Today's Topics:
1. Belarus: Dozens of Anarchists Arrested in #Minsk
After Anti-Government Protests (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. Ruptura Colectiva (RC): 0La Sexta Bachajón blocks highways
demanding freedom for their political prisoners
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. EDINBURGH ANARCHIST FEDERATION IWW STATEMENT ON SCOTRAIL
DISPUTE by Dave Mackay (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. Poland, rozbrat.org: Manifa 2017 - What are we fighting?
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. Greece, Libertarian Thessaloniki Initiative: Call AO FOR
LEAVE OF GOURNA & Koufodinas: Athens, Thessaloniki, Heraklion,
Lamia | 15/3 (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. Romania, 10 DIFFERENCES BETWEEN BOURGEOIS FEMINISM
AND THE LIBERTARIAN [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
7. Greece, Libertarian Thessaloniki Initiative: Solidarity to
squats, fire social democracy (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
8. anarkismo.net: Organization against the company by Anthony
Drakonaki (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
As we reported on Tuesday, in the past weeks Belarus saw the biggest protests in the last
10 years. Yesterday people in Belarus protested again in 3 cities. Many people were
arrested. ---- Originally published by Anarchist Black Cross Dresden. Edited by Enough is
Enough ---- Yesterday (March 15th) in three major cities of Belarus – Minsk, Mogilev and
Grodno – people took the streets protesting against government attempts to collect tax off
the unemployed (details of the story HERE
https://enoughisenough14.org/2017/03/14/biggest-protests-in-belarus-in-the-last-10-years/)
---- In Minsk, demonstrations managed to gather more that 1 500 people, in Mogilev and
Grodno 1 000 each. These are the biggest protests those cities have seen in decades. It is
worth mentioning that most of the protesters are far from major political powers in the
country and do not align with any opposition stream, rather prefer to point out the hard
economical conditions and results of 24 years of Lukashenkos rule.
Around 40 anarchists organized in a separate block participated in the demonstration in
Minsk, with banners saying “For the people, the main social parasite are the bureaucrats,
politicians and the police” (refering to the law against social parasites introduced 2015
that is the major reason for recent protests). To make the demonstration a little bit more
fun, a samba band in black joined the block. Inside of the demonstration, anarchists were
by far the most organized force that took a lot of attention from the police.
During the whole demonstration, 20-30 civil cops were constantly following the anarchist
block and at the end of the demo tried to arrest some people. Anarchists together with
other participants of the demo managed to unarrest people and get into public transport –
a tactic that was quite successful in the past months, when anarchists managed to get out
safely. However it was stopped a couple of minutes later by a bus without license plates
and civil cops rushing into the public transport. To get the people out , the pigs used
not only brute force beating up people, but also pepper sprayed the trolleybus (an action
one of the football hooligans got 10 years in jail for in Belarus just last week). At the
end of the confrontation, around 30-35 people were detained including several bystanders,
who were trying to help people resist the police. By the end of the day, some activists
were beaten up so badly that the cops had to call an ambulance.
Right now, all the arrested are in jail in Minsk police stations awaiting trial tomorrow.
Judging from recent developments, most probably they will be punished with 15 days in jail.
Furthermore it has been reported that over 9 people from the demonstration were detained
in Mogilev. Their destiny is not clear yet.
Lawyers and food parcels are covered so far by human right activists. But you can always
support people with solidarity actions next to local embassies or Lukashenko’s mansions.
Apart from that you can share the news, and make the topic more visible around you.
By the moment this article is written, over 150 people were detained and sentenced to
fines or some short prison terms for protests in last weeks in Belarus.
More Information about Repression in Belarus: https://abc-belarus.org (engl/russ)
https://abcdd.org
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Message: 2
To the councils of good government ---- To the National Indigenous Congress ---- To the
adherents of the Sixth Declaration of the Lacandona Jungle of Mexico and the World ---- To
the media ---- To the Network Against Repression and for Solidarity ---- To the Justice
Movement for the Barrio of New York ---- To the national and international defenders of
human rights ---- To the people of Mexico and the world ---- Compañeros and Compañeras,
receive a combative salute directed to the organizations and people in resistance from the
Adherents of the Sixth Declaration of the Ejido San Sebastián Bachajón, Chiapas. ---- In
this communiqué, we raise our voice and demand immediate justice and freedom to our three
compañeros imprisoned in different centers of reclusion.
