Anarchic update news all over the world - 4.03.2017

Today's Topics:

   
1.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL #269 - Politics: At risk
      of a sovereignist drift (fr, it, pt) [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
2.  lasoli.cnt.cat: [UNION]PINO COMPONENTES SL FIRED TWO UNION
      LEAFLETS TO DISTRIBUTE INFORMATION AMONG EMPLOYEES
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
3.  Greece-Athens, libertariosyndicalismo: Stop the persecution
      against the women cleaners in struggle! (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
4.  zabalaza.net: 2017 South African Budget Speech: No Pravin,
      it was not progressive nor redistributive by Shawn Hattingh
      (ZACF) (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
5.  Solidaridad económica con Ruyman de la FAGC
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
6.  WSM.ie: Traveller Ethnicity: The end of the denial
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1



The citizenist current often makes proposals which, under the guise of anti-liberalism, 
flirt with nationalism. Analysis. ---- In recent years, a certain nationalist and 
sovereignist "Left" has tended to emerge gradually. Bernier's book The Radical Left and 
its taboos - Why the Left Front fails in front of the National Front (2014), seems to 
bring together all these demands of a "left-wing" nationalism, underlining the need for 
circumstantial protectionism , Of a defense of the French nation-state, to resist the 
neoliberal dictates of the EU. Bernier is also part of an aging PCF, whose concerns, 
considered "legitimate", should be updated, but perhaps within more dynamic political 
strategies (Left Front). ---- In this left-wing nationalist nebula, there will be Frédéric 
Lordon, but also Jacques Sapir and Emmanuel Todd. The newspapers Le Monde diplomatique, or 
Fakir, in another way, will relay some of these protectionist conceptions, without always 
showing a strict coherence.

On the other hand, considering the protectionist and sovereignist program of a Mélenchon, 
his concern to thematize a "French identity" (resulting from the Enlightenment and the 
Revolution), his very ambiguous remarks about immigration or " Right to the installation 
", we can consider that such" left "projections, at first theoretical, tend to crystallize 
in certain" mass "political movements.

These "left-wing" reactions to "neoliberalism", which are also consequences of the crisis 
of 2008 (a crisis that confirms the perversity of such neoliberalism, having emerged since 
the 1980s), are citizens in a precise sense; And they question the very being of 
citizenship, its structures and limits, all the more so as we would have to deal here with 
a citizenship that will be eminently "radical". Indeed, such "left-wing" protectionism, 
which could promote the French exit from Europe, essentially advocates a radical 
modification of the constituent processes, but without altering the material relations of 
production, and without the consequent abolition of structures Operating laws. It is by 
political policy, by its universal and abstract and truly inegalitarian institutional 
mediations, that we want to promote purely formal and ideological equality. It is indeed 
the "citizen", or the elector, who is mobilized by these discourses, in such a way that 
essentially no longer take into account the material conditions of existence of the 
infinitely variable individuals or the processes of Proletarianization and dispossession 
of individuals, whose abolition would suppose the abolition of capitalist social relations 
at the global level. It is ultimately in the name of an interclassist "national union", 
particularly favorable to the petty bourgeoisie or to the small employers, that each 
"citizen" will be called upon to mobilize actively within these movements.

Dangerous themes

We must now return to every contradiction of such "left-wing" protectionism, but which 
also borrow from the right-wing populism certain dangerous themes:

First, by simply criticizing global neoliberalism, to defend a "regulated" national 
capitalism, this protectionism intrinsically protects capitalism, national or global, not 
only materially, but also ideologically, since it would make us believe that a Capitalism 
", or" with a human face ", would be possible. In fact, this protectionism is not strictly 
opposed to global free trade, but is part of its destructive logic, since it merely 
"regulates" such a logic without abolishing the global, legal and material structures of " 
Operation. Such an economic system, both national and transnational, can not be maintained 
indefinitely for two main reasons: on the one hand, it claims to be able to grow 
indefinitely in a world where Natural resources and human needs and capacities are 
finished; On the other hand, it must face cyclical and systemic economic crises, within an 
irreversible process of devaluation, insofar as it is subjected to a contradiction between 
an increasingly developed machinery (work-dead), making obsolete ever more Living labor, 
and an irreducible need, despite everything, of living labor, to extort a goodwill and 
make "profit." The "industrial revolutions" only worsen such a contradiction, and the 
crisis of 2008 is not foreign to the so-called "third industrial revolution" (computer 
science and microelectronics). Protectionism, or nationalist regulation, will never be 
able to prevent this split self-destruction, as it goes without saying: as an 
industrialist, or as an ideology of development, it will never avoid the ecological 
crisis; As neokeynesianism, it only postpones the expiry of the crises, as the failure of 
the Trente Glorieuses (1973, etc.) reminds us of.

