Today's Topics:
1. Greece, "Black & Red": Information from the path of
defending squats, the movement's structures and of our lives (gr)
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. slovania afed: Activists of the "Community" to remind
Kyjevanum senseless spending of public funds for the organization
of "Eurovision" by Johny(J) [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. anarkismo.net: What is an Anarchist? Am I an Anarchist? by
Wayne Price (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. France, Alternative Libertaire AL #271 - 1917: The Kanaks
make war on war (fr, it, pt) [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. Greece, Libertarian Thessaloniki Initiative: Information
from foreclosures and progress against the abrogation of the
Sunday holiday - 7/5 (gr) [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. Czech afed: Rozehrátí na bookfair -- Report from Friday
5th round rozehrívacího Anarchist Book Festival [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
Held on 4/4 with about 300 partners demonstration defense of squats, class memory and
militant anti-fascism. ---- The concentration started at 18.00 from Kamara, which was set
up microphones and read texts against the state attacks on squats and for refugees and
migrants. Also there was announcement on the case of Mohamed A. the asylum which reviewed
these days, as well as read Already through text for workers killings in MIKEL, the METRO
Thessaloniki and SPEEDEX. ---- The demonstration was organized defense and crossed streets
Egnatia-AG. WISDOM-ERMOU-VENIZELOU to return to Kamara via Egnatia. Written many slogans
with spray, while all the way shared anarchist political material. ---- The banner has
labeled: On-ATTACKS STATE CAPITAL, answer OYTE BHMA BACK, THE defend KATALIPSEIS, class
MEMORY, anti-fascism.
It was preceded by posters in the city center, display slogans in schools by students,
intervention event for the licensing of political prisoners, the intervention of fascist
concert weekend in Athens, participation and solidarity propaganda in microphone to
MOHAMED A., and partners involved in Humboldt State interference during an event against
anti-immigration policies.
The demonstration, in the political context in which the plan of repression of government
evolves against the occupied spaces wanted to send a message to every direction that the
anarchist movement and the people's struggle will not stay with folded hands to observe
uninvolved the state attacks capital.
One day after the demonstration, (5/4) and while for two days (3-4 / 4) comrades in Athens
and Thessaloniki were constantly guarding squatting state chose to evacuate the building
in the upper town, used by refugees and immigrants for their accommodation. It takes even
greater determination to dismantle the government's suppression plan and oppose social
counterattack.
HANDS OFF THE PREMISES AND KATALIPSEIS RACE
overthrow repressive PLANS OF STATE
https://maurokokkino1936.wordpress.com/2017/05/05/
------------------------------
Message: 2
Together in organizing choral concert was divided more than 430 million pounds (about 395
million CZK). And in a poor country in Europe in which the lack of funds to build a
recycling plant, purchase of medicines, and in which a war going on. ---- " Community "
highlights the need to understand that we live in different dimensions with public
officials and businessmen who are stoked on projects such events. ---- We have to admit
that money laundering on such a scale is only possible because of our tacit consent. ----
Source mimoorganizacní initiative " Poverty. War. Eurovision . " ---- Movement " Community
" is based on the principle of self-organization and equality. We speak out against
exploitation and oppression of the people to change the current economic system that puts
the interests of the Ukrainian bureaucratic structures and corporations to the fore over
the interests of ordinary people and the boarders of Ukraine, and in exchange for autonomy
from below local communities. " Community " is a movement that promotes gender equality
and cultural development of the people in all their diversity.
No. of power and oppression! Yes of freedom, equality and community territorial self!
Here the official Facebook page of the movement.
------------------------------
Message: 3
Where are the Limits of Anarchism? ---- Anarchism is an uncertain term. Self-identified
anarchists sometimes see their particular school of anarchism as the only legitimate type
of anarchism. For example, I have been told that I am not an anarchist or that what I
believe is not anarchism. This happens most often over discussions about anarchism and
radical democracy, or anarchism's use of aspects of Marxism, or support for technology, or
advocacy of the self-organization of revolutionary anarchists. ---- "Anarchism" is a very
broad and uncertain term. Probably most of the public think that anarchists are for
breaking windows and blowing things up, unaware that many anarchists are absolute
pacifists. Meanwhile, those who identify themselves as anarchists sometimes define
anarchism as their particular school of thought. They regard other anarchists as not
really anarchists at all.