Today (March 6th), we are in Nahilte, blocking the highway Palenque-Ocosingo. As
compañerxs adherents of the Sixth Ejido San Sebastián, Bachajón of the three centers that
make up the Ejido, we decided to carry out this peaceful action to demand the immediate
liberation of our unjustly imprisoned compañeros: Esteban Gómez Jiménez (imprisoned in San
Cristóbal de las Casas, Chiapas- CERSS #5), Santiago Moreno Pérez and Emilio Jiménez Gómez
(imprisoned in Playas de Catazaja, Chiapas- CERSS #17). They were detained in an arbitrary
manner. The authorities falsified their crimes and they are thus imprisoned under false
accusations that they never committed. They are imprisoned for having the commitment to
struggle and defend mother earth. That was the crime that they committed, to raise their
voices and defend the natural resources, life, and territory.
We also denounce that the Ejido Commissioner Manuel Guzmán Alvaro who is promoting, with
the Agrarian Attorney's Office, the advance of PROCEDE or FANAR to parcel out our
territory with the intention of privatizing it and displacing our people in the interests
of megaprojects. We reject the work that the Ejido Commissioner does for the bad
government. We invite all of the people of San Sebastián Bachajon to not be fooled by the
commissioner and the bad government. We do not need PROCEDE or FANAR, because as people we
have been able to defend the land and autonomously provide ourselves with the solutions to
the problems in the interior of our community.
From the northern Zone of Chiapas, the women and men of San Sebastián Bachajón send our
combative salute to all of the compañeros and compañeras, communities and people of Mexico
and the world that are in the struggle and are resisting bad governments.
Never more a Mexico without us
Land and Freedom
Zapata lives!
Always until the victory!
Freedom to political prisoners!
Juan Vázquez Guzmán lives, the struggle of Bachajón continues!
Juan Carlos Gómez lives, the struggle of Bachajón continues!
No to the plundering of Indigenous territories!
Out with the state police in our Indigenous territory!
Immediate presentation of the disappeared and assassinated compañeros of the Normal Raúl
Isidro Burgos of Ayotzinapa!
Justice for our compañero Juan Vazquez Guzman, Ayotzinapa, Acteal, ABC, Atenco!
Translated from the original here:
http://redcontralarepresion.org/articulo.php?i=1487
http://rupturacolectiva.com/la-sexta-bachajon-blocks-highways-demanding-freedom-for-their-political-prisoners/
------------------------------
Message: 3
The Edinburgh Branch of the IWW extends our solidarity to Scotrail workers and RMT members
across Britain over the issue of Driver Only Operated (DOO) trains . We support this
strike on the principle of an Injury to One is an Injury to All. ---- The move to DOO
trains will mean that without conductors, drivers cannot ensure the safety of passengers
and further , drivers are put in a more risky and dangerous position themselves. Clearly
Scotrail and other train companies across Britain are putting profit before safety,
describing this move as "competitive" and "modernisation" and looking behind the rhetoric
we can see that this is an attempt to open the way to future attacks on jobs and
conditions. ---- This attack, this putting profit before people is in essence no different
from the 19th century workhouse-like conditions of Sports Direct warehouses or the
recent cuts in hours and pay for retail workers with the increased Minimum Wage.
All we can learn from these instances is what should be by now plainly obvious- that the
working class and the employing class have nothing in common. Our interests are not just
different but opposing factors within society.
https://edinburghanarchists.noflag.org.uk/2016/07/iww-statement-on-scotrail-dispute/
------------------------------
Message: 4
6 years ago we said enough! we organized in Poznan, zalozylysmy union, polozylysmy on
track to paid attention to us, for the young and for those who do not have access to
public nurseries, creches zablokowalysmy privatization [...] Today in solidarity with you!
We are strong, we unite, we will not give up and act! ---- Agnieszka Commission OZZ IP the
Teams Nursery Accessories in Poznan ---- It is the work of our hands, our bodies builds
wealth of this world, and we know how the profits appropriately redirect.[...]On a day
like today in many cities of the world we show how strong we are. A global movement that
is born before our eyes represents 99% of the women of this world. It does not represent
those that stand in power.[...]Let us not say that the only chance for us is that we have
been szefowymi that will use our other sisters.
Agnieszka Commission OZZ IP at Amazon Polish
If you are in a situation in which I was for years that you have to toil 16 hours a day,
wasted money, and for that money can not buy themselves food in the place where you work,
and your boss tells you that low rates will reward you the tips you need to start organizing!
