Today's Topics:
1. France, Alternative Libertaire Tract AL, Macron-Le Pen: The
alternative is the social struggle (fr, it, pt) [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. wsm.ie: #JobstownNotGuilty rally takes place on eve of
'adult trial' (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. wsm.ie: Anarchist Bloc on Dublin May 1st march 2017
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. black rose fed: BRAZIL: SUPPORT THE STRUGGLE OF THE
MUNICIPAL WORKERS OF CACHOEIRINHA (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. Poland, rozbrat - Poznan: railwaymen shot commemorated by
the authorities of the National Democratic party --- National
Union of Workers' Initiative [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. Czech track the May Day tradition in 1886 [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
Macron-Le Pen: anti-FN vote ? Abstention ? Fascist risk or ultra-liberal capitalism ?
Between these two evils one can always choose the least. But whatever the outcome, we must
oppose the new power with the resistance of the workers, the workers and the whole
population in its diversity to hope to build another society. ---- Fifteen years after his
father but this time unsurprisingly, Marine Le Pen is in the second round of the
presidential election. This event is only the logical consequence of the policy of the
parties of government since the 1980s. By managing the last crisis of the capitalist
system with measures of austerity and gifts to the employers, A European Union at the
service of the market, stirring up racist hatred and pointing the finger at immigration
and the Muslim minority, trivializing the police state with a " state of emergency",
right-wing and left-wing politicians Unfurled the red carpet at the National Front and
extreme right-wing ideas.
Fillon, the candidate of the Medef, the traditional right and the reactionary bourgeoisie,
caught up for several weeks by politico-familial tricks of which he certainly did not have
the monopoly, was swept away in the first round, in favor of Macron, Candidate banks and
winning oligarchies of globalization. Macron represents a redesigned straight affirming an
unbridled ultraliberalism which claims to make " the revolution " by destroying all the
barriers that curb the voracious appetite of the free market. Chouchou of the media, he
has seduced those who right and left dream to " ubiser " the whole society.
Tract in PDF to download
The real barrage of extreme right-wing ideas
In this situation, well aware of the consequences for all workers, and especially for
women, immigrants, Muslims and homosexuals, we understand those who Will, by all means and
without any illusion, prevent Marine Le Pen and the FN from getting their hands on the
state apparatus. But we also understand those who will refuse to endorse this
antidemocratic system that deprives us of our capacity to act. That is why Alternative
libertarian will not give electoral instructions for May 7.
What is important is to keep in mind and to repeat around us the real barrier to extreme
right-wing ideas, we are building it day after day in collective struggles, in our
workplaces and in our workplaces. Places in our unions and collectives. It is by garnering
new conquests for social and territorial equality that the desire for a society rid of
capitalism, patriarchy and racism will emerge.
We call for a resignation and a descent into the streets, particularly on May 1 , on the
occasion of International Workers' Day, to make it clear that the real change in society
will come only from our struggles .
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Macron-Le-Pen-L-alternative-c-est-la-lutte-sociale
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Message: 2
The Saturday before the start of the show trial of the 7 adults accused of the 'false
imprisonment' of then Labour Leader Joan Burton at Jobstown a solidarity rally took place
in the centre of Dublin. ---- https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=g3Hm28zxtRM ---- Hundreds of
people gathered at the Central bank where they heard speeches before marching through the
center of Dublin. The video has extracts from those speeches and - towards the end -
footage of the march leaving. The 7 accused face sentences of up to 14 years for their
part of the community protest that saw a sit-in in front of the Labour leaders car,
delaying her leaving the area by a couple of hours. A huge task force of Gardia were
assigned to investigate the protest who then conducted dawn raids against the houses of
over 20 water charges activists from the area.