Taking me as an example: In my years of trying to work out a particular anarchist
perspective, I have repeatedly been told that I am no sort of anarchist or that what I
advocate is not genuine anarchism.
(1) Most recently I have been informed that what I advocate is not anarchism, because I am
for democracy. I have called anarchism "extreme democracy", or "democracy without the
state." Others have informed me that "an-archy" means "no rule" while "demo-cracy" means
"rule of the people;" therefore they are supposedly incompatible. And anyway, isn't
"democracy" the ideological cover for U.S. imperialism?
(2) I have been called a "Marxist," because I think that there are aspects of Marx's
Marxism which can be useful for anarchists-in particular, Marx's political economy. (It is
also noted that before I was an anarchist I had been a Marxist, of an unorthodox,
dissenting, Trotskyist variety.)
(3) I have been denounced for accepting technology and civilization, which are regarded as
inherently oppressive and statist, and therefore un-anarchist.
(4) I believe that revolutionary anarchists who agree with each other should voluntarily
organize themselves into democratic federations. This would make them more effective in
participating in broader movements and organizations, such as unions, community groups,
and other associations. This is sometimes called "neo-platformism" or "especificismo" or
"dual-organizationalism." But this view has been denounced as equivalent to Leninist
vanguardism, and definitely un-anarchist.
I am not including every topic on which I have had disagreements with other anarchists.
For example, I have had polemics with anarchists who advocate a gradualist,
non-revolutionary, approach to achieving our common goal. None of them have challenged my
right to call myself an anarchist, nor have I challenged them. For example, I reviewed the
book Black Flame, which gave an overview of revolutionary class struggle anarchism. l
wrote that it was an exceptional book-except for its denial that those who shared the
goals of anarchism, but did not accept revolution or class struggle, were really
anarchists. While I agreed with the book's class perspective, I thought this denial of
others' anarchist bona fides was sectarian and narrow-minded (see Price 2009a).
In responding to challenges to my anarchism, I must admit to ambivalence. I am proud to be
part of a tradition of struggle against capitalism and the state and all oppression. I am
proud to "stand on the shoulders of giants" (which hopefully permits us to see further
than they did). I am glad that I do not have to reinvent the wheel in terms of radical
theory or practice.
At the same time, I do not much care about labels. I do not care whether I am genuinely an
orthodox anarchist. I do not know what an "orthodox anarchist" would look like. I would be
just as happy calling myself a "revolutionary libertarian socialist" or
"anti-authoritarian socialist." This goes two ways. It is why I see no point in denying
that, say, "anarchist-primitivists" are anarchists; instead I prefer to argue that they
are wrong about their goals and their strategy. There are, however, some limits to my
pluralistic tolerance: I do not accept as anarchists people who are against the state but
for capitalism (self-labeled "anarcho-capitalists"). And I certainly do not accept
fascists as anarchists (so-called "national anarchists")!
In Defense of Democratic Anarchism
It is true that imperialist-capitalist states use "democracy" as ideological cover. They
use a good concept-self-rule by the people-to rationalize their authoritarian,
exploitative system. But there are limits: they do not claim that their economic system is
democratic! To demand that the capitalist economy be turned into a democratically
self-managed system is a direct challenge to capitalism!
Anarchists who reject "democracy" almost always call for self-management, self-rule, or
self-government-all terms which mean the same as "democracy." And they always use terms
like "liberty" or "freedom," which are also widely used by the capitalist states as
ideological cover, just as much as "democracy."
Democratic anarchists advocate decentralized, face-to-face, direct democracy, in the
community, in the neighborhood, in the socialized workplace, in the consumer association,
with communities and workplaces affiliated through federations and networks. As for
"rule," when everyone governs then there is no "government." When everyone participates in
decision-making, at every level, and in every way, then there is no state. The state is a
bureaucratic-military institution which stands over the rest of society. Radical democracy
is the abolition of the state and the self-organization of the people-which is anarchism.
Some collective decisions have to be made (should the community build a road; should the
workshop work four or five days a week). How will they be made? Surely by mutual
discussion, with everyone participating, and then deciding through some sort of democratic
procedure. What else? A minority may be dissatisfied with the outcome of any particular
discussion of an issue (true whether they use majority votes or consensus). But minority
members will have fully participated in the preceding discussion. They will have a chance
to be in the majority on the next issue.
