the " Sacamain " collective distributed a sticker entitled " Femmes
bienvenues " to be pasted on the window of certain cafés in the city as part of A
campaign for gender diversity. Smoke screen ? ---- Last December France 2 had broadcast a
report on a PMU of Sevran supposed to show that women are effaced in the public space in
these " popular districts " of " suburbs " where the " mentality is different "
because of " tradition, Culture, but also religion ". A counter-investigation by the
Bondy Blog proved that this institution also had clients. This report carries racist and
classistic stigmatization of certain neighborhoods whose inhabitants are particularly sexist.
Worrying Recovery
The initiative of the two associations is directly in line with this line and does not
seem inspired by any principle of secularism or feminism. Inhabitants and inhabitants of
Saint-Denis have published a text asking the coffee-makers not to display this " label ",
as do the associations Place aux femmes d'Aubervilliers which denounces " the disturbing
recovery of women's struggle for Equality and diversity , "and Femmes solidaires de
Saint-Denis , regretting the stigmatization of the city's population and explaining why it
is not a tool for liberation and equality for women.
Indeed, the enterprise of exclusion of women from the public space is not specific to the
Seine-Saint-Denis. Rural PMUs or the National Assembly premises are also less frequented
by women.
Laws on parity in politics have allowed the feminization of the benches of Parliament. But
are women welcome ? The deputies who whistled Cécile Duflot and her floral dress were
never worried about their attitude of a dirty sexism. We know since March last that Denis
Baupin, accused by his colleagues of assault and sexual harassment will not be prosecuted
because the facts are considered as prescribed by the justice. It must be believed that
the " representatives " of the Republic can combine their mandate with that of the
patriarchate without problem.
The patriarchal system that subjugates and oppresses women works, in particular by
distilling fear, isolating them in the private sphere where they are subjected to domestic
exploitation. On average, women spend almost twice as much time as men on household
chores, as they are employed for three and a half hours per day as opposed to two hours
for men.
Gender education
Women do not need arguments stigmatizing neighborhoods of socio-spatial relegation to feel
welcome in the public space. They need the destruction of patriarchy. Sexist and sexual
assaults must be systematically banned, including gender-based education for boys and men.
They need to grow and be educated by feeling free to evolve in public space. However, the
documentary Space by Eleonor Gilbert shows how the schoolyards prefigure the bars of
Sevran and the rural areas, or the Assembly. At the recess, girls are relegated to the
margins while the boys occupy the whole common space without most of the children, much
less the adults, are revolted.
Lucie and Émilie (AL Saint-Denis)
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Saint-Denis-Femmes-bienvenues-un-label-malvenu
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Message: 3
https://www.nytimes.com/2017/05/22/world/europe/greece-athens-anarchy-austerity.html
Elly Antipa, right, a Greek anarcho-communist, with Syrian children in an abandoned school
that was occupied by anarchist groups and is now a home for refugees in Athens. ----
ATHENS — It may seem paradoxical, but Greece’s anarchists are organizing like never
before. ---- Seven years of austerity policies and a more recent refugee crisis have left
the government with fewer and fewer resources, offering citizens less and less. Many have
lost faith. Some who never had faith in the first place are taking matters into their own
hands, to the chagrin of the authorities. ---- Tasos Sagris, a 45-year-old member of the
Greek anarchist group Void Network and of the “self-organized” Embros theater group, has
been at the forefront of a resurgence of social activism that is effectively filling a
void in governance.
“People trust us because we don’t use the people as customers or voters,” Mr. Sagris said.
“Every failure of the system proves the idea of the anarchists to be true.”
“People trust us because we don’t use the people as customers or voters,” said Tasos
Sagris, a member of the Greek anarchist group Void Network and the “self-organized” Embros
theater. Credit Eirini Vourloumis for The New York Times
These days that idea is not only about chaos and tearing down the institutions of the
state and society — the country’s long, grinding economic crisis has taken care of much of
that — but also about unfiltered self-help and citizen action.
Yet the movement remains disparate, with some parts emphasizing the need for social
activism and others prioritizing a struggle against authority with acts of vandalism and
street battles with the police. Some are seeking to combine both.
Whatever the means, since 2008 scores of “self-managing social centers” have mushroomed
across Greece, financed by private donations and the proceeds from regularly scheduled
concerts, exhibitions and on-site bars, most of which are open to the public. There are
now around 250 nationwide.
Some activists have focused on food and medicine handouts as poverty has deepened and
public services have collapsed.