Moreover, as nationalism, it renounces a consistent internationalist anti-capitalist 
vocation, and thus maintains the neo-colonial relations of production within the 
international division of labor. It is not a consistent anti-capitalism, but an 
altercapitalism, all the more hypocritical and contradictory, as it is sometimes called 
critical of capitalism "tout tout" (see Lordon, Capitalism, Desire and Servitude ).

- Moreover, by contrasting a "real economy" with "protection" and transnational abstract 
"pernicious" principles (world finance, Brussels, etc.), this nationalist protectionism 
does not see that it is also within the internal contradictions To this "real economy" 
that the critical point lies, and the possibility of crises (contradiction between dead 
labor and living labor). Indeed, it is because the so-called "real" economy is in the 
midst of a permanent crisis, that finance, which must compensate its crisis of 
valorization or realization, ends up poisoning it. Wanting to "regulate" this finance, or 
global free trade, legally, without abolishing at its roots the principles of such a "real 
economy", it is ultimately wanting to put bandages on a body in agony.

- Finally, when such a nationalistic protectionism wants to develop on a "cultural" or 
"identity" ground, it tends this time to become frankly nauseous. "French identity" may 
become the guarantor for specific discrimination; Certain traditional patriarchal values 
may be reaffirmed; Behind world finance, we can quickly recognize the dominant "Jew" and 
develop anti-Semitic themes; Or seek new scapegoats, capable of "welding" national unity 
in search of "benchmarks" (Arabs, immigrants, Muslims, migrants and migrants, refugees, 
etc.). "Left" protectionism remains far from these concerns, for now. But his extreme 
right-wing correspondent reveals "culturalist" logics, specific to any identity 
protectionism, which should always raise a radical criticism of the nationalist withdrawal 
in general. It will be necessary to interpret attentively the recent remarks of a 
Mélenchon about immigration and the "right of installation" (which should be limited, 
according to him, by guaranteeing peace in the countries concerned, That it has absolutely 
no consistent internationalist policy to have such claims). His remarks concerning French 
"national identity", referring to it with the Capitalist Lights and the French Revolution 
(not that of the naked arms, but those of the bourgeois "citizens"), must also question 
legitimately. Her "feminist" proposals still reassure her, as does her ecological 
positioning. But it is worth recalling that capitalism, whether it be called "national" or 
"global", "with a human face" or "savage", remains intrinsically a structurally 
patriarchal and anti-ecological functionalist and industrial system, beyond all " 
Restructuring»cosmetics. And Mélenchon, who still said himself, in 2011, "Keynesian", is 
of course favorable to capitalism as such, admittedly somewhat "regulated".

In the midst of this demagogic and nationalist dynamic, it is ultimately a final confusion 
that will assert itself: the confusion between reform and revolution. These "radical" 
reformists, in fact, very often, will pass their "radical reforms" for revolutionary 
impulses (one will think of the verve "insurrectionalism" of a Lordon, for example). In 
this context, the consequent revolutionary movements, internationalist and anti-capitalist 
in the strict sense, tend to lose more and more legitimacy and strength. All the more so 
as it is indeed these reformist citizens who will have all the "media" visibility, and who 
will seem to hold the monopoly of criticism and the alternative.

Smoke screen

In the face of these smoke screens, it will be necessary to recall that only the 
abolition, at the global level of private ownership of the means of production, of the 
basic categories of capitalism (commodity, money, abstract labor, value) (Bourgeois 
nation-state), and the material relations of production arising from these logics, 
constitutes the consequent revolutionary horizon. For the scale of the revolutionary 
ambitions must also be at the level of the scale of the disaster.

