Today's Topics:
1. France, Alternative Libertaire AL - Anarchist Guerillas in
Kurdistan: " A struggle not for martyrdom , but for life " (fr,
it, pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. Czech, afed: Entourage in the streets -- A few observations
participant Prague demonstrations against the Babis [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. Greeece, "Black & Red", Information from the path of
anarchist May Day (gr) [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. slovania afed: Activists of the "Community" to remind
Kyjevanum senseless spending of public funds for the organization
of "Eurovision" by Johny(J) [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. [Greece] Information on the two-day events for anarchy and
libertarian communism, By ANA (gr, pt) [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. France, Alternative Libertaire AL de mai #272 - Content +
Edito (fr, it, pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
A maintenance-river with the volunteers of the IRPGF, an anarchist unit integrated to the
YPG. On the armed struggle, the game of alliances, the militia self-discipline, the link
with the civil populations and the libertarian projects in Rojava. ---- At the end of
March 2017, the news spread that a new anarchist guerrilla group had been formed in Syrian
Kurdistan (Rojava), the International Revolutionary People's Guerilla Forces (IRPGF).
Their emergence rekindled discussions about anarchist participation in Kurdish resistance
and armed struggle as a strategy of social transformation. The Crimethinc.com web site
carried out a very long interview under difficult conditions. Alternative libertarian, who
does not necessarily share the positions of the IRPGF, proposes an adaptation in French,
redacted from its redundancies.
Kurdish forces have been hosting international volunteers for years. How does this play
out in practice ? Do you consider yourself equal and autonomous actors in the struggle and
transformation of society ? Or do you feel more like reinforcements allied to their defense ?
Not all international volunteers came for the same reasons. For decades, the Kurdistan
Workers' Party (PKK) has welcomed them, including fighters and fighters from the Palestine
Liberation Organization and the Armenian Secret Army for the Liberation of Armenia (ASALA) .
Recently, it was the Daech (ISIS) rise in Iraq and Syria, the attempted Genocide of the
Yezidis of Sinjar and the Battle of Kobanê, which attracted the most commitments. But with
a variety of motivations. The Lions of Rojava group, for example, attracted " militaros
", right-wing and religious. At the same time, Maoists from Turkey, members of the MLKP
and TKP / ML arrived in Rojava - they are found in the United Forces of Liberation (BÖG)
in Rojava, but also in the Bakur (Kurdistan of Turkey) .
The IRPGF was formed in March 2017.
Thus, simultaneously, during these crucial months in Kobane, Christian fundamentalists,
fascists and Islamophobes fought side by side with Turkish and international communists
and socialists, and even some anarchists. Many, however, were neither reactionary nor
revolutionary, and defined themselves simply as antifascists, friends of the Kurdish
cause, feminists, democrats or supporters of the confederalist project. Today the
situation has evolved on the ground and many reactions have left the YPG-YPJ, but the
mixture remains eclectic.
In practice, international volunteers are assigned to different units, based on criteria.
Army veterans, for example, can integrate units (stools) requiring solid military
experience, such as those of sniper (suihast) and sabotage (sabotaj). The internationals
who come to fight for ideological reasons for anarchism, communism or socialism can go to
train in one of the PKK camps in Turkey and fight in a guerrilla unit. Most, however, join
the YPG-YPJ, alongside Kurdish, Arab, Yezidi, Armenian, Assyrian and other fighters in the
Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF).
The social position of internationals versus indigenous peoples is complex. For the people
and people of Rojava, it is gratifying that people come to defend them when the whole
world, for nearly a century, has turned their back on their hope of autonomy and
self-determination. But there is also a kind of quasi-glorification atmosphere of the
Westerners who come to fight, the feeling that one can have to be seen as trophies and
sometimes to be a little mother.
Of course, not everyone feels the same way. There are those who like to show themselves
with open faces, weapon in hand and gargle their " exploits ". And there are those who
prefer to remain masked for political and practical reasons. There is no doubt that at the
age of self-help and social networks, some internationals used the Rojava conflict for
their personal advertising. Others were able to earn money by selling books. This
opportunism and adventurism only involve a small minority. Even though they are grateful
for having made the revolution known to a wide audience, it reminds us that those who come
here can, in most cases, forget the struggle and have the privilege of returning to normal
life. There is also the category of war tourists who come for the sake of risk, who want a
military experience. Some even served in the French Foreign Legion. Asked what they would
do after the Rojava, they evoked Ukraine or Burma ... to continue fighting.
The flag of the IRPGF.