In recent months, anarchists and leftist groups have trained special energy on housing
refugees who flooded into Greece in 2015 and who have been bottled up in the country since
the European Union and Balkan nations tightened their borders. Some 3,000 of these
refugees now live in 15 abandoned buildings that have been taken over by anarchists in the
capital.
A group of people in the kitchen of the former school. Credit Eirini Vourloumis for The
New York Times
The burst of citizen action is just the latest chapter in a long history for the anarchist
movement in Greece.
Anarchists played an active role in the student uprisings that helped bring down Greece’s
dictatorship in the mid-1970s, including a rebellion at the Athens Polytechnic in November
1973, which authorities crushed with police officers and tanks, resulting in several deaths.
Since the late 1970s and early 1980s, anarchists have joined leftist groups in occupying
portions of Greek universities to promote their thinking and lifestyle; many of those
occupied spaces exist today, and some are used as bases by anarchists to fashion the crude
firebombs hurled at the police during street protests.
Over the years, anarchists have also backed a spectrum of causes, such as opposing
“neoliberal” education reform or campaigning against the 2004 Olympic Games in Athens.
The movement continues to be largely tolerated by the public at large, reflecting a deep
distrust of authority among Greeks that has been stoked in recent years by the austerity
measures imposed on the debt-racked country by international creditors.
In Athens, the anarchists’ epicenter remains the bohemian neighborhood of Exarchia, where
the killing of a teenager by a police officer in 2008 set off two weeks of rioting, helped
reinvigorate the movement and produced several guerrilla groups that led to a revival of
domestic terrorism in Greece.
The police and the authorities tread lightly in the area.
The police have recently raided some buildings illegally occupied by anarchists, called
squats, in Athens, in the northern city of Thessaloniki and on the island of Lesbos, a
gateway for hundreds of thousands of migrants over the past two years. But the authorities
have stopped short of a blanket crackdown, which would be difficult for the leftist Syriza
party of Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras to condone.
In an interview, Public Order Minister Nikos Toskas said that the police sweeps were
“systematic,” and that the raids were being carried out “where they are needed.”
The mayor of Athens, Giorgos Kaminis, condemned the squats, saying they have compromised
“the quality of life of the refugees.”
“No one knows who they are controlled by and what conditions people being put up in
occupied buildings live in,” he said in a response to a reporter’s questions.
The anarchists say their squats are a humane alternative to the state-run camps now filled
with more than 60,000 migrants and asylum seekers. Human rights groups have broadly
condemned the camps as squalid and unsafe.
Ms. Antipa, right, with Abdulah Arifay, a Syrian refugee, on the rooftop of the school,
where a chicken coop has been set up. Credit Eirini Vourloumis for The New York Times
In Exarchia, one of the squats includes a former state secondary school that was abandoned
because of structural problems. Established last spring with the help of anarchists, the
squat is now home to some 250 refugees, mostly from Syria, who have set up a chicken coop
on the roof. Many more refugees are on a “waiting list” for other occupied buildings.
The squats function as self-organized communities, independent from the state and
nongovernmental organizations, said Lauren Lapidge, 28, a British social activist who came
to Greece in 2015 at the peak of the refugee crisis and is actively involved with several
occupied buildings.
“They are living organisms: Kids go to school, some were born in the squat, we’ve had
weddings inside,” she said.
Another initiative in Exarchia involves anarchists and local residents who have moved a
cargo container into the neighborhood’s central square, calling it a political kiosk, from
which they distribute food and medicine and sell anarchist literature.
Vassiliki Spathara is part of a group of anarchists who set up a cargo container in the
main square of Exarchia, dubbing it a political kiosk. Credit Eirini Vourloumis for The
New York Times
Vassiliki Spathara, 49, a painter and anarchist living in Exarchia, said the initiative
was necessary because the local authorities would not intervene “even to replace light
bulbs” in the square, known as a haunt for drug dealers, though activity has abated recently.
“The authorities want to downgrade the area because it’s the only place in Athens that has
an organized, anti-establishment identity,” Ms. Spathara said.
Mayor Kaminis said the local authorities were cooperating with residents “to rejuvenate
the area,” and insisted that Exarchia residents had the same rights as all Athenians.
Yet in Greece’s crumbling political landscape, anarchists appear to be styling themselves
as a political alternative to the government.