http://www.wsm.ie/c/jobstownnotguilty-rally-eve-adult-trial
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Message: 3
Join the Workers Solidarity Movement's Anarchist Bloc this International Workers' Day in
Dublin on Monday May 1st 2017. Assembly is at 2pm at Parnell Square and we will march down
O'Connell Street to the Rally outside Liberty Hall on the quays. ---- History has a lot to
teach us about the roots of our radicalism. When we remember that people were shot so we
could have the 8-hour day; if we acknowledge that homes with families in them were burned
to the ground so we could have Saturday as part of the weekend; when we recall 8-year old
victims of industrial accidents who marched in the streets protesting working conditions
and child labor only to be beat down by the police and company thugs, we understand that
our current condition cannot be taken for granted - people fought for the rights and
dignities we enjoy today, and there is still a lot more to fight for. The sacrifices of so
many people can not be forgotten or we'll end up fighting for those same gains all over
again. This is why we celebrate May Day.
http://www.wsm.ie/c/anarchist-bloc-dublin-may-1st-march-2017
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Message: 4
In solidarity with the workers and our comrades in Brazil with Coordenação Anarquista
Brasileira (CAB) we republish this statement highlighting an example of class struggle
unionism from below. We also encourage supporters to follow the Facebook page of the
Municipal Workers' Union of Cachoeirinha for updates as well as additional photos and
videos of the struggle. ---- RIO GRANDE DO SUL, BRAZIL - The Municipal Workers' Union of
Cachoeirinha (Sindicato dos Municipários de Cachoeirinha - SIMCA) is a union that fights
for workers' rights in class-based struggles in Brazil. Founded on June 20, 1989, it has
consistently been a protagonist in struggles both initiated by the Union and by other
social movements. The municipal workers of Cachoeirinha have been leaders in the
organization and mobilization of these struggles, refusing to stay quiet in the face of
arbitrary and authoritarian exploitation of labor, mismanagement on the part of bosses and
government officials, and the injustices imposed "from above."
SIMCA takes a class-based, combative political approach, based in the principles of direct
action, member-driven democracy, and workers' independence and solidarity.
The class-based premise of SIMCA is founded in the belief that workers should develop
forms of self-organization and governance. Class is used as a category to understand and
struggle against the accumulation of capital by a minority. For this reason, SIMCA stands
in solidarity with other popular movements of the working class. It affirms that,
politically and ideologically, it is crucial to share experiences that can serve as
reference points to other unions and social movements, in order to move forward together
in the struggle for workers' rights.
At this moment, SIMCA is engaged in its most important struggle since its inception. This
document describes the ongoing strike by workers in Cachoeirinha, who are protesting a
package of austerity measures introduced by the municipal government. They include the
sale of public lands, cuts in food subsidies for workers and their families, a reduction
from 9% to 3% for pay raises for job promotions, pay cuts for teachers, engineers,
geologists, architects and public servants, and changes to insurance code that lower the
"risk to life" of various professions (thereby diminishing protection). This strike is not
only historical for Cachoeirinha, but also on a state and national level, as it is
articulating a defense against the model of economic austerity that is attacking the
rights of all Brazilian workers that were won during the twentieth century.
After weeks of direct mobilization among workers, supported by community members who make
use of public services, and confrontation with police repression, the struggle has reached
a breaking point with the municipal government. On April 13, around 300 municipal workers
went to Porto Alegre, the capital of Rio Grande do Sul, to stage an act of political and
cultural resistance on the 39th day of the strike. The workers stood in a vigil for the
afternoon, until a meeting that evening, organized the Mediation Sector of the Regional
Superintendency of Labor, to address their demands.
As directed by the Strike Leadership (a Leadership of federalist structure, with
representatives from various labor sectors), the SIMCA negotiators positioned themselves
against the package of budget cuts proposed by the courts and the financial adjustments of
the government. The result of this meeting was a proposal by the government to suspend the
cuts for 60 days, in return for the end of the strike.