Agata Poznan Inter-Commission Working in Catering
Nothing we can not stand in the way to regain control over our lives, over where and under
what conditions we live. If we do not have access to decent housing, we will take care of
it for themselves! We will occupy empty buildings![..]I've none of us will not be alone!
Today we go out on the streets as a tenant, workers, migrants, on behalf of all of us in
the struggle for the rights of all of us!
Greater Association of Tenants
Such statements could be heard on Sunday Manifa, which on March 5 for the 12th time passed
through the streets of Poznan. Similar demonstrations were also held in other cities, m.in
Warsaw, Krakow, Lodz, Lublin, Tri-City, Wroclaw or Torun. All were held under the common
slogan "Against the violence of power." They emphasized in such a way that over the past
27 years, no Polish government has not improved the living conditions of women and their
families, which is why we are constantly forced to go out into the street. The
demonstrators chanted slogans: "Do not tighten the belt, tighten the fist", "city for
migrants, not nationalists," "Members build a hell of women", "every authority bothers
us," "my body, my choice".
At Manifa distributed newspaper devoted to the struggles and conflicts, involving mainly
women. Below is one of the texts published in it:
What are we fighting?
Against which we protest? Against all forms of oppression of women. Against low wages,
hard working conditions, cuts in social security, inefficient health care, limiting access
to housing, under-financed health and education, excessive workload at home, hunger
emeryturom, acquiescence to violence, reduce the rights of migrants, forcing us to be
obedient nationals, female employees, wives and mothers.
What do we want? Total pay for our work, regardless of whether we do it in the factory, at
school, in the office or at home. The development of public welfare institutions for
children and the elderly, access to means of subsistence, we need every day, universal
health care, social security, the impact on all areas of our lives, liberation from the
role of cheap labor.
For the last 27 years in Poland, no government has questioned the neo-liberal course of
privatization and social cuts. Reducing spending on schools, hospitals, kindergartens,
canteens, community centers etc. still causes deterioration of the living conditions of
many women and working families. Between 1990 and 2005. Number of public kindergartens
fell by 38% and nurseries by 74%. The percentage of children attending extracurricular
activities decreased from 50% (in primary schools) and 70% (in high schools) to only 10%.
State shirking duty of care for the elderly and children, flips it on the shoulders of
women. At the same time the loss or reduction of wage and price growth of maintenance
caused the "renaissance" extended family with a man as its head.
Democracy without prosperity
Polish governments postulate the general welfare for all treated as a dangerous utopia
blocking the development of genuine democracy, the basis of which it is to be civil
society. Civil society it becomes a synonym for the dismantling of state welfare
institutions and replacing them with non-governmental organizations. In Poland, the
flourishing of the third sector was accompanied by the introduction of anti-crisis
package, welfare cuts, lengthening the retirement age, the prevalence of contracts junk,
lifting the 8-hour working day, the introduction of an annual period, another wave of
closing schools and kindergartens, an attempt to privatize nurseries, mass evictions on
the pavement, selling urban parks developers etc. the citizens participating in public
life to absorb the results of liberal policies oriented to maximize profits, privileges
for entrepreneurs and the development of individual careers for the elect.
A telling example of this was the action of Poznan authorities that in 2011. Drafted the
privatization of municipal nurseries referred to as "socialization". It assumed the
transfer of the management of their associations or foundations that emerged at a
competition. Councillors persuaded the sitter to "taking over their workplaces," referring
to the idea of self-government and democracy. Nursing seemed aware, however, that
politicians are trying in this way to avoid responsibility for the underdevelopment of the
care sector. Participation was reduced to poverty for the management and co-about how to
reduce the necessary spending authority. Not expected to increase the impact of childcare
workers on the city's budget and increase spending on care sector - this still had to
decide only councilors. In response to the attempts of politicians workers joined the
union, blocked the "socialization" (ie privatization) of crèches and plans to raise
tuition for parents, and also won a raise of their extremely low wages. Civil society in
the fashion of a liberal opposed workers' solidarity.
Feminism liberal??