Some anarchists have preferred not to use the term "democracy." Others have used it, from
the very beginning. Proudhon wrote, "We want the mines, canals, railways handed over to
democratically organized workers' associations...vast federations of companies and
societies woven into the common cloth of the democratic and social Republic." (quoted in
McKay 2014; 8). The first revolutionary anarchist association was organized by Bakunin and
his comrades under the name of the Alliance for Socialist Democracy. More recently,
anarchists who used "democracy" positively included Paul Goodman, Noam Chomsky, Murray
Bookchin, Cindy Milstein, Lucien van der Walt, and David Graeber. I have gone into the
relationship between anarchism and democracy in more detail elsewhere (Price 2009b; 2016a).
Anarchism's Use of Marxism
(2) In his bitterest polemics against Marx, during the split in the First International,
Bakunin insisted that Marx had made major contributions. In particular, Bakunin praised
historical materialism, and Marx's political economics, written in Capital. Over the
years, many other anarchists have expressed similar agreement with Marx's critique of
political economy and with other aspects of his theories-even while rejecting Marx's
politics. Anarchists agree with Marx's goal of the abolition of capitalism, the end of the
state, and the creation of a classless, stateless, society. Revolutionary anarchists agree
with Marx about the need for a working class revolution, in alliance with all those
oppressed and exploited. In my opinion, Marx's political economy is extremely useful in
dealing with the economic, political, and ecological crises which the world is now going
through.
However, like other anarchists, I reject Marx's program of a transitional "workers' state"
or "dictatorship of the proletariat." I reject Marx's strategy of building workers'
parties to run in elections or to take state power in some other way. I reject
Marx\\\\\\\'s economic program of national ownership of industry by the state. I condemn
all the states established by Marxists; I regard them all as state capitalist. (This
includes the one-party police state established by Lenin and Trotsky, which the
Trotskyists still endorse.) Despite the scientific and humanistic aspects of Marx's
vision, Marxism repeatedly led to disaster: social-democratic support for their
imperialist states, and then to mass-murdering Stalinist totalitarianism-and finally to
the collapse of these regimes back to traditional capitalism. These results are rooted-I
believe-in Marx's authoritarianism, his centralism, and his teleological determinism.
Given these views, I do not see why I should be regarded as a Marxist. I am an anarchist
who has been influenced by Marxism. (Personally, before I was an unconventional
Marxist-and then a revolutionary anarchist-I was first an anarchist-pacifist. No one is
born quoting Kropotkin.) Anarchism and Marxism is further discussed in Price (2015; 2013).
An Anarchist View of Technology
(3) My views on technology have been attacked by people who do not bother to understand
them. In particular by primitivists and anti-civilizationists (whose theories were mostly
originated by libertarian Marxists, ironically). It is true that I do not reject all
technology or want to go back to hunter-gatherer society, as these people do. However,
long ago I learned from Paul Goodman, Ralph Borsodi, and Lewis Mumford, among other
decentralists, to have a flexible and humanistic approach to technology (as has since been
taught by E.F. Schumacher of the "small-is-beautiful" trend).
After a revolution, we would start with the existing machinery and knowledge, as developed
by capitalism and the state. But working people would re-organize and re-build the
machinery and communities, as well as the process of production, sexual and romantic
relations, political and other social interactions, etc. Technology would be re-created
and rearranged to permit democratic management by the workers, the development of human
creative potential, and ecological balance. Similar views have become more widespread with
the fear of climate change and the growth of eco-socialism (see Price 2016b).
Neo-Platformism and Anarchist Self-Organization
(4) Liberals organize themselves to spread their ideas through writings, speech, and
action. So do conservatives, Marxists, Pentecostal Christians, and fascists. It makes
sense for anarchists to also organize themselves in order to spread their ideas through
writings, speech, and action. Anarchists seek to counter the liberals, conservatives,
Marxists, Pentecostal Christians, and fascists. But a voluntary federation of
revolutionary anarchists is not a "party" (vanguard or otherwise). It does not seek to
take power for itself, to get elected to rule the state or to overthrow the existing state
and create a new state. An anarchist organization is part of the self-organization of the
people and seeks to be part of the workers in their self-mobilization.