Chronology of the strike
First week of the strike: On the first day of the strike, the media falsely associated the
movement with a break-in of the mayor´s office. By doing so, the strike was immediately
framed as suspicious, foreshadowing the attempts to come at the criminalization of
strikers. The government summoned SIMCA for negotiation on the third and fourth days of
the strike. SIMCA demanded the repeal of budget cuts and austerity measures, as well as
that the government take emergency measures to avoid immediate consequences of the cuts.
In spite of these negotiations, the government formalized the budget cuts on March 10,
promising compensation in the future.
Second week of the strike: The strike won the support of the community, which mobilized
itself to hold the mayor accountable to cuts for municipal workers. The strike began to
struggle against the ordinance that was part of the austerity package that would reduce
funding for childhood education. Health workers joined the strike. A street protest united
more than a thousand people on Flores da Cunha Avenue. The 38-day strike in Florianópolis
ended with negotiations that were amenable to workers, giving strikers in Cachoeirinha an
example of what was possible. On March 16, the strike organized a march and 80 municipal
workers filled the Dante Barone Auditorium of the Legislative Assembly of Rio Grande do
Sul in the Public Hearing for the scaling back of rights of municipal public servants of
Cachoeirinha.
Third week of the strike: The denunciations from the public hearing were brought to the
Public Ministry. The government intensified its efforts to criminalize strikers. Legal
protests that took to the streets were treated by the government as criminal acts. The
Secretary of Education requested lists of teachers who had joined the strike in order to
begin measures to prosecute them. Strikers responded to this harassment by occupying the
Secretary of Education. This direct action forced a new negotiation with the government.
However, in the meeting that occurred two days later, the government raised its charge or
criminality against strikers and the Secretary of Security announced that it would take
measures to repress the movement.
Fourth week of the strike: A hunger strike began in front of the city hall and continued
uninterrupted for 24 hours. Meanwhile, the Mayor had lunch with local businessmen to
negotiate their support for the government's fiscal adjustments. Since the second week of
the strike, the movement had been practically silenced in the media. The movement began to
experience state, in addition to municipal, repression. Unhappy with the strike´s growing
strength, government repression became bolder. The Mayor and the Secretary of Security
accused the strike of various break-ins. A government official connected to the Secretary
of Governance provoked people in the hunger strike in an attempt to create conflict.
Government officials delayed a session of voting on legislation that would reduce
subsidies for food purchasing by workers and their families. On the following day, strike
leaders occupied the legislative chamber. On March 30, repression of the movement left 30
wounded and 3 arrested, marking the greatest police brutality in the history of
Cachoeirinha. On March 31, more than 2,000 people marched down Flores da Cunha Avenue to
protest the brutality. The Ministry of Labor and the State Ministry received complaints of
rights' violations this week.
The strike issues this statement. The government appealed to the courts in an attempt to
dismantle the movement. The strike took on national dimensions as various protests around
the country took place in solidarity with municipal workers in Cachoeirinha. Denunciations
of the strike´s repression arrived on the desks of the Commission of Citizenship and Human
Rights of the Legislative Assembly. A street mobilization slowed access to Cachoeirinha by
occupying a critical bridge. A plenary was convened to protest threats by the government
to redact pay for the duration of the strike. A political analysis addressed the state of
the strike was published.
Sixth week of the strike: The industrial district of Cachoeirinha woke up with a picket
line in front of the Center of Industries of Cachoeirinha to get their message across to
factory owners who had sided with the Mayor and were supporting his austerity measures. In
the early hours of the morning of April 10, the government agreed to negotiate the
following day, and for the first time since the beginning of the strike, the Mayor showed
up. The expectations of strikers were disappointed at the meeting, when the same proposal
that the government had presented on March 10 was put on the table, which the strikers had
already rejected. SIMCA withdrew from negotiations and agreed only to return the following
Thursday. Another large mobilization in support of the strike once again occupied the main
avenue of the city. In Rio Grande do Sul, the strike won the support of state-level public
servants. Various municipal workers of the metropolitan area addressed the strike in their
assemblies.