Many international volunteers, especially among Westerners, have a relatively privileged
social position in Rojava. They are there under the conditions of a " secure struggle ",
as we analyze at the IRPGF. Indeed, since this war is supported by the United States and
the Western powers, they are sure not to suffer reprisals on their return, even if the
Apoist organizations [1]are officially classified as " terrorists ".
Two exceptions are Turkish nationals and nationals, who will be tracked by Ankara, and the
Spanish Maoists of the PML (RC), who have been imprisoned and have their premises closed
in Spain. Apart from these two cases, the vast majority of international volunteers here
are immune to prosecution in their country.
This example is reminiscent of those intellectuals and activists who applaud distant
conflicts, but are not prepared to sacrifice their comfort, even for the benefit of a
strengthening of struggles at home. Some and some internationals can come to Rojava to
make the revolutionary for six months or a year, to be applauded, then to leave to lead a
normal existence. This poses a question, even if it is a minority, and we should not
denigrate the actions of those who remain only a few months. In fact, they are actually
putting their lives at risk. And some will learn things, open up new perspectives, and
continue the struggle in their homes in many ways.
The experience of struggle has transformed some internationals. Often, this is positive,
for example when they assimilate the key role of women's emancipation. More rarely, when
they denigrate the military skills of the Kurds, they deny that the revolution will fail,
and that their stay in Rojava has not satisfied their thirst for battles.
What will happen to these internationals when the imperialist powers turn their backs on
Rojava ? Will they be ready to fight the Turkish army ? Or US ? That remains to be seen.
Solidarity of the IRGPF with the squatter movement in Athens, April 3, 2017.
Far from this category of volunteers, there are those who came with a political
conscience, and a clear vision of the ideological and geopolitical stakes. The
concentration of communist, socialist and anarchist fighters and fighters here is unique
in the world. This allows innovations such as the International Freedom Battalion (IFB),
training and joint operations. It also leads the specter of a history that can repeat
itself ...
Those who come to Rojava by political conviction can participate, on an equal footing with
the Kurds, in war and the transformation of society. The others - less and less numerous -
do not want this equality, or they can be arrogant. The exchanges can be tense, or even
turn to physical confrontation.
As IRPGF, we see ourselves as allies in reinforcement, and as participants who are both
equal and autonomous. These two terms of equality and autonomy are not mutually exclusive,
but it must be acknowledged that our autonomy is sometimes limited. We are part of a
struggle that surpasses us, in a military structure and in a semi-formalized game of
alliances.
We are under the command of the FDS, who collaborate with the US military and others in
the offensive against Daech. It's purely pragmatic and it does not change anything, of
course, in our view of the United States: they are as much our enemy as Daech - or any
state. But considering the responsibility of US foreign policy in the emergence of the
Islamic state, it is the least of the things that Washington is fighting now.
Solidarity Campaign with the International Liberation Battalion
If regional alliances and issues are ignored, this struggle deserves support. What we are
doing at this moment in practical learning is the relation of internationalist
revolutionary anarchism to an indigenous struggle, but inscribed in a transboundary
revolutionary movement.
As we are engaged in the armed struggle, we have little time to support libertarian
projects in civil society. But social transformation is not limited to that. For example,
the local Arab villagers come daily to our base to exchange their milk and yoghurt
production, and we supply them with sugar and other products they lack. This mutual help
creates a bond of solidarity, which we also maintain with the few Armenian families of the
region. The simple fact of drinking tea or kissing it on the cheek is the first step
towards a long-term relationship, which will help to found projects of social transformation .
Some international volunteers, including anarchists and communists, have had their own
structures in Rojava for some time. Why ? What is your relationship with the Kurdish
structures ?
It's not that new. One must bear in mind the history of the Turkish left and the
multiplicity of armed groups operating in the region. Within the Turkish left, especially
the one involved in armed struggle and guerilla warfare, relations have changed a lot in
recent years. The era of bloody hatred between rival groups is over.
The Turkish state turned out to be stronger and more stable than expected. The vast
majority of the Turkish population did not enter into a struggle as the " historical
necessity " of the Marxist-Leninist dogma assumed. The power of Erdogan pushed the
parties to unite to fight together. There had already been precedents. Several
organizations, including the main one, the PKK, had helped each other in the Anatolian
mountains, sharing resources, training together, conducting joint operations. On 6 March
2016, 10 far-left organizations united their armed groups under a common banner: the
People's Revolutionary Movement ( Halklarin Birlesik Devrim Hareketi or HBDH).
A photo of solidarity with the struggling workers in Brazil, April 7, 2017.