The development of democratic institutions in recent decades went hand in hand with the
dramatic increase in social inequalities. It is not surprising that a significant
proportion of ubozejacego society that is paying dearly for the exploits of government,
democracy is an empty slogan. Instead of a democratic state and civil, it will have access
to even the minimum social security. From the perspective of workers permissive
environment based around the PO, Modern and CODE-u are just as antidemocratic as the right
under the sign of the PiS or the Catholic Church. The difference between one and the
second is now that the liberals in the struggle for the lost stools, trying to use social
discontent for their own purposes.
From April 2016. We had to deal with a wave of protests against the project Ordo Juris
delegalizujacemu access to abortion. Demonstrations of 3 October were the culmination of
several months of mobilization. "The strike women," was the slogan in turn mobilization
that has served the expression of anger and highlight its economic backgrounds. There was
no formal organization. The strike is a form of pressure applied by the employees, in this
case a woman refusing to perform the duties imposed on them. The strike draws attention to
the subordination of our lives working rules, including reproductive labor. From October
issue of access to legal abortion it ceased to be only a problem of free choice and began
to refer to the place of women in the capitalist division of labor. For many months, they
talked about the problems arising from the lack of social security, nurseries,
kindergartens, health care, affordable housing. Moving issues junk contracts and
undeclared work, which enable operation of the current and all previous governments. It
distinguished the women's movement of the movement led by the liberal elite whose sole
purpose is to take power now exercised by the PiS. Protests intensify against the right to
abortion for a long time were organized in a non-hierarchical manner, with the
participation of many different environments and people, without leaders.
Their success now trying to use environmental liberal. Another Strike Women, held two
weeks after the first, by the environment associated with the I-CODE, put on one of the
leader of Wroclaw. The same environment created the National Association of Women Strike,
trying to cram password mobilization in the narrow confines of his own organization.
Liberal activists representing the interests of the middle class are now trying to channel
black protest to restrict itself to criticism of the ruling party, as it did so CODE.
Liberal attempt to exploit discontent women to re-gain power after he lost it on a
national and global scale. This situation forces us to pose the question of whether
feminism in general has something in common with liberalism, which for decades experience
on your own skin? Is feminism is based on women from sitting on the supervisory boards of
companies or in senior positions in state institutions? What is the cause of low-wage
women, cuts in social security, the prohibition of abortion - the lack of women in
parliament and an economic system that promotes inequality?
Our feminism
fight against the oppression of women must go hand in hand with changes in the
organization of our societies. Only one criticism of the conservative political party,
arbitrarily imposed demands and blurring the problem of economic inequality existing
between men, let's leave liberalkom - polityczkom, businesswomen, prezeskom NGOs. Their
"feminism" ignores the fact that we live in a society increasing class divisions. The
feminist movement will not gain recognition among those who really need it until we
question the capitalist division of labor and exploitation is also used by women to senior
positions against the rest of the women.
Quite often the answer women's groups in the economic oppression comes down to the
postulate of equal pay for men and women employed in the same positions. Although it is
important to demand, it relates to leadership positions and often better paid feints.
Women and men employed in occupations in catering establishments and in institutions are
generally equally poorly paid. More efficient in terms of elimination of social inequality
is to redirect public resources for care, health and education (including the financing
canteens) - not only the development of the institution of care, but also raising the
wages of employed people in them. Increasing social benefits and shortening the working
day while increasing wages are essential ways to obtain independence for women, who are
now chained to the homes and workplaces, where patriarchy reigns supreme.
Economic demands associated with all areas of life of women living off of work. Material
conditions of our lives have an impact even on our sexuality. As long as the only rule of
operation of the current economic system is to maximize the profits of the elite, so long
we will not affect it, when and under what conditions we are born offspring. Still it
tells us that the decline in the birth rate is not the economy, but no one asks whether we
and our children want to serve it. The liberation of women is liberated from having to
surrender our lives work.
newspaper distributed at this year's Manifa - strike women continues!
http://www.rozbrat.org/informacje/poznan/4515-manifa-2017-o-co-walczymy-
------------------------------
Message: 5
"The old world is dying and the new world struggling to be born. ---- Now is the time of
monsters' ---- Antonio Gramsci ---- The first left-government of this country, continuing
the policy of the neoliberal predecessors deprive militants Dimitris Koufodinas and Kostas
Gourna their right to leave. In the case of the former, the cause -grapta worded in
voulefma- is unrepentant attitude on the question of armed struggle. An eventual
renunciation of armed struggle from a rebel-like symbol is D.Koufontinas will
noimatodotouse as a victory for the urban block and a historic rematch for every reformist
voice still proclaims how is peaceful road to social liberation through reforms without
armed confrontation with capital, the state, supranational mechanisms (EU-IMF-NATO) and
all sorts of fascist crutches.