The municipal workers of Cachoeirinha continue to protest the unjust fiscal adjustment.
The situation in Cachoeirinha is the same that threatens workers across the whole country.
More than 3,000 workers are now involved in this fight. The sweat and blood that has been
shed in this strike belongs to all members of the oppressed classes. Beyond the debate
about whether to accept the truce offered by the government, the municipal workers of
Cachoeirinha are aware of the role they have in sustaining country-wide resistance against
blows to our rights.
It is from this understanding of the ongoing struggle, that SIMCA asks for SOLIDARITY for
this struggle, be it through the spread of information or material and financial support.
The saying "Those who fight are not yet dead" is never so relevant as in this very moment
in which the struggle is being waged.
ALL SOLIDARITY TO SIMCA AND THE MUNICIPAL WORK
By Municipal Workers' Union of Cachoeirinha
http://blackrosefed.org/brazil-municipal-workers-cachoerinha/
------------------------------
Message: 5
April 26 delegation Poznan Anarchist Federation and Inter-Committee of the National Trade
Union of the Workers' Initiative symbolically commemorated bunch of flowers honor nine
Poznan railway workers murdered 97 years ago by the authorities of the National Democratic
party of Poznan. ---- After the wreath-laying ceremony were distributed leaflets informing
about the tragedy in 1920. This symbolic action was to remind not only uncomfortable about
the history of nationalism, but also about the history of manipulation, which increasingly
allowed the central government and the extreme right. ---- A participant commented on the
event: "Let's say today loudly when our grandparents fought for a decent life, the
right-wing National Democratic party authorities were sending Wielkopolska police, who
opened fire on peaceful protesters at the 3000 Poznan Castle railway workers. When today
we pay tribute to workers who have died, the extreme right supported by government
authorities cultivates historical policy of sanctioning authoritarian ideas. "
Instead minutes of silence all his life in the fight!
Read more about the massacre of railway workers in 1920 .: Memories participant -
http://www.ozzip.pl/teksty/publicystyka/historia/item/178-masakra-protestu-robotnikow-w-1920-r
"I tell you, that as they do not go as you do not show that they are a handful and we
force as they do not threaten a strike and stop rail traffic, it's still a few months will
politely and patriotically divert our delegations from one dignitary to another, until our
wives and children croak of hunger. We go under the castle or not!? He spoke with such
power that went into what each of the workers weighed in his mind. "
April 26, 1920, the police, involving right-wing governments endeckim Wielkopolska opened
fire to approx. 3,000 peaceful protesters in Poznan Castle railway workers. The workers
demanded the payment due to them "extras drozyznianych." 9 protesters killed, over 30
injured. The bloody crackdown on workers were to be a show of force and a warning to other
strikers. The authorities, fearing the reaction of the workers of Poznan, introduced a
state of emergency in the city, police and the army on the streets replaced.
The protest, however, had the effect. May 1, 1920 r. Was paid to employees due to the
addition of turn. Also failed to effectively intimidate workers and workers who for 1,923
years have repeatedly insisted on their rights acting against the National Democratic
politics. Greater became the scene of a particularly fierce class struggle. Many times the
crowds dispersed a right-wing government using military sabers, and ordered to shoot
demonstrators. Supporters Dmowskiego, which today treat elite of esteem, had their hands
stained with blood.