“We want people to fight back, in all ways, from taking care of refugees to burning banks
and Parliament,” said Mr. Sagris, the member of Void Network and the Embros theater group,
which raises money to fund squats housing refugees. “Anarchists use all tactics, violent
and nonviolent.”
A memorial for Alexandros Grigoropoulos in Exarchia. He was 15 when he was shot by the
police in 2008, setting off riots in Athens. Credit Eirini Vourloumis for The New York Times
He noted, however, that anarchists had a “moral obligation” to make sure that tragedies —
like the deaths of three people in May 2010 when an Athens bank was firebombed during an
anti-austerity rally — did not happen again. Though anarchists were blamed, none were
convicted in a trial that ended with three bank executives convicted of manslaughter
through neglect resulting from safety oversights. (They were released on bail, pending an
appeal.)
Another anarchist group, Rouvikonas, is looking beyond violence, though its members have
made a cause of raiding and vandalizing state offices and businesses.
Last week, members of the group, armed with large wooden sticks festooned with black
anarchist flags, conducted a night patrol of a large park in central Athens, saying the
police had not intervened to stop the drug trade and prostitution involving young migrants.
Mr. Toskas, who oversees the Greek police force, said the authorities had made a major
dent in the drug trade in Exarchia. “Some anarchist groups want to say that they got rid
of drugs in the area so that they can control it,” he said.
Rouvikonas members recently applied to a local court to found a “cultural society”— to
help organize fund-raising events — and on Saturday the group presented its “political
identity” at a squat in Exarchia. (Anarchists insist they are not forming a political party.)
“Anarchists obviously cannot form a political party,” said Spiros Dapergolas, 45, a
graphic designer who belongs to Rouvikonas. “But we have our own means to enter the
political center,” he said. “We want to get bigger.”
The group’s long-term aim is “militant unionism,” Mr. Dapergolas said. But, he conceded,
it is not easy for people to organize themselves. In the meantime, he said, “what
Rouvikonas is doing can be done by anyone.”
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Message: 4
After its failure, even to relativize, in professional elections, the CGT must not veil
its face but seek to resolve the causes of the problem, say the libertarian Communists of
the Montreuil power station. It must decide between a clear return to a syndicalism of
class struggle, bearer of an emancipatory political project, and a complete integration
with institutional unionism, like the one towards which it stretched after 2008 while
seeking to approach the CFDT. ---- The CGT's policy of rapprochement with the CFDT, known
as " united trade unionism ", had found its institutional translation with the 2008 law.
This law fully incorporated the " common position " of MEDEF-CFDT-CGT on the reform of
The representativeness which would put an end to the automatic representativeness of the
five historical confederations: CGT / CFTC / FO / CFDT / CGC. Behind the promise of a more
democratic representation, based on professional elections, it is in fact a whole strategy
of trade union rebuilding creating a stable CFDT / CGT majority that was established in
order to permanently anchor the CGT in a trade unionism. Support of the European Trade
Union Confederation (ETUC).
The genesis of syndicalism gathered Thibault - Chérèque
The 2008 Law: Reminders
The representativeness of trade unions is a decisive issue, since it grants or denies the
right to negotiate and conclude agreements, both at the level of the enterprise and in
collective agreements or national inter-professional agreements. It is also an important
issue in terms of public funding of trade unions.
On the one hand, we had the entrepreneurial will to permanently anchor the CGT outside a
class struggle syndicalism by creating the need for a CFDT / CGT majority to pass the 50 %
mark. For its part, the CFDT hoped to eliminate and integrate the CFTC, deprived of its "
irrefragable " representativeness , or even FO sectors. And integrate Unsa which had no
chance of becoming representative in the private sector alone. For the CFDT, it was indeed
a question of building a confederation bringing together all the trade union sectors led
by socialist militants.
By providing for the preservation of the interests of the five "historic" confederations
for nine years, the law left time for negotiation between bureaucracies, but nothing
changed. It is therefore the elimination of TF from one third of the collective agreements
(half for the CFTC !) From this year which will upset the balance in the professional
branches and pave the way for recompositions. The confederal CGT management (like the
CFDT) also wanted to block the development of Solidaires when a CGT / CFDT pole opened up
breaches on its left.
By removing the immediately representative trade union representative (DS) for the trade
union representative (SSR), who must prove his representativeness with very limited
rights, the law gave the trade unions a clear advantage. In small businesses, the
establishment of the CGT was more difficult in the face of pressure from the boss.
Finally, it should be noted that after the ban on Social Security elections, which were a
much more reliable thermometer, the 2008 law also curbed the elimination of
labor-management elections ...