From the beginning of the anarchist movement, there were those who advocated such
self-organization. As mentioned, Bakunin and his comrades organized the Alliance for
Socialist Democracy, to spread anarchist ideas inside and outside the First International
(to Marx's outrage). Ericco Malatesta criticized the anarcho-syndicalists of his time for
only building militant labor unions without also building anarchist groupings to work
inside and outside the unions. Makhno led the Ukrainian Insurgent Army against both the
Bolsheviks' army and the White counter-revolutionary armies. Together with other exiles
from Russia and Ukraine, he decided that the anarchists had lost to the Leninists because
they had not been organized enough. He and his comrades worked out the "Draft Platform"
which called for an organization of revolutionary anarchists. Similarly, the anarchists in
Spain, after World War I, were worried that their labor union federation (the CNT) would
be taken over by either the Communists or by reformists. So they organized themselves into
a federation of anarchists, the FAI, inside the broad union federation.
Many anarchists today do not want any sort of organization beyond a local group or perhaps
a journal. But I agree with those who seek to build a significant anarchist federation
which is capable of affecting the course of the popular struggle for a better world (see
Price 2006).
Is There an Orthodox Anarchism?
While there may be an "orthodox Marxism," there is no "orthodox anarchism." As far as I am
concerned, anyone whose aim is for a society without states, capitalism, or other
oppressions-who wants a classless, stateless, cooperative association of freely-organized
and self-managed associations, is an anarchist. Anarchists can and do have a wide range of
opinions on how to reach such a society and how to organize it in detail. These opinions
should be honestly discussed, not covered over or shut up through name-calling or red-baiting.
One thing which has attracted me to anarchism is its openness to various influences. As I
have argued, anarchism has been affected by the democratic-liberal tradition as well as
Marxism, and also the non-socialist decentralist tradition. Personally my views have also
been influenced by Dewey's instrumental philosophy, radical psychoanalysis, feminism, Zen,
Malcolm X's thinking, and eco-socialist concepts. I hope this has enriched my anarchism.
References
McKay, Iain (ed.) (2014). Direct Struggle Against Capital. A Peter Kropotkin Anthology.
Edinburgh UK/ Oakland CA: AK Press.
Price, Wayne (2016a). " Are Anarchism and Democracy Opposed? A Response to Crimethinc."
https://anarchistnews.org/content/are-anarchism-and-dem...thinc
Price, Wayne (2016b). "Eco-Socialism and Decentralism."
http://www.anarkismo.net/article/28974?search_text=Wayn...Price
Price, Wayne (2015). "In Defense of the Anarchist Use of Marx's Economic Theory."
http://www.anarkismo.net/article/28438?search_text=Wayn...Price
Price, Wayne (2013). The Value of Radical Theory: An Anarchist Introduction to Marx's
Critique of Political Economy. Oakland CA: AKPress.
Price, Wayne (2009a). "The Two Main Trends in Anarchism."
http://www.anarkismo.net/article/13536?search_text=Wayn...Price
Price, Wayne (2009b). "Anarchism as Extreme Democracy." The Utopian.
http://www.utopianmag.com/files/in/1000000006/anarchism...e.pdf
Price, Wayne (2006). "Anarchist Organization, Not Leninist Vanguardism."
http://www.anarkismo.net/article/2212?search_text=Wayne...Price
*written for www.Anarkismo.net
http://www.anarkismo.net/article/30259
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Message: 4
While the First World War raged in Europe, Kanaks entered resistance in April 1917 against
forced recruitment into the French army. ---- On April 28, 1917, in the hamlet of Cému,
north of the French colony of New Caledonia, the pilou, a dance ritual, planned to
reconcile conflicting Kanak tribes, ended in shooting: the head of the department of
indigenous affairs, Alfred Fourcade, declares war on the little Kanak chief Christmas of
Cemu, who for some months has resisted forced recruitment for the " Great War". While
Europe has been bogged down in the horror of war for three years, the first mutinies begin
on April 17, 1917, the day after the slaughter of the Chemin des Dames, a few hundred
Kanaks go to war against colonial oppression .
This war is not analogous to mass killings that take place 16,000 km away in the trenches:
the columns of Kanak fighters are limited to a few tens of men, or even a hundred, the
fighting lasts a few hours maximum, without artillery, and do " as " 300 dead in 18
months. Yet it can not be reduced to a mere revolt, an operation of " policing " as
colonial memory has done. These short and targeted fights correspond to the Kanak way of
waging war.