The "left" promised respecting the rights, decent living conditions inside the walls,
remove the terror law, and many others -and effectively connected with such tactics
ensured election votes from relatives and friendly around large portion prisoners, while
digesting a portion of movement that developed in previous years- has long shown its true
face: that of -anexartitis from chromatismous- power.
It is now apparent that this left, he applied the worst measures devaluation of our class
reduced more pensions and wages, cut all social benefits, agreed to the privatization of
everything, facilitated tax breaks for big capital, adopted anti-terrorism policy right,
gradually incorporating the agenda and the political rhetoric. She who previously spoke
about anti-terrorist hysteria, are pursuing policies traditionally imposed by the right,
which both shows and the inherently restricted character of the struggle for democratic
rights, and the other shows and the most incredulous that the state regardless Government
has continued and therefore as to the repressive approaches.
The political question respondents clearly both EO November 17 and the Revolutionary
Struggle is today as relevant as ever. With the oppressed, not with governments and the
state, with workers and unemployed and not in the capital and their lackeys, the
internationalist solidarity among peoples and not with war and imperialism. Putting the
spotlight organized and armed proletariat, as the only factor able to end the domination
of the bourgeoisie and its allies arbitration where either militarily as the 40s, either
financially as nowadays was and is there to ensure that the achievements of the local
bourgeoisie will not be lost.
So today is the urban strategy will seek more than ever -the same time that the working
class is experiencing the biggest attack in recent years- to dent the social supports and
popular sympathy in the face of both fighters. Moving coup state openly blackmailing even
filmmakers, academics, intellectuals - those who dare to speak in favor of the political
prisoners even from the standpoint of defending the "democratic rights". Prohibits plays,
seals faculties, gags and censors the solidarity movement for the release of fighters,
systematically sabotaging claiming the right to permit, among others.
Why the state does not only claim a monopoly on violence and enforcement. also claiming a
monopoly on thought production. Reclaims the antiparatethomenes on it voices have no step
in public space.
Because the critical challenge for the political system is not entitled to leave if
political prisoners D. Koufodinas and K. Gournas but if repudiate the action of the
organizations involved and "inevitably" violent transformation of capitalist society.
Beyond the reformist left Syriza, let considering who those who clustered around the
request not to grant licenses to which its two fighters. Gutter press like "Proto Thema"
right wing Th. Anastasiadis, the voice of business "Daily" of interlaced Bobola,
fireplaces sitting at the nape of the bottom for many years as Mitsotakides and Bakogiannides.
The case of the two fighters but not the only one. It is the extreme application of the
special treatment reserved by the State to political opponents at the same time does not
recognize the identity of the political prisoner. The refusal of communist Dimitris
Koufodinas and anarchist Kostas Gourna with justifications fronimatikou character, is only
one corner in a frame captured exhausts 6chronou child members of Revolutionary Struggle
Nikos Maziotis and Pola Roupa, the unfounded persecution of anarchist communist Tasos
Theophilus, merciless hunting and bounty of M. Seisidis and 2 more partners for 600,000 euros.
We from our side as Anarchist Federation, the request for licenses to both fighters as
each request on persecuted by the state we address the social base, the people who share
the same problems, are experiencing joint exploitation. At bottom, the wide social
majority that at issue and concerns the struggle, revolutionary action and political
activists options like D. Koufodinas and K.. Gourna.
In the current context of the invasion of capital and the state, the revolutionary
movement must stand on the side of political prisoners and to break the exemption and
special treatment regime experienced. The importance of a victorious outcome of the
struggle for approval of two fighters is certainly an important legacy for all political
prisoners and the solidarity movement to them. A victory that can operate temporarily as a
mound in "anti" terrorist campaign, creating a major rift in the allowance exemption
status of political prisoners, were standing package / undergoing conversion against
monsters era, paving another path for the new world struggling to be born .