Recalling these events we want to give the lie to one-sidedness with which presents many
events in the history of Poznan and Wielkopolska. For those moments include, among others
the events of the years immediately after World War I, or 1956 years. Right-wing elite,
political tools, impose their religious and nationalist interpretation of history and use
it for their legitimacy. You have to explicitly oppose, pointing to the real course of
events and recalling that the criminal nature had not only communist governments, but also
the National Democratic party.
http://www.rozbrat.org/informacje/poznan/4530-poznaupamitniono-kolejarzy-zastrzelonych-przez-endeckie-wadze-
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Message: 6
In 1886, there were numerous in the United States and the Czech anarchist labor movement,
which was added to the campaign for the enforcement of the eight-hour working day. ----
Czech immigrants were involved in various workers' associations and trade unions, for
example. The anarchist International Working People's Association, under which functioned
Czech section of the International Workers Unity. Its main character became a veteran of
the workers' struggle and anarchist Jakub Mikolanda. Czech anarchists distributed
leaflets, printed Future (Chicago) and proletarian (New York), written in German newspaper
Arbeiter-Zeitung and English-language Alarm . They participated in demonstrations, strikes
and struggles in the workplace, which began to erupt from 1885 to uphold the requirement
of an eight-hour working day. The center of their movement became Chicago and closest
cooperation is governed the German-speaking colleagues. Many are so well known is later
haymarketskými judicial victims, German anarchists Lingg, Fisher and Schwab. Lingg even
said that he has great respect and affection for the Czech participants in the movement,
because at that time belonged to the most combative in the strikes and demonstrations in
Chicago proletariat.
When he broke out May 1, 1886 general strike, there were also Czech anarchists. Third of
May, participated in a demonstration at the McCormick factory. Assembly workers at the end
of the shift decided to take action against scabs. To help employers and protect scabs
police intervened, after which there was a conflict. Finally, police opened fire on
demonstrators, prompting the dead and wounded. The fact that the conflict also attended by
Czech workers, documented case arrested Hynka Dejmka, whose arrest was actively helping to
get out of the clutches of the police already mentioned Mikolanda. During the events of
May 1886 were arrested in Chicago and other Czech anarchists, for example. Václav Dejmek,
Jan Hronek, František Capek, František Chleboun, František Dvorák and the Czech Republic
yet known songwriter work Josef Boleslav Pecka.
After the Haymarket tragedy the next day sparked the Chicago police in terror and the hunt
for anarchists. In the working-class apartments, offices and printers raid took place,
many people were beated and arrested. Mikolanda was arrested May 8 at night in one of the
salons, where he was taken to his apartment, where police carried out a violent and
indiscriminate searched, regardless of sleeping wife and children.
From the testimony Mikolanda and brothers Dejmkových know about the practice when the
police tried to convince the earliest after a good cooperation. He promised them a good
job and money if they give false evidence against his colleagues. Czech anarchists but
showed his pure character, and refused to betray even their ideals or their friends.
Because of his attitude to the police station experienced hell. Torture and beatings
lasted for several days, even they were threatened to be shot without trial, and their
bodies will be lost. Police, however, did not break and must ultimately dismiss, even if
Jakub Mikolanda was deported and held in a labor camp for almost half a year.
After the execution haymarketských martyrs, Czech anarchists and other workers
participated in the funeral procession, which numbered almost half a million people, and
some as Jan Hronek and František Capek, along with other 25 thousand people participated
directly to the funeral, where the graves of his anarchist friends promised that this
judicial murder revenge.
So far only managed to reveal fragments of events and names (eg. Josef Pondelícek Václav
Turek, Josef Pavlícek, Jan and Jan Hlávka Vodák). Yet we can say that Czech "economic
migrants" who have stayed in the 80s of the 19th century in the United States, stood in
formation May Day tradition. Although fled z Cech from poverty and unrelenting political
persecution, they not abandon their beliefs and remained faithful to him to enforce
workers' rights and the desire for a fairer world order.
Czech anarchists in the United States commemorating 130 years also because they have
become an important means penetration of the ideas of freedom and solidarity between
Czech-speaking part of the Austro-Hungarian workers. False nationalism was foreign to
them, which proved their migration as well as engaging in internationalist workers'
structures. In addition, examples of immigrants who do not hold in the host country and
step up, but to actively fight for their rights.
https://www.afed.cz/text/6657/ceska-stopa-prvomajove-tradice-v-roce-1886
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