Benoît (AL Montpellier)

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Politique-Aux-risques-d-une-derive

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Message: 2



Pino Componentes SL, Vallès Occidental dedicated to the manufacture of parts d'automoció 
abruptly sacked two workers on 17 February after they distributed informational leaflets 
plants Polinyà and Borges White denouncing the precariousness and insecurity of production 
center of Ruby. ---- Monday 13 and Friday 17 February, the day of layoffs, workers 
distributed leaflets in which the company has its Polinyà and Les Borges Blanques in 
Lleida, denouncing the conditions of production plant Ruby. ---- The union CNT, which 
comprise the dismissed reports that the management company has not consented to the labor 
union reached a few months ago the regularization of temporary contracts in violation of 
law on the ground of Ruby and denounces the imposition of more 30 sanctions to its members 
since the creation of the union section consisting largely of staff workshop Ruby.

CNT, who will report to the company union persecution has also announced it will start a 
campaign to secure the reinstatement of two dismissed.

Pino Componentes SL manufactures automotive parts for major car brands like Audi and Seat.

http://lasoli.cnt.cat/27/02/2017/sindical-pino-componentes-sl-acomiada-dos-sindicalistes-repartir-octavetes-informatives-plantilla/

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Message: 3




Our colleague Vaso Gova, militant  in the  struggle of  women cleaners  is  on trial on 
March 13 ---- On March 13 is put on trial  the cleaner Vaso Gova after a complaint of a 
police officer. The same policeman is already on trial for serious injuries against two 
women cleaners Evangelia Alexakis and Vaso Gova  attacked on July 10, 2014 during a 
peaceful protest of  fired cleaners to the Ministry of Finance. ---- Adding  insult to 
injury, the officer of  riot police Tsokanaridis,  against all the facts and  testimonies 
of a dozen of  eyewitnesses, filed a case for "resisting authority and insulting" while he 
was arresting the  fired  women cleaners who claimed back their job and her life. ---- The 
trial is a challenge for the entire labor movement. It is a challenge because it seeks 
through evident lies of the police to penalize the  2 years  heroic struggle of the 
cleaners of the Ministry of Finance after their victory and re-instatement  in 2015.

This emblematic  fight, made world famous the workers struggles for jobs and dignity, in 
devastated Greece  against the  austerity  memorandum imposed by the troika and  thr Greek 
government.  Obviously  this struggle  is an anathema for the State authorities because:
·         It proved that workers can fight and win when they have people's solidarity at 
their side.
·         It humiliated  the hated troika of the EU/EB/IMF and the governments that serve 
it slavishly. It proved that they could not break the resistance of the working class
·         it stopped  the privatization of cleanliness in the Ministry of Finance.
·         it is still an inspiration today  to all the workers struggles.
The demands of cleaners struggle for dignity, against the  expropriation of our lives are 
more topical than ever. The austerity  policies of memorandum  by the previous coalition 
governments of New Democracy and PASOK or those currently implemented  by the government 
SYRIZA/ ANEL,  are directed against  all the rights of workers, youth and pensioners.
Barbarism will be defeated.
We call on the workers and the unemployed, all labor collectives, trade unions, 
self-organized spaces and left-wing political organizations, to  support our initiative 
and  join us massively next Monday March 13 in the courts
Our demands are:
Stop the persecution of our colleague Vaso Gova! Stop  the State repression against the 
struggling cleaners.
We demand the punishment of the officer of the police repressive forces  who wounded 
Evangelia Alexakis and Vaso Gova.
Abolish the  State repression special forces

Initiative for the vindication of  the struggling women cleaners

http://dikaiosikatharistrion.b logspot.gr/

you can send support message to dikaiosi.katharistrion@gmail.com




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Message: 4



On Wednesday, the Minister of Finance of South Africa stood up in the circus that passes 
itself off as a National Parliament and without any sense of irony what-so- ever declared 
that the South African state's budget for 2017 was redistributive and progressive. If the 
Minister was to be believed, therefore, the budget was aimed at making a dent in the 
substantial class and racial inequalities that exist in the country. To back this up, 
supporters pointed out that the tax rate on top earners was raised marginally in the 
budget and people receiving dividends from shares would have to pay 5% more on these in 
tax. Despite this, one word could sum up the idea that the budget presented was 
redistributive and progressive: bullshit.

Rather the budget presented by Minister Pravin Gordhan was yet again another attack on the 
working class. What the budget did was to favour corporations at the expense of the poor. 
In doing so, it remained based on the neoliberal dogma that has defined South Africa's 
post-apartheid politics. In other words, the budget was a vivid demonstration of how the 
state is an instrument and weapon of the ruling class that functions to benefit that 
class. This can be seen throughout the budget, including how the state plans to raise 
money and how it plans to spend it.