Serve France
If the tensions at the origin of the Cemu incident seem to be only conflicts between Kanak
tribes, they are in fact directly related to colonial policy. While the first contingent
of French soldiers left New Caledonia in April 1915 to fight in Europe, the Kanaks, who
are only " French subjects " and not citizens, become mobilizable only at the end of the
war, Year, which was particularly deadly on the European fronts. But this mobilization of
" natives " was to be done only on the basis of voluntary service. 700 Kanaks are
recruited from January 1916 and leave for Europe from June. In 1917, All French citizens
are mobilized until the 1889 class and a new call for indigenous voluntary work is
launched ... just when one learns of the first deaths in the first contingent of "
volunteers " who left in 1916 [1]. With the announcements of these deaths also come the
letters of the living who complain of the overload of work (during the first months, the
Kanaks are not sent to the combat, of which they do not seem dignified, until the needs of
Fresh troops do not get bigger) and bad food.
As early as February 1917, tribes around Koné, a settlement village on the west coast,
complained of being threatened by recruiters sent by the small chief of the Koniambo
reserve, Doui. The colonial administration had entrusted the chiefs with the task of
maintaining order on reserves, levying the tax (the capitation), but also providing the
labor demanded by settlers and " volunteers " The army. As such, the great leaders could
impose punishment on the small chiefs of tribes and on all other subjects ... and could
also be punished if they did not perform their duties.
From 1916 onwards, increased pressure was placed on the great chiefs, some of whom were
even interned in Nouméa following the meager results of the recruitment campaigns. The
great chiefs therefore lower this pressure to the lower level. If this is not enough, the
military commander of the colony, Bernard Durand, a veteran of the Battle of the Marne,
threatens the recalcitrant tribes to destroy their plantations and their villages.
Before becoming cannon fodder, the Kanak population has already suffered particularly
deadly colonial occupation: the estimated population of 100,000 people discovering the
island in 1774 is reduced to 20,000 in the 1911 census Diseases imported by settlers are
added to the repression of the various uprisings.
When Pastor Maurice Leenhardt disembarked in 1902 to spread Protestantism, he was greeted
by the mayor of Noumea who was astonished: " What are you doing here ? In ten years there
will be no more Kanaks. " The following year, the missionary wrote to his father: " We
were shown a people rushing into the arms of a good Jesus, I do not think the Kanak proud
of Insurrection, defeated, would rather Not to have children than to see them exploited by
the "whites". " Being subjected to the damage caused by the wanderings of the settlers'
cattle, the populations were" protected "by their cantonment on reserves from 1876.
If the war of 1914 accentuated the pressure on the Kanaks, it also demonstrated to them
that France was not as powerful as it seemed. Since the bombing of Papeete in Tahiti by a
German ship, the legend of the ship sent by William II to deliver weapons to the Kanaks
haunts the settlers and raises the hope of revenge among the Kanaks. The departure of many
settlers to the armed and the memory of previous wars, including the 1878 [2], further
increase the feeling of fear of Europeans.
" Since Christmas wants war ... "
These tensions caused war preparations around Koné. On April 4, about fifty men gathered
in arms in Pwënäki, a village north of Koné, to express more vigorously to the gendarmes
who had come to negotiate their grievances against Chief Doui's policemen. They refuse a
direct encounter with the leader and dance a pilou that seems particularly threatening.
The next day, about thirty armed men invade the village of Koné ... to make purchases
(provisions, cloths). This demonstration of force is enough to terrorize the settlers of
the village persuaded that they are in search of weapons. The mayor immediately asked
Nouméa for a military deployment and arrests dramatizing the situation.
One Year of Kanak Guerrillas
On April 20, after the deployment of a detachment composed of Tahitian skirmishers, Alfred
Fourcade, the head of the indigenous affairs department, met with Noël. Christmas is the
small chief of Cemu exiled to Pwënäki since his hamlet was devastated by the cattle of a
settler in 1910. He is one of the leaders of these armed groups and accepts a pilou of
reconciliation planned on April 28, thanks to The presence of the Tahitian skirmishers,
whose songs and dances seem to impress the Kanaks.