Relativize the result ?
There are many reasons to question " the first place of the CFDT ". The taking into
account of the public service of course that would reverse the result. The voting rights
of the employees of companies without a representative institution (IRP), private
employees or retired employees ... all this makes the established figures fragile .
The destruction of the old workers' strongholds, the relative rise of cadres, the
precariousness and the subcontracting of the least qualified jobs are all justifying
explanations for the decline of the CGT. The repression suffered by the elected CGT in the
boxes, while the CFDT very often became the house union pushed by the boss is another
justification that is understood.
But the decline of the CGT in large corporations from the public, put forward by the
confederal leadership, is not an excuse ! On the contrary, we see it as an expression of
the problem ! So let's be courageous and rather than relativize failure, let's try to
solve the causes.
The two tools of proximity and continuity that make it possible to perpetuate the CGT
presence in a sector are well known: they are the union and the local union.
But in many cases, the local union no longer has the attractiveness that made its
strength. Lack of money, lack of militant means, lack of political will ... It is urgent
to give back to this level the means to work seriously and the desire to innovate in the
proposed activities, to open the UL on Broader objectives of solidarity, struggle, debate,
formation and culture. The long-term impoverishment of the content of the basic trade
union formations, generally assumed by the UL, is also the sign and cause of the erasure
of a CGT at the heart of struggles and local life.
By systematically destroying local or regional trade unions for the benefit of corporate
unions, we have cut the continuity of unionization of a skilled worker when he or she
changes his or her business. We have deprived ourselves of a structure that supported the
weakest trade unions by relying on activists of better structured enterprises. With the
union of company it is every home !
But what is playable in large companies is not in the fabric of medium-sized companies
where, precisely, the CFDT has outstripped us. And it is to rely on politically fragile
activists and activists all the hassle of legal and administrative functioning. In all
these small and medium-sized workers' enterprises, where our delegates often read and
write only French, it is only the daily monitoring by the UL or a local industrial union
that makes it possible to train and consolidate CGT action over time. The example of the
General Syndicate of the Parisian Book in the Ile-de-France must be meditated.
Journalists and other commentators are delighted, but there is also a debate in the CGT:
should we abandon the class struggle to retake the first union in four years ? Would the "
victory " of the CFDT be the proof of the rejection of the syndicalism of struggle ?
A radio journalist who interviewed Pierre Laurent, the leader of the PCF, pushed the
ridiculous to call the CGT " anarchist " during the conflict against the labor law, and
asked if Laurent regretted the time when the CGT was better controlled And more reasonable
... So ?
So it seems to us especially that the difficulties of the CGT come from an image blurred
by its wait-and-see during the powerful movement of 2010 on the pensions or " business "
around Lepaon. The CGT must decide between a return to class struggle syndicalism and full
integration with institutional trade unionism in line with the practices of the European
Trade Union Confederation.
If the CGT were to join the pole of trade unionism for renunciation, it would not find its
first place, the latter being firmly occupied by the CFDT ...
If, on the contrary, the CGT took over the path of revolutionary syndicalism with
confidence, that of our founders, nothing says that it would be a winner in the electoral
lottery of representativeness, but it could certainly be strengthened in the " Animation
of the fights. And here is the essential !
Certainly, our CGT must decide between these two fundamental choices. If " the electoral
shock " is only a balloon as the numbers in four years have changed little, the questions
put to the CGT clearly open a shock debate for the 52 th Congress !
Article from the site of the libertarian communists of the CGT (Communisteslibertairescgt.org)
What kind of union representation is there for which representation of employees ?
Union Representation in 2017
Create column charts
On March 31, 2017, the Directorate General of Labor announced the percentage of "
representativeness " of each trade union organization. The CFDT, which has become the
first trade union organization at the expense of the CGT, is a boon for the current
government, which sees an acceptance of the labor law.
But it is a truncated audience because only calculated for the private sector. Thus, the
5.6 million public service workers, the 3.5 million unemployed and the 16 million retired.
Without forgetting the fiasco of the last elections in the TPE and TPA where only 7.35 %
of the registered people voted !
This representativeness does not reinforce the rights of employees, who do not care who
can represent them when they go on strike in their box to defend their acquired or their
employment. Do they have the right to speak when the CFDT signs a national
interprofessional agreement (as in 2014) that strengthens the employers' rights in terms
of the company's social plan ? Or when the CFDT, the CFTC, the CFE-CGC and FO destroy a
little more the right of the unemployed, with the last Unédic agreement, in March 2017,
which saw a very clear decline in the possible duration of compensation for All private
employment ?