The history of Turkish armed groups is more broadly in line with that of the Middle East
and its conflicts. For example, the TKP / ML, ASALA and PKK have been active in Lebanon in
the Beqaa valley, alongside the PLO and other Palestinian or Lebanese groups. In Syria, in
the 1980s and early 1990s, at a time of rivalry between Damascus and Ankara, the PKK was
able to open offices and train on Syrian territory in Rojava. Then Hafez el Assad, anxious
to conciliate Turkey, expelled Abdullah Öcalan. The collapse of the Soviet Union weakened
the guerrillas. The outbreak of the Syrian civil war created an opportunity, and several
guerrilla groups set their karargahs (HQ) in Rojava.
The intensification of fighting and mutual aid between groups have prompted the various
left-wing parties under the impetus of the MLKP to form the International Freedom
Battalion (IFB) in Rojava. This creation, the first of its kind, preceded that of the
HBDH. Moreover, IFB's experience is mixed. The structure is governed by democratic
centralism, which at the IRPGF we disapprove of. We prefer horizontality and equality
between groups and between individuals.
Moreover, the fact that the IFB is largely composed of Turkish comrades has somewhat
altered its international character. Even the Kurds often refer to the " Turkish left "
as the IFB. Nevertheless, this experience is positive, because it demonstrated that
various groups could cooperate and win military victories, while conducting projects in
civil society.
The IFB, although headed jointly by the various parties of extreme left which compose it,
is in the last instance under the command of the YPG and the FDS. Although we are
autonomous in the organization of our unit, it is the YPG command that orders the
movements and positions of the IFB. Apart from that, each party and group of the IFB
retains its political autonomy, may disagree and criticize certain policies of the Kurdish
movement. Obviously, we pay attention to the statements we can make as a constituent unit
of the IFB. In the end, the IFB is a laboratory that has led the extreme left, from all
directions, to act together under a single command.
A statement of solidarity of the IRPGF with Chinese feminists, April 28, 2017.
The alliance between the Kurdish and American forces is unlikely to last. What will
anarchists do then ? Are there spaces for developing radical projects in Rojava ? Can you
remain autonomous from decisions made elsewhere ?
The word " covenant " is misleading. For reasons of their own, the United States and the
coalition want to eliminate Daech, whom the YPG-YPJ also want to eradicate in order to
defend their revolution. The enemy is common, and military cooperation is not surprising.
But political, ideological and economic antagonism will sooner or later erupt. There is no
political alliance between the United States and the revolutionaries of Rojava.
There are, however, Kurdish political tendencies that want a nation-state and mobilize on
a nationalist basis. In Iraq, the United States supports the Kurdistan Regional Government
(GRK), led by Massoud Barzani, a US puppet that imposes an informal embargo on Rojava.
Barzani and his Democratic Party of Kurdistan (PDK) allied with Ankara to the detriment of
the Kurds and Yezidis of Sinjar. In addition, the GRK seeks to destabilize the Rojava by
supporting a right-wing coalition, the Kurdish National Council (CNK), and by exerting
military pressure with the peshmerga. The enemies of this revolution are numerous.
It is often said that some anarchist thinkers, such as Murray Bookchin, led Abdullah
Öcalan to move away from Marxism-Leninism and to theorize democratic confederalism.
Whatever the truth may be, anarchists can really have an impact on this revolution, both
in the armed struggle and in civil society. Through dialogue and working with local
communities, we can help the revolution to progress. The more anarchism has influence
here, the more we can build something new together, in Rojava and throughout the world.[...]
A declaration of solidarity with political detainees in Belarus on 4 April 2017.
As anarchists, we are against states and authority, without compromise. It's not
negotiable. We fully recognize the role of the different parties in the struggle in
Kurdistan. But we believe that we can work, fight - and possibly die - by their side,
while remaining autonomous and critical of their ideologies, structures, feudal
mentalities and political practices. Being autonomous means being able to disagree, or
even choose not to fight if we disapprove of certain alliances. If the revolutionary
forces were to formalize alliances with state powers and Rojava would be transformed into
a new state, even if a state was a social democrat, the IRPGF would go and move its
operations elsewhere, To continue the revolutionary struggle. It is likely that there will
remain room for libertarian projects within civil society, but it is likely that anarchist
and communist guerrilla groups would no longer be tolerated.
Is there a tension between the involvement in the armed struggle and the development of
social projects in Rojava ? To what extent do they feed each other ? To what extent are
they in contradiction ?