2017 South African Budget Speech: No Pravin, it was not progressive nor redistributive
by Shawn Hattingh (ZACF)

On Wednesday, the Minister of Finance of South Africa stood up in the circus that passes 
itself off as a National Parliament and without any sense of irony what-so- ever declared 
that the South African state's budget for 2017 was redistributive and progressive. If the 
Minister was to be believed, therefore, the budget was aimed at making a dent in the 
substantial class and racial inequalities that exist in the country. To back this up, 
supporters pointed out that the tax rate on top earners was raised marginally in the 
budget and people receiving dividends from shares would have to pay 5% more on these in 
tax. Despite this, one word could sum up the idea that the budget presented was 
redistributive and progressive: bullshit.

Rather the budget presented by Minister Pravin Gordhan was yet again another attack on the 
working class. What the budget did was to favour corporations at the expense of the poor. 
In doing so, it remained based on the neoliberal dogma that has defined South Africa's 
post-apartheid politics. In other words, the budget was a vivid demonstration of how the 
state is an instrument and weapon of the ruling class that functions to benefit that 
class. This can be seen throughout the budget, including how the state plans to raise 
money and how it plans to spend it.

In terms of raising revenue, the 2017 budget was in line with all of the state's 
neoliberal budgets that have been presented for more than two decades. The main class that 
will be taxed in 2017, despite a 4% increase in the tax rate of high income earners, is 
the working class. Through Value Added Tax (VAT), fuel levies, personal tax and sin taxes 
it is the working class that will be the main source of revenue for the state - in fact, 
through VAT even the unemployed pay tax. Corporate tax, Gordhan outlined, will remain at a 
lowly 28%, down from the highs of 30 years ago when the tax on companies was 49%. This 
translates into a situation where the working class pays far higher taxes than corporate 
giants - when these giants are not trying to avoid tax altogether. In fact, VAT on its own 
contributes a far higher sum of money to the 2017 budget than company tax. So much for the 
budget being progressive.

The manner in which the state plans to spend its R 1.5 trillion odd budget also reveals 
the class nature of the state. Much was made about two thirds of the budget supposedly 
going towards supporting workers and the unemployed. In fact, Gordhan crowed about social 
grants being raised in line with inflation. The reality, though, is that two thirds of the 
budget does not go to the poor, whether workers or the unemployed - Gordhan himself 
inadvertently said so.

What Gordhan, rather, revealed was that at least R 500 billion of the budget in 2017 will 
be spent by the state on procuring services and goods. In other words, the budget showed 
that the state planned to spend vast amounts of its funds on tenders and outsourcing. As 
such, it demonstrated precisely how neoliberalism is at the core of the state, with the 
state essentially paying private companies massive amounts to "deliver" services. As such, 
the state is a cash cow for private corporations receiving contracts and tenders - not 
forgetting the state still pays bureaucrats their salaries too over and above this. Of 
course, it is both black and white capital that will be benefiting from this outsourcing 
and tendering. It is little wonder, therefore, that factions are fighting in the ANC to 
control the state - literally the control of R 500 billion in contracts and tenders can 
lead to a great deal of self- enrichment for the winning faction and their cronies in the 
private sector.

To understand the scale of outsourcing in the state, it should be noted that even the 
disbursement of social grants is outsourced, currently to a private company called Net 1 
(The Constitutional Court ruled this contract to be illegal, but the Department of Social 
Development could clearly care less). The profits of Net 1 in 2017, or its successor, will 
come out of the portion that the state has allocated to social grants in the budget. 
Naturally, the contract Net 1 has from the state is extremely lucrative: being in the 
region of R 10 billion. Nonetheless, Net 1 not only makes money from this contract from 
the state, it also fosters loans onto grant recipients and deducts the repayments directly 
from their social grants. Life is great for the private company that gets the contract to 
disburse the state's social grants; which is clearly why Net 1 is fighting tooth and nail 
to hold onto it. Of course, Net 1 is only one of the corporate parasites that will benefit 
from the R 500 billion in tenders and contracts the state will

hand out in 2017; there are plenty of others and they are just as vile as Net 1. It is, 
however, not only through the R 500 billion that the state will spend on outsourcing and 
tenders that capital will benefit from in 2017 budget. The state will also be assisting 
corporations in other ways, for example, by spending R 4.2 billion on corporations through 
supporting Special Economic Zones. Likewise the state said it will spend R 240 billion of 
its budget on what it terms economic affairs and agriculture. No doubt large chunks of 
this will go to assisting corporations, includuing through improving infrastructure for 
them in terms of rail and roads - to lower the costs of exports, and hence, create more 
profit.