On the day of the pilou, it is discovered that the hamlet of Cému was burned down: Noël
and his relatives refuse to participate, especially since the rumor that Fourcade will try
to stop him. The pilou nevertheless takes place: warriors from other villages (Pwënäki in
particular) dance, but for Fourcade, the vigor and ardor of the dancer resembles more an
invitation to war than peace. For their part, Christmas and his family appear on a hill
overlooking the village and begin to dance a pilou who seems just as warrior.
Tension rises and Fourcade orders the soldiers to surround the dancers of Pwënäki at the
end of their dance. He hopes to show his strength to convince Christmas to come and
indulge. But Christmas does not move ... and Fourcade declares " Since Christmas wants
war, well, he will have it ": 17 dancers are chained and led to Koné. Christmas then
attacks the detachment: 5 Kanaks and 2 soldiers, including 1 Tahitian, are wounded in the
shooting.
Among the dancers arrested, 2 die at Koné from dysentery in 2 weeks, another dies in June
and the other 14, shut up on the island Freycinet in Noumea, escape on July 11. In April
1919, when a trial of the insurgents opened, only 6 of these dancers were still alive.
After the shooting of Cemu, the army reinforced its presence around Koné thanks to the
troops mobilized to leave to Europe (French citizens and " volunteers " kanaks) but who
still wait their ship, to voluntary riders (settler militias) And Kanak auxiliaries
recruited from more remote areas. These columns set off in search of the insurgents and
systematically destroy the villages supposed to shelter them, which they often find empty
when they arrive.
The warriors of Christmas and some other chiefs who join him quickly, carry out
expeditions against isolated properties, hoping in particular to find the guns of which
they are only poorly equipped. Settlers are sometimes killed. They also harass the troops
who furrow the mountains in search of them by small ambushes and numerous invectives,
replacing the ammunition they lack.
Colonial counterinsurgency
More serious attacks, such as the military post at the Kopeto mine on 23 May, fail. War
follows customary practices: each attack is prepared by rituals to attach the help of
divinities and by consulting diviners. Subsequent narratives will emphasize the many
negotiations that have been going on for months between certain leaders to prepare for
this war and the exchange of " war money " (collars of black polished shells) used to
forge alliances. This preparation remains difficult to evaluate because the war currencies
are complex messages to analyze, which can bear several senses and allow manipulations.
Starting in June, the fighting is moving to the eastern shore of the island, around the
Tipindjé valley. At the end of June, the army attempted a large attack aimed at a
concentration of rebels in Pamale but was pushed back even before reaching the village.
The columns of the army undergo several ambushes on the way back.
Faced with this guerilla war, the colonial authorities chose in July to favor the use of
indigenous auxiliaries, more effective than the regular troops. Not succeeding in
attacking the enemy warriors, they choose, in the tradition of the colonial war, to "
clean " the valleys of Pamale and Tipindje, ie to destroy all villages and plantations,
Populations. The auxiliaries are rewarded with 25 francs for each combatant's head and for
each woman or child prisoners. In a month more than 30 kanak rebels are killed.
Insurgents who seek to escape repression try to retrace the path of war currency that had
originated their departure or to take refuge in the few neutral reserves that escape the
authority of the army. But the rebel attacks continue until December. The army and its
auxiliaries ended up attacking the neutral reserves in December, chasing for weeks the
rebels and the families that follow them. On January 10, Christmas was shot and then
beheaded by Mohamed Ben Ahmed, a former liberated convict who was asking for food. The
last small groups were hunted down until May 1918.
In March 1918, more than 250 people were imprisoned in Noumea, some 60 of whom died in
captivity. During the 1919 trial, 78 men were tried, 61 convicted and 2 guillotined in
1920. Around 300 people died in this war, including only 13 settlers and soldiers. The
scorched earth policy has allowed for a considerable expansion of settlement and
concentration of Kanak populations in larger villages, abandonment of isolated hamlets.
Jean Marie Tjibaou considered that the colonial authorities had wanted to " calm the
people for a long time " [3]. This war remained in the Kanak memories, like that of 1878,
transmitting the memory of proud and insubordinate fighters. 1917 is a break, an event
that still determines today alliances and divisions in Kanak society.