Our group is just beginning to develop social projects in Rojava. It's hard to keep up
with the fighting, for a small unit like ours. We must achieve the necessary critical
mass. But we have with us comrades who have worked in civil society. This will enable us
to fulfill our twofold commitment: armed struggle and social revolution.
What is the impact of the war effort on society in Rojava ? Is there a primacy of the
military question ? How can we prevent this from shaping power relations in communities ?
The war in Syria and Iraq has had a major impact on civil society. Some comrades were able
to speak of " war communism " about Rojava . In fact, much of the economy is subject to
the war effort, and this is not surprising: Rojava is surrounded by enemies who seek to
destroy the nascent revolutionary experience.[...]
For the rest, there is no doubt that the war hinders the horizontality, and therefore the
collective power of the community. It is partly linked to the structures of the PYD, which
mark society. Veterans and political cadres have an increased weight, and this results in
a system of rank, privilege and advancement. The phenomenon is however limited by the
ideology of the PYD, against a backdrop of an authentic social revolution. A military
cadre is de facto superior to a civilian but ultimately is responsible to the people
through the communes and the wider framework of the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria.
Funds
for the revolution !
" Kurdistan: Freedom, self-management, revolution. »
Buy the support t-shirt edited by AL (14 euros, original drawing by Pierre Bunk).
The proceeds will go to a self-management project in Kurdistan.
These hierarchical relations are imposed on us by a most brutal war. As anarchists, we
understand these relations of authority, while trying to deconstruct them. Within the
fighting units, it is the role of the tekmil, a general assembly that makes it possible to
criticize the behavior of such and such, including the commander. This is a serious - and
even vital - practice of self-criticism and self-discipline that has its roots in Maoism.
To be efficient, command relationships must exist only by mutual consent. When we have the
time to deliberate, we do it and we make decisions collectively. But in the fighting
phase, one expects quick instructions and safe choices from the most experienced comrades.
This is also true for training and recruitment. It is if they do not abide by these
principles that command functions can impede self-organization.
How can we prevent military necessities from shaping power relations in communities ?
First of all, it depends on the degree of separation between the community and the tasks
of defense, if they are imposed from outside, for example. Of course, the defense can be
sustained, as when evacuating villages too close to the front, or provisionally
requisitioning houses as outposts ; But the fact is that in Rojava, local and
ethno-confessional communities are empowered to defend themselves. This is a principle
dating back to the Qamislo riots in 2004, which spawned an embryonic community
self-defense, a forerunner of the YPG. In order to guard against the YPG's superior
defense structure - in case they seek to seize power - the communities have their own
Civil Defense Forces (HPCs) (Hêzên Parastina Cewherî). Thus, the YPGs incarnate the
defense of the whole of Rojava, but there are smaller forces - for example, the Syriac
military council, composed of Assyrian Christians, which protects this community. The
defense system is decentralized and confederated, while retaining the ability to rapidly
deploy, recruit and even conscript. Composed of Assyrian Christians, who protects this
community. The defense system is decentralized and confederated, while retaining the
ability to rapidly deploy, recruit and even conscript. Composed of Assyrian Christians,
who protects this community. The defense system is decentralized and confederated, while
retaining the ability to rapidly deploy, recruit and even conscript.
Photos of HPC in Girkê Legê (Canton de Cizérê):
For us, it is necessary that the communities be responsible for their own defense. And
with the powerful state, para-state and non-state actors in front of us, there is a need
for even stronger defense. This can reduce the autonomy of the communities for the
duration of the war, and we must get along with it.[...]We must ensure that communities do
not feel dispossessed and ultimately have the final say on their priorities and defense.
In another interview , you oppose the " permanent armies " and the " ossified
revolutionary groups ". What, in practice, distinguishes the anarchists, and will you
avoid falling into these faults ?
What sets us apart from the other far-left armed groups ? What are our specificities ? We
work as much as possible for collective and individual emancipation, based on anarchist
principles, which we interpret neither dogmatically nor orthodoxly, but in an innovative,
even iconoclastic way. Anarchism must evolve with life. Each extreme left group wants its
own version of socialism or communism. We distinguish ourselves by our relationship to
authority, within and outside the group. With us, no leader, no personality cult, no
portraits of ourselves displayed on the walls. We draw inspiration from the Zapatistas who
hide their faces and focus more on the collective, in its diversity. We make decisions by
consensus and, Before a combat phase, we designate those responsible for operations. The
IRPGF has no permanent command. We assume the responsibilities by rotation. The logic is
not to reproduce the military or technocratic hierarchy.