The finance sector too will get a nice big slice of the budget pie in 2017; lest anyone 
thought it would be left out. Gordhan revealed that the state would spend R 169 billion on 
paying interest on its overall debt of R 2.2 trillion in 2017. The main holders of this 
debt - often through bonds - are local and international financial corporations. This 
means a substantial chunk of the state's budget will be funnelled to the finance sector.

Crucially in class terms, it was also outlined during the budget speech that the state 
would only be transferring 9% of the budget to local governments. Yet it is local 
governments that are responsible for delivering basic services, including water and 
sanitation, to the working class. Under neoliberalism, national governments have reduced 
the transfers of funds to local governments. The aim of this has been to ensure that 
national governments are attractive to speculators (i.e. financial corporations) that buy 
government bonds. By decreasing the amount of funds transferred to local governments, 
national governments on paper reduce their debt ratios and deficits. One thing that 
corporations like are states that have low debt ratios and small deficits, it tells them 
any default is unlikely and therefore buying such states' bonds are a good investment. So 
national governments under neoliberalism have shifted the cost burden of funding the 
delivery of basic services onto local governments to lower national government debt ratios 
and budget deficits. In turn local governments have to themselves borrow in order to 
supply basic services - also usually through private outsourced companies - and implement 
cost recovery mechanisms. Added to this, they often skimp on maintenance and indeed 
delivery where they can to save money. For the working class this has massive negative 
consequences - it drives up the costs of basic services and it leads to the quality of 
those basic services declining. This is part of the reason why municipal services are in a 
shocking state in South Africa and why working class communities are erupting in protest. 
In the 2017 budget, the transfer of only 9% to local governments means that only crumbs 
are filtering down to working class townships because speculators need to be pleased. It, 
therefore, means too that the working class people in the townships can continue to expect 
poor quality and expensive basic services, despite paying the bulk of the taxes.

The reality, therefore, is that the 2017 budget is not redistributive towards the working 
class nor is it progressive. Rather it is a standard neoliberal budget, delivered by a 
state that benefits the ruling class - white and black capitalists and top state officials 
- and that is controlled by that very same class. Far from addressing the plight of the 
working class (and the black section of working class in particular), the budget is rather 
attempting to entrench their pauperisation so corporations' profit margins can grow even 
fatter.

https://zabalaza.net/2017/02/25/2017-south-african-budget-speech-no-pravin-it-was-not-progressive-nor-redistributive/

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Message: 5



El 30 de abril de 2015, en Santa María de Guía, Gran Canaria, el militante anarquista 
Ruymán Rodríguez, miembro de la Federación Anarquista de Gran Canaria (FAGC), miembro del 
recientemente creado Sindicato de Inquilinos de Gran Canaria, fue detenido por la Guardia 
Civil, sin que le dieran ningún motivo para ello, conducido al cuartelillo y sometido a 
una sesión de golpes y estrangulamientos. ---- Las torturas tenían como objetivo 
intimidarlo para que abandonara la Comunidad "La Esperanza", el proyecto de okupación más 
grande del Estado (76 familias, 207 personas, más de 100 niños) de la que era vecino y uno 
de sus principales impulsores. ---- Este acto de represión está enmarcado dentro la 
persecución sufrida por la FAGC debido a su actividad expropiadora y socializadora, 
liberando más de 300 inmuebles y realojando a más de mil personas.

Posteriormente a la detención y tortura, la guardia civil le acusó de "atentado a la 
autoridad".

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bSZzQHcrOeM

En el juicio rápido el juez bajó la acusación a falta de desobediencia. La guardia civil 
recurrió. El provincial aceptó el recurso, pero imputó a un guardia civil por agresión, lo 
cual da una idea de la gravedad de los hechos.

Actualmente Ruymán está acusado de atentado a la autoridad por el mismo guardia civil que 
lo torturó.

Le piden 5 años de cárcel y se encuentra ante un caro procedimiento penal.

2700 euros es el presupuesto de todo el proceso, considerado "de alta complejidad", que 
tiene por delante.