What impact will this "national" representativeness have, since the labor law reinforces
the power of the employers in " their " enterprise, since a candidate in the
presidential elections, supported by the Medef, advocates the status of "self -employed "
future ? What should be the place of a revolutionary syndicalism, self-management and
fighting for social change ?
Faced with governments that are at the behest of the Medef, which criminalize trade union
action, libertarian communist activists must reinforce field actions, strengthen local
unions and departmental unions while Medef strengthens trade unions. They must show
employees that the capitalist model is harmful and that the reappropriation of the means
of production, the sharing of labor and the sharing of wealth are more important than "
representativeness " which is important only for So-called " reformist " unions .
François (AL Gard)
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Representativite-Le-piege-du-syndicalisme-rassemble-se-referme-sur-la-CGT
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Message: 5
The book festival also introduced a completely new title, feminist zine Audacity . Right
from the beginning I have to admit that the issue I find very refreshing feat. Has long
been my anti-authoritarian distros missing something, as had once riot grrrl zine Bloody
Mary , a quirky, straightforward and often very witty and ironic way he introduced into
rigid subcultural water wave full female perspective, feminist attitudes and merciless
bashing persistent gender stereotypes sexist behavior. ---- Similarly, in our pond vpadává
Audacity , from which radiate on one side and pissed off at the other's commitment to
grapple with problems. Thus it is no stýskání to make sacrifices, but the belief that if
something bad happens to women, not because blame themselves, but rather to pave the way
to finding their personal and collective strength. This zine can be a powerful boost for
women because they know that anyone else solve similar problems annoy him similar things
and have similar dreams. At the same time they find that there are groups of women who
organized to help themselves, other women or to engage in emancipation efforts of the
changing society in a safer and freer place.
Likewise, but this insolence recommend men. Whether a movement in itself mean anything, it
is true that some issues are too accentuated or are considered too personal, but that it
is necessary to somehow collectively perceived. But if we want our communities and
heralded the experimental field of the future society, we have to listen. A man in general
(myself included) rather talk than listen, even if they consider themselves feminists. Now
the question is feminist men are subjected to very interesting critical view. "As you
know, domination is often invisible to those who have it. Men must work to its privileged
position were able to see, "and to draw the appropriate conclusions.
Aside from the last three texts that I have not fully understood, feminist insolence he
actually approached and forced to think about the feelings of others over himself, over
the relationships in our movement and stereotypes that come with bringing the strongly
patriarchal upbringing and social reality.
If we are indoctrinated mindless sheep (sheep forgive), then it must shit objectification
of the female body, which is fettered by conventional and often unfulfillable
expectations. Why is it necessary to put such emphasis on the lack of female pubic hair?
(Here comes the trend of recent decades. In the 80s, we did not address such things at
all, and still vividly remember that when I first heard that someone shaves armpits, we
tapped puzzlement on his forehead.) It does not matter whether such objectification
committing drunk on the tram stop advertising on or in a tuxedo strung Marek Eben. That is
pervasive sexism demonstrated by the experiences described academia. Disarming sexist
stupidity is then demonstrated clippings facebookových debates about feminists. And why
the hell have raped women feel guilty when the offender is guilty?
To combat it is not easy, but not impossible. Jasmine describes his long journey to deal
with rape, "Today I'm stronger than yesterday and I give this power to all who need it."
"Manifesto for Freedom thickness" of 1973 to build discrimination because of the
appearance. Review of the film tomboy monthly cycle introduces the self-empowering the
Hispanic community of riders are from the eastern part of Los Angeles. Women fighting in
the past audacity represents Karla Máchová (1853-1920), or women who met in 1915 at the
Women's Peace Conference at The Hague. Become acquainted with the immigrant from the
Philippines, Syria and Eritrea. Finally, here is an overview of active women's collectives
and concise expression of their views and activities. There is among them fourth wave,
RFK, Women 365 Konsent like home even NemrAFKy, another interesting project that is here
described, is Genderman, which seeks to create "a space where men in cooperation with
women can learn to be seen, see myself and see others'.
Audacity is required, so do not hesitate to promote it.
70 pages A5 100 CZK. Available on the usual distribution points. Drzost.noblogs.org .
http://www.afed.cz/text/6682/drzost
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