Armed anarchist groups are not new. One can cite the Conspiracy of the Fire Cells and
Revolutionary Struggle in Greece, or the Informal Anarchist Federation - International
Revolutionary Front, in Italy. We do not necessarily agree on everything with these
groups. For our part, we do not seek to be a guerrilla group folded " in the mountains ".
We are looking, in a way, for the interaction between the city and the mountain. It is
important to make the link between struggles throughout the world. We say " shit to all
the revolutionary vanguards of the world, " as Subcomandante Marcos said. We do not see
ourselves as an anarchist vanguard. We are all but that.[...]
As armed struggle can last for years, even decades, certain structures can become rigid,
hierarchical, concentrate power. This risk should not be minimized. This is why we should
not think of ourselves as full-time professional revolutionaries, but as equal members
within a community, involved in local struggles and civil society projects. The opposite
of a permanent army or a professionalized armed group detached from everyday life.[...]
As you said, the conflicts in Syria, Ukraine and elsewhere can be the prelude to a period
of protracted and disorderly global crisis. What do you think is the good relationship
between the armed struggle and the revolution ? Should anarchists quickly bring the armed
struggle into the revolutionary process, or should they delay it as long as possible ? In
addition, obtaining arms usually involves dealing with state or para-state actors. How can
anarchists handle this ?
There is no general formula for determining at what stage the armed struggle becomes
necessary to advance the revolutionary process. At the IRPGF, we believe that each
collective must decide by itself when to launch the armed struggle. It depends on the
context. For example, throwing a Molotov cocktail on the police is quite commonplace in
the Exarchia neighborhood in Athens, Greece ; Whereas in the United States, the person who
would do so would be killed by the police. Each state has its threshold of tolerance for
violence. This is not an excuse for inaction. We believe the armed struggle is necessary,
and that people must be willing to sacrifice their social position if necessary. Yet we do
not ask for sacrifice. This struggle is not for martyrdom but for life.[...]
The creation of a local community and self-defense forces in an openly armed neighborhood
is a first step. It is a powerful symbolic act that will certainly attract the attention
of the State and its repressive forces. The insurrection should be everywhere and at all
times, but it is not necessarily with guns.[...]
The revolution is not a gala dinner and, what is worse, we do not choose the guests at the
gala dinner. How can we as anarchists remain faithful to our principles when we have to
rely on state and para-state actors for weapons and logistics ? First, there is no
revolution or armed struggle that is "pure". Our weapons were made in former Eastern bloc
countries and were handed over to us by revolutionary political parties. Our base and
resources come from the different parties that operate here. Obviously, we anarchists have
not liberated the kind of territory we would need to operate in our own way. We have to
compromise.
We have relations with Communist, Socialist and Apoist parties. At this point, we are
fighting against the same enemy and must combine our forces. However, we do not abdicate
our critical thinking. We disagree with their dogmatism over state power. Everyone knows
that if they should one day take over state power, we would become enemies. But for now,
we are allies and even comrades in the struggle. We have opened a dialogue on anarchism
and criticized their political positions, while highlighting the positions we share. This
exchange has been beneficial to everyone, and this is part of a dialectical process: the
need for theory and practice to move forward.[...]
Sooner or later, conflicts may arise about the direction and goals of the revolution. Has
this already started in Rojava ?
To answer simply: yes, these conflicts of orientation began to arise in Rojava. With a
party as broad as the PYD and a federal structure, contradictions and different factions
have emerged. Some want to lead the revolution to the end, others are ready to make
concessions on certain aspects in order to guarantee what has been achieved so far. Some
dream of a Marxist-Leninist Kurdistan and others are ready to open up to the West to ally
themselves with the " democratic forces ." Some want a protracted people's war, while
others claim that the war period is coming to an end and that hostilities must be stopped.
How should FPRI be located in this political arena ?
As anarchists, we navigate between these complex subjects and contradictions by claiming
as much ground as possible for anarchism. We went with the revolutionary tendencies and
the parties closest to us, without diluting ourselves. Being in an autonomous space in
line with our aspirations offers us tremendous opportunities.
The PYD provides flexibility for the various groups, be it for training, or to implement
projects. More anarchists will join us in Rojava to help us build libertarian structures,
the more we will have influence in society. Youth, for example, which is more critical of
tradition and of feudal weight, is at the forefront of formidable changes in society. We
want to work with youth on education, on anarchist thought, and even to address issues
related to gender and sexuality that are now taboo in a large part of society.
There is a vast field of libertarian experimentation here to emancipate the individual and
the society. We believe that our action in the armed struggle, or in civil society in
Rojava, will be useful to the anarchist movement in the world. We look forward to sharing
the results.