Renaud (AL Alsace)
The Eagle Fisherman's Sanglots
The war of 1917 was the subject of a publication by Alban Bensa, Kacué Yvon Goromoedo and
Adrian Muckle who has the merit of treating this event in a global way. The detailed
account of the events from the confrontation of the various sources offers a historical
and political analysis. The narratives of the Kanak (prose or verse) memory of this war,
commented upon and explained, and even the audio recordings of some of these stories in a
CD attached to the book, give a poetic and anthropological dimension to this story.
This global approach allows us to better understand the events and their importance in the
survival of a people threatened with colonial extermination, to end the exotic reading
grid and to better understand the political motivations of the Kanak actors of this war.
Alban Bensa, Adrian Muckle, Kacué Yvon Goromoedo, The Fisherman's Eagle's Sanglots,
Anarchasis, 2015.
[1] Of the 948 Kanak fighters in France throughout the war, 382 died, of which 189 were ill.
[2] See in particular Michel Millet, 1878, Field Diaries in New Caledonia, Anacharsis,
September 2013 or the documentary of Mehdi Lalloui on the return of the head of the rebel
leader Ataï, found in the reserves of the Museum of Man, The Head of Atai, Memory vives
productions / Society of Oceanists, 2014.
[3] Jean-Marie Tjibaou, The Kanak Presence, 1996.
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?1917-Les-Kanaks-font-la-guerre-a-la-guerre
------------------------------
Message: 5
On Sunday, May 7 in Tsimiski was a first response to the decisions, local and foreign
commercial capital and civilian personnel for the opening of stores for 30 Sundays a year.
From 10.45 till 12.45 and fellow synagonistries, managed and closed at least 20 major
commercial chains and other preventive downed their shutters, which for several stores
applied on all day. ---- Combined with the strike of the trade association (1) that kept
closed several smaller stores, the image of the road today was that pouarmozei. Strike
guard hanging in a huge way as iTsimiski, workers coming out of the shops participating in
the protests, others took care beforehand to inform that they are participating in the
strike, consumers clearly less than other times, blocking roads on both marches were held
in two different time points (2).
MAT, Bershka, Doca, 2 H&M, Loft57, MAC, VICKO, ATTICA, WIND, Edward jeans, 2 zara, 2
Massimo Dutti, Anel, Pin up, Marks & Spencer, Stradivirus, Benetton, BsB, Public, Nottos
Galleries.
In the course followed by the "coordination against Sunday work and released hours" and
collectives that make him involved hundreds of protesters, while important was the
participation in the process of labor and political collectives for the first time. More
specifically organized presence behind the block of coordination had the Book servants
union-Map Thessaloniki, the counterattack of workers in trade, class of Merchants
initiative, the unemployed network and precarious workers, the initiative of young
precarious workers and unemployed of the class path, the assembly class solidarity
(Waiters Chefs Association, Association employee base in the field of mental health and
social welfare, SSC), the collective for social anarchism Black and Red. Along the way was
decorated with appropriate, when met, Michael Zorpidis, president of the Professional
Chamber of Thessaloniki than others, has met with a delegation of the Golden Dawn to
discuss the problems of traders, among which was the frequent marches that block the roads ...
the working class rather than the few reactions of some consumers and scenic boss of
between Benetton, determined and combative safeguard imposed by the right of the
exploited, against the right of the bosses to exploit more and more, more and more
cheaply, giving a clear message:
Our hope and the only way that can bring victories into a withdrawal period and defeatism,
which we all understand the illusions of reason of the award in the lives and in our
pockets, is one: the tenacious struggle, unity in action, class organization and
solidarity among workers.
We renew our appointment in the strike of May 17 without having illusions about the
effectiveness of a 24 rifle in the air, and we continue to struggle through the
neighborhoods, within the workplace, within the Employment Agency, within the unions to
organize the class counterattack toward plans capital.
(1) At the same time the president of the commercial Thessaloniki club refuses to increase
the number of working Sundays at 8, counter-propose, within the required "realism" of our
time, to extend the time till 10.00 pm, certifying that match against Sunday work or class
will be or will not be.
(2) To move, even after two years of absence, made of Merchants union controlled by PAME
and PASEVE (self, mikroafentika), passing in front of exclusions.
Coordination of action against Sunday work and "liberated hours"
https://libertasalonica.wordpress.com/2017/05/07
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Message: 6
Since a year we could not wait for the next Anarchist Bookfair, we welcomed the news that
Saturday's main program will be preceded by warm up. He held a black book at the Clinic.