Break STATUS EXCEPTION WAS IMPOSED IN POLITICAL KRATOUMENOUS
INSTANT LICENCES ANARCHIST KOSTAS GOURNA AND communist Dimitris Koufodinas
Stand ADIALAKTA THE SIDE OF FIGHTERS, impose TO STATE retreat
WEDNESDAY 15/3
PROCEDURES
ATHENA
17:00 Propylaea
THESSSALONIKI
18:00 Kamara
SYGENTROSEIS
HERAKLION
18:00 Lions
GHOUL
18:00 Eleftherias Sq.
anarchist Federation
anarchist-federation.gr
info@anarchist-federation.gr
twitter: twitter.com/anarchistfedGr
fb: facebook.com/anarxikiomospondia2015 /
------------------------------
Message: 6
Bourgeois feminism seeks protection of women through coercive apparatus of the state. The
libertarian is based on self-defense for women in the community. ---- Bourgeois feminism
argues that every woman to compete in the "freedom of opportunity" and be rewarded
according to their own merits. By contrast, libertarian feminism battle each individual to
develop solidarity and equality, where everyone is rewarded according to their needs. ----
Bourgeois feminists want the inclusion of women in positions of power in parliament and
armed; the top management of capitalist firms and government positions. Libertarian
feminists want the abolition of capitalist institutions. Therefore define being
anti-statist, anti-militarist and critical parliamentarism.
Bourgeois feminism argues that gender equality is a "human right" and therefore is
guaranteed by the state. Libertarian feminism argues that the state can not ensure gender
equality, as this can not be achieved through hierarchical society that generates
pyramidal organization and repressive state.
Bourgeois feminists creates "a feminist civic consciousness", ie a set of values and
practices that create a docile personality and relationships subject to the neoliberal
Democrat. Creates libertarian feminists "feminist class consciousness", ie a set of
principles and objectives which have the intention libertarian abolition of power
relations and replacing them with free and equal relations.
Bourgeois feminism feminists insist explain the historical era, ignoring and censoring
anarchist feminism workers and the community. Libertarian feminists, without forgetting
the contributions of feminist theory and contextual hegemonic feed of all historical
struggles of oppressed and exploited women in classes ..
Feminists want a bourgeois capitalism "peaceful, friendly and inclusive." Libertarian
feminists struggle against capitalism and against any form of oppression, whether
economic, political or cultural.
Bourgeois feminists are involved in the hierarchical organizations and parliamentary
parties. State electioneering and promoting the importance of including women in bourgeois
politics. Libertarian feminists are organized in associations horizontal practice direct
action, mutual aid and self-management.
Bourgeois feminists consider vital for gender parity laws to "feminize" hierarchical
institutions of capitalism. Libertarian feminists deemed anti-patriarchal domination does
not take on equal footing with males statist, but means the abolition of relations of
domination.
Bourgeois feminists want their partners to collaborate in the division of labor at home, a
complement of women by the rules binary. Instead, ask questions radical libertarian
feminists about heteronormativity, patriarchal family structure and the concept of love
that feeds them.
Source: elmilicianocnt
https://iasromania.wordpress.com/2017/03/09/10-diferente-intre-feminismul-burghez-si-cel-libertar/
------------------------------
Message: 7
Today early in the morning the police forces broke two occupations, the refugees full
occupancy housing in Acharnon Street and the Villa Zografos. In July 2016 in Thessaloniki,
a similar breakfast we had learned about the evacuations three squatter housing refugees
and immigrants: the conquest of the Orphanage at Ano Touba, the Hurriya occupation in
Charles Diehl Road and the occupation in Mandalideio building on Victory Avenue. A few
years ago, we awoke to news of the breaking of the Villa Amalia and Occupation Scaramanga.
---- It is a political deja vu. In the first case of a right-wing government, while
signing new antisocial measures, reductions in wages and pensions, which ran close
evaluations, try to "throw the ball in the ballpark" attacking the anarchist movement and
the world of the race. Today, a left government is doing exactly the same.
The state has continued. The parties who occupy posts in the regime, sooner or later fly
to whichever mantle used to win elections and stay with the outfit of power, do you need
to make the state and capital to continue parasite against by down. If something collapses
with by such repressive attacks is the naivety of a piece of society that every few
decades succumbs to lie of social democracy succumbs to the narrative that something can
be changed through the loyalist procedures and elections.
For anarchists nothing is not surprising. For the radical world of struggle the role of
social democracy, permanent regular and lies were and are known.
We can not even know if this movement is erratic or if the beginning of a wider attack
against the movement.
We do not care about the ridiculous efforts of SYRIZAion to renounce the obvious political
responsibility of the party. We do not know and do not care, what specific mechanisms are
activated to break the two occupations. We will not fall