Translation and adaptation by
Justine (AL Alsace), Benjamin (AL Marseille),
Guillaume (AL Montreuil), François (AL Paris-Sud),
Nicolas (Quebec), Françoys (Canadian friends of Kurdistan),
Martial , Thibault (AL Cergy).
Correction Marie-Lise (AL Gard)
[1] " Apo " is the nickname of Abdullah Öcalan, co-founder and imprisoned leader of the PKK.
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Guerilla-anarchiste-au-Kurdistan-Une-lutte-non-pour-le-martyre-mais-pour-la-vie
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Message: 2
When he started after Facebook to spread news of the demonstration, which was to take
place on Wednesday, May 10 under the title "Why? That's why! "Intrigued me, that is not
organized by any political party and is apparently open to everyone who sees it as
problematic effects Andrej Babis. With a couple of friends from the Anarchist Federation,
we have decided for themselves to demonstrate to visit with their own view of Babis that
far exceeds his person. ---- Babis also became a springboard for the May number of wall
newspapers A3. They usually seek on current topics simple way to present an anarchist
perspective. It is no wonder that Babis is framed in a broader context, the phenomenon
where the billionaires make clear that I really have no need for a class of professional
politicians that nourish partly to promote their interests. And it shows that politicians
feel threatened and start to dig around, they do not want to be vyšoupnuti well
šlapajícího company called bourgeois democracy.
And so we armed with several hundred "átrojek" in the form of a leaflet went to sixth on
Wenceslas Square in Prague. There have been several thousand people ready stage, sound
system and a piece of the action petition stands two presidential candidates. Horacek
there was "coincidence" signing. Composition of participants was varied, although nearly
half were such those from Prague right-wing liberals, who would like to see the Castle His
Excellency Count Schwarzenberg. There were but also people from subcultures, green, young
socdemáci, idealisté.cz, SocSolu members and several anarchist with black-and-red flags
over their shoulders. On one of the signs appeared password from our site, "Babis is just
the tip of the iceberg. = Oligarchy capitalism ". Transparent three rods in hand,
socialists and anarchists proclaimed: "expropriate Agrofert! A Bakala, Horacek, Kellner
... "Otherwise, most of the banners and signs have been seen, and gave people Babis Zeman,
as if it were just the two of them, who prevents others in satisfying life.
We distributed "átrojky" but it must be said that we are some right-wingers when it
detects that it is a critique of capitalism returned. And some "Democrats" are very
intolerant protested. Well, I guess we have big hippies, though respect to such events
plurality of positions, although some of the one puke. Then it is not very clear what
these people have against the Babis. Actually, yes. During the demonstration, I came to
realize that this sort for people to Babis repulsive that it somehow rolled Zeman that the
election was ditching Prince (when called after the departure of Zeman had democracy and
elections nezaštitovali). And after that, it corrupts the democratic façade which is
crowned capitalism and that helped to successfully build Václav Havel. After all, it was
he who gave moral hallmark of the time, known today as "wild Klaus transformation" and
whose child is hated even the Babis.
In the middle of the collected crowd was not heard, or at least understand what is being
said on stage. Another sound then it stands up to the presidential candidates. But when I
later got a little closer to the stage, I realized that I probably did not come quite so
much. I noticed remorse that Zeman sometime in 2003 did not hand Klaus when he beat him in
the presidential race. Often repeated theme of electronic records of sales, just as if
Babiš regarding this matter with its one voice steamrolled the entire parliament. I
learned that in dismal condition, those who do not vote programmatically. Therefore I am.
Then it was off the stage told that our biggest problem is that we have for nearly 30
years grappled with communism. This nonsense has been irrelevant for a year after the fall
of the Bolshevik, therefore, can anyone take today as the origin of all evil. These freaks
should go sometime between ordinary people and ask them if they really think that their
precarious position caused by some communists and STB agents. Although there are weasels,
what we again argue that to blame the refugees and Muslims.
After an hour and a half of speeches, which were difficult to absorb, and if you are not
attuned to this note, and endure, it was officially announced that according to police
estimates, the event involved 25 to 30 thousand people. What? Not only was it overshot a
lot, even if they do it counted all those tourists what was milled, the question is rather
why cops like exaggerating when sometimes the numbers at demonstrations heavily
underestimated. Well, whose bread you eat the tune. It is not by chance he Chovanec at
loggerheads with Babis? When I looked in addition, I found that half the people already in
the square is not at all a crowd barely extends to the first corner. I thought I'd never
really understand what keeps me there, when he was half of the participants prefer to
spread out all speeches and probably never end.