And since it does not have anything to start with an empty stomach, first we warm up your
insides vegan Thai curry with coconut milk. It smelled odd but tasted very good. ----
Before seven o'clock in the evening took the words of our distinguished guest, Mikolaj
Dedok, an anarchist who spent five years in the Belarusian prison. The case of the
Belarusian anarchists we have repeatedly informed, so we were pleased when we were able to
transfer their experience to our environment also through direct meetings. Besides
articles in anarchist revue Existenc email and Web afed.cz we have in the past issued
together with the Antifascist events book I'm going to Magadan another of imprisoned
anarchists Igor Olinevice.
Mikolaj to prepare a Friday night talking about the prison system in Belarus, who had the
opportunity to watch directly from within involuntarily. To begin mention the
circumstances of his case, which took place against the background of demonstrative
attacks on symbols of the state and capital that have received media attention,
particularly in connection with the attack on the Russian embassy. After the arrest of
many people has been accused of five anarchist activists. Their sentencing was influenced
betrayal several former comrades who have to avoid the threat of aged records.
Belarusian penitentiary system introduced by the temporary custody, which can last up to
10 days, through pre-trial detention, where you can keep up to two years after the penal
colony that await you after conviction. Here is the life of the prisoners managed to the
last detail, so that really does not comply with all orders, even if no matter how hard
you're trying. He then described the informal prison system hierarchy, which lasts almost
unchanged since the 30s. He presented the highest caste mob and called. Goats who are
serving long sentences and act like snitches. Most of the prisoners are a '. Music, and
the lower 3 to 5 percent of prisoners forming nedotýkatelných caste. They are doing the
worst job anyone can ever is to attack and half were suicides is just between them. He
talked about the conditions of solitary confinement, where you can keep up to ten days.
Unofficially, it may be even more. Mikolaj personally met a prisoner who has been in
solitary confinement for over 100 days. The law allows extend the punishment for
non-compliance, which is something that you do not even let you be punished for it.
Mikolaj so to four years in prison sat out a year extra.
Followed by questions that were directed to Mikolajová personal experience. In response,
described the need to seek their own level of customization and maintaining a hierarchy of
self. You have to pay attention to the "friends" who are 90 percent or snitches you want
to somehow exploit. Even so, I am in jail establish friendly contacts. Another question
was on the outside support. It was a great encouragement for Mikolaj and because it
realized how lucky compared to other inmates.
After a well-earned applause continued screening program short clip on the topic of direct
action, on its various forms, meanings and essence. Then followed a half-hour documentary
on the subject of anti-fascism guided discussions.
If you have not met with Mikolaj Friday, you can fix it on Saturday. Mikolaj his
unflagging zeal will, together with our friend Max Scuro talk about the involvement of
Belarusian anarchist to protest against Lukashenko's dictatorship. So will arrive on
Saturday 13th May at the clinic, which starts at 12.00 additional performances Belarusian
experience lecture program Bookfair.
https://www.afed.cz/text/6677/rozehrati-na-bookfair
https://radar.squat.net/en/node/136928
Fifth anarchistic book festival
https://squ.at/r/2xnk
For the fifth year Anarchist Book Fair will take place on Saturday, May 13 12:00 to 10:00
p.m. in the Autonomous social center Clinic in Zizkov, like in the previous two years.
Traditionally it to present publishers and distributors of anarchist literature not only
from the Czech Republic and Slovakia, but also from abroad. There will also be
accompanying lectures and workshops.
The festival is far from a sales presentation of books and literature. It is primarily a
meeting place where you can meet face to face not only the small publishers and authors,
as well as a variety of organizations, collectives and groups from a wider range of
anti-authoritarian movement. A place where you can meet people of flesh and blood and thus
presenting organizations and groups other than the statement on the website, a place where
you can make new relationships and friendships, a place where you can negotiate new
projects and cooperation.
Literature here in any case, is at center stage. Will be available in addition to books
and various periodicals and zines. Participation also promised one of Europe's largest
distributing anarchist literature, London Active distribution.
The program was created and will be continuously updated.
Date & Time:
Saturday, 13 May, 2017 - 12:00
Category: bar/cafebook shop/info shop/librarydiscussion/presentationmeetingmusicparty
Price: free
https://radar.squat.net/en/node/136928
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