Ruymán se encuentra en situación de desempleo y de bancarrota económica, debido a las 
multas, embargos de cuentas y procesos que ha padecido en sus tareas de realojo de 
familias sin techo. En similar situación se hayan el resto de compañeros/as, la FAGC y el 
Sindicato de Inquilinos.

Por cuestiones como estas, el Sindicato de Inquilinos tiene que hacer frente a numerosos 
gastos. Haciéndonos eco de sus necesidades, pedimos solidaridad económica, y llevamos a 
cabo esta colecta gestionada por esta web, que podéis enviar a la cuenta bancaria de Caixa 
d'Enginyers (se puede hacer ingreso en ventanilla sin gastos en oficinas del BBVA) a 
nombre de CHZ:

ES04 3025 0002 4014 3336 6743

O a la cuenta de PayPal: contact@alasbarricadas.org

Son las mismas cuentas que utilizamos para recaudar dinero para el pago de nuestro 
servidor. Desde hoy todo ingreso que se realice irá destinado a gastos jurídicos. No 
pretendemos monopolizar o centralizar la recaudación de dinero, símplemente ser una vía 
sencilla tanto para vosotros/as como para la FAGC que está a mil historias.

Si queréis hacer llegar el dinero por vuestra cuenta, o emprender cualquier iniciativa, 
podéis escribirnos a través del Formulario de contacto.

Federación Anarquista de Gran Canaria

Web: https://anarquistasgc.noblogs.org/
Twitter: @fagc_anarquista
Página de Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/anarquistas.grancanaria/
Grupo de Facebook: 
https://www.facebook.com/Federaci%C3%B3n-Anarquista-Gran-Canaria-241934559185517/

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Message: 6



This evening, when Enda Kenny makes an announcement to the Dáil recognising the identity 
of Irish Travellers as a distinct ethnic group, it will be an historic moment for Irish 
society.  This recognition, which has been a very long time coming, marks the end of a 
campaign that has been fought for decades by Travellers to be recognised in their home 
country as an ethnic group.  So what's being done today is formally ending the long denial 
of Traveller ethnicity that has taken place in the Irish state. ---- As the statement that 
from the Joint Oireachtas Committee admitted "Travellers are, de facto, a separate ethnic 
group. This is not a gift to be bestowed upon them, but a fact the State ought to formally 
acknowledge...." ---- It is an historic day.  It is a cause for celebration.  The 
structures of society means that it will be announced by the Taoiseach, but it draws to a 
close a long historic campaign by Travellers to be recognised as a distinct ethnic group. 
In the UK they've been recognised as such since 2000, in the North of Ireland since 1997, 
and no one naively believes that this will end discrimination or racism experienced by 
Travellers, but it is a victory that was fought for and won from the State.

The Irish State has a long and convoluted history of recognising Travellers as being 
different to the majority population, and this has led to Travellers living on the 
margins, largely excluded from Irish Society.  The fact that Travellers were different led 
to the State treating them differently.  That difference was seen as a problem in the past 
by this State. Being a Traveller was something that should be ‘fixed' and this led to the 
‘absorption' policy.  It led to many policies about what should be done to Travellers or 
what should be done ‘for Travellers' often without consultation or negotiation.
It is one thing recognising difference, it is another placing a value on it, and seeing 
that difference as something that should be celebrated, supported, cherished and recognised.

In the 1916 proclamation there is a line about
"..cherishing all of the children of the nation equally, and oblivious of the differences 
carefully fostered by an alien Government, which have divided a minority from the majority 
in the past."

Today should mark the end of one of those carefully fostered differences.

Victories in history are seen as these choreographed staged moments where speeches come 
from the mouths of the powerful, but they are built by people.   Travellers have 
consistently, and with great pride, held onto their identity in the face a hostile war 
that has been waged against them.  Today let us remember the Travellers who went before, 
who have held onto their identity, but have not lived to see this day.   Let us remember 
Travellers who campaigned for this day to come and lost faith that it would ever arrive.

This is not just a victory for Travellers, today is a victory for people who believe in 
changes being made in the interests of society and people, today is a victory for those 
who believe in social justice, for those who believe in equality, for those who wish to 
see an Ireland where we don't just recognise and accept difference and diversity but 
celebrate and rejoice in them.

Author: Dermot Freeman

http://www.wsm.ie/c/traveller-ethnicity-finally

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