I can not help but have to quickly find a drinking establishemnt a quick beer to wash away
the aftertaste gatherings that does not matter, that the system itself sucks, but would
like to take from the Castle someone cheerfully smiling, word stroked and goes away. The
event made me feel entourage with "grill Babis," which takes place in parliament. As
anarchists we are (although in small numbers) to at least told her: Babis is a problem
because the system is the problem, and until we rid of capitalism, not get rid of or all
the Babis, and it does not matter if you drive like your company to become or company .
https://www.afed.cz/text/6675/stafaz-v-ulicich
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Message: 3
Massive demonstration on May Day this year, several hundred workers, unemployed youth and
students in the concentration of Kamara. Characteristic of the degeneration of the state /
employer association of GSEE-ADEDY cancel the demonstration of SHIFT. BLACK / RED even
found once assembled in the street, like all collectives members of APO in Athens and
Patras, with banners NO WAR BETWEEN PEOPLE NO PEACE BETWEEN CLASSES, prefixing the class
memory c k anarchist workers killed in Chicago, the international solidarity against the
border states and the modern totalitarianism and social resistance against the
intensification of exploitation suffered by plebeian layers, especially now that the state
repression broke out in various on levels, while government capital and preparing for the
next (schematically fourth) round synolikopoiimenis to attack from below.
Smash THE MODERN STATE-CAPITAL OLKLIROTISMO
to put THE BASIS FOR SOCIAL & CLASS counterattack ON SOCIAL REVOLUTION anarchy and
libertarian communism.
https://maurokokkino1936.wordpress.com/2017/05/05/
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Message: 4
Together in organizing choral concert was divided more than 430 million pounds (about 395
million CZK). And in a poor country in Europe in which the lack of funds to build a
recycling plant, purchase of medicines, and in which a war going on. ---- " Community "
highlights the need to understand that we live in different dimensions with public
officials and businessmen who are stoked on projects such events. ---- We have to admit
that money laundering on such a scale is only possible because of our tacit consent. ----
Source mimoorganizacní initiative " Poverty. War. Eurovision . " ---- Movement " Community
" is based on the principle of self-organization and equality. We speak out against
exploitation and oppression of the people to change the current economic system that puts
the interests of the Ukrainian bureaucratic structures and corporations to the fore over
the interests of ordinary people and the boarders of Ukraine, and in exchange for autonomy
from below local communities. " Community " is a movement that promotes gender equality
and cultural development of the people in all their diversity.
No. of power and oppression! Yes of freedom, equality and community territorial self!
Here the official Facebook page of the movement.
https://safed.noblogs.org/post/2017/05/12/aktiviste-spolecenstvi-pripomneli-kyjevanum-nesmyslne-utraceni-verejnych-financi-na-organizaci-eurovision/
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Message: 5
The following is the informative text of the anarchist group Dissinios Ippos (Cavalo
Indomável), published on its website. ---- On Friday 28 and Saturday 29 April 2017
two-day events for anarchy and libertarian communism were held in Patras. ---- Our purpose
is to create, with the organization of these events, more ground to highlight the richness
of anarchist ideas and practices, as well as the proposals, positions and struggles of the
anarchists for a series of issues that govern the political and social reality of Our
time. ---- At the same time, we created for two days a fixed reference point for the
realization of an anarchist intervention in the center of the city. We have chosen to
provide our culture, the libertarian culture, with that of Sovereignty. It is a culture
that opposes all authoritarian logic. Libertarian culture means solidarity, fellowship,
lack of expertise, collectivization, and self-organization of expression.
On the first day an event-debate was held entitled: "Destruction and looting of nature and
society by the State and Capital. The concentration and commodification of aquatic
resources ". It was an event about the destruction and plundering of nature and society by
the State and Capital, and the attempt to control water as an indispensable element for
the evolution of life and consequently of human societies. Corpus Cumulonimbus, an
anarchist group on the intention to indirectly privatize water in the city (Corfu) and on
the value of water as a social good in general, by the anarchist group Dissinios Ippos on
the Peiros-Parapeiros dam, And on the consequences of its construction on river ecosystems
and local societies, As well as the construction works and the methods used by the
management company (of the dam). Finally, companions from Athens of the Initiative for the
struggle for land and freedom spoke about the case of dams and diversion of the Acheloo
River. The fight for the defense of the river and local societies is at a crucial juncture
after the last declarations (of the government) and the pressure to start the Mesojora
hydroelectric dam. For this reason, a report was prepared on the mobilization that will
take place in the dam at Mesojora de Trikala on June 4, 2017 . The fight for the defense
of the river and local societies is at a crucial juncture after the last declarations (of
the government) and the pressure to start the Mesojora hydroelectric dam. For this reason,
a report was prepared on the mobilization that will take place in the dam at Mesojora de
Trikala on June 4, 2017 . The fight for the defense of the river and local societies is at
a crucial juncture after the last declarations (of the government) and the pressure to
start the Mesojora hydroelectric dam. For this reason, a report was prepared on the
mobilization that will take place in the dam at Mesojora de Trikala on June 4, 2017 .
In the continuation was the theatrical presentation "The cycle of actions done in vain",
presented by the theater group Peirama. The plot of the work concerns the life of Napoleon
Sukatzidis, a Communist union leader who was executed in Kesarianí, Athens, on 1 st May
1944 .
On the second day there was an event-debate entitled: "The world of state and patronage in
full insolvency. The struggle against Europe-fortitude, war and modern totalitarianism.
Experiences of struggle from the fronts of antifascism and solidarity with the refugees ".
The indroductions were made by the Anarchist Political Organization and by the collectives
that compose it. Then a concert was held with the groups Speira, Penthimos / Clown, Daisy
Chain and Refpolk.
On the two days of the events, a bookstore was running with books on the movement, printed
material and a poster exhibition organized by the Dissinios Ippos group and the Anarchist
Political Organization.
We wish to warmly thank all the comrades who responded to our call to participate in the
organization of this event, to the Anarchist Political Organization, from whose ranks we
fought daily, also to the anarchist group of Corfu Cumulonimbus, to the Initiative to
fight for land and Freedom, to the music groups and to the cultural groups that
participated in the event.
Organization and struggle for social revolution, anarchy and libertarian communism.
Grupo anarchist Dissinios Ippos (Horse Indomitable)
Source and more photos (gallery of images):
Https://ipposd.wordpress.com/2017/05/01/
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Message: 6
Elections 2017 ; Class contempt ; Vinci ; Turkey ; Kurdistan IRPGF ; Hungary ; Chiapas ;
Red house ; Abortion without borders ; Local self-managed Fougères ; Guiana ; Union
Representation ; Label "Women Welcome" ; Sexual assault in Burkina Faso ; Person
development ; Counter-revolution in Spain ---- Editorial: Climbing ---- Fires: Elections
2017 ---- Presidential: The real alternative is the social struggle ---- Struggles ----
Education: A college class against the contempt ---- Ecology ---- Highways: Vinci tarry
(and it is not alone) ---- International ---- Turkey: Constitutionalized dictatorship with
forceps ---- Kurdistan: Interview with members of the IRPGF, Revolutionary and Popular
International Guerilla Forces: "We are not fighting for the martyr but for life".
Hungary: Movement against Orbàn ---- Chiapas: A native candidate for the 2018
presidential election ?
Exhibition
Red House: The French Spirit - Contra-Cultures (1969-1989)
Social
Women's rights: For an abortion without borders
Self-managed local of Fougères: Organizing, experimenting and not isolating
Guyana: For public services, without the security illusion
Syndicalism
Representativeness: The trap of the "gathered" syndicalism is closed on the CGT
Antipatriarcat
Saint-Denis: "Women Welcome" an unwelcome label
Sexual assault in Burkina Faso: With the army, justice is clement
Business Ideas
: Cynicism of "personal development"
History
Spain, 80 years ago: The triumphant counter-revolution
Edito: Climbing
The defeats of the traditional parties and, ironically, of the winners of the primaries,
the strengthening of the extreme right, the emergence of heteroclite groups regrouping the
last squares of opportunist politicians, what happens in France is the image of what is
happening In most European countries.
Here a new period of instability begins, in which social forces will confront each other
and in which the exploited will have to unite, struggle and overcome to avoid the fascist
peril.
Let's not be misled, what is at stake is escalation.
Capitalists prepare for war, which is often their last resort to maintain their power.
Donald Trump, the Wall Street puppet, sends his bombs to Syria or Afghanistan, while his
submarines sail in Korean waters. Putin continues its policy of expansion and in Syria
crushed by bombs, the imperialists play chess with the corpses of civilian.
But it's never too late.
Each situation generates the elements of its transformation. The legitimacy of the
capitalists and their political puppets is reduced to pain and anger rages everywhere. No
one knows on which side this anger will turn. It is up to us to make sure that it goes in
the right direction: that of the class struggle and the social revolution.
Alternative Libertaire, May 1 , 2017
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?-AL-de-mai-est-en-vente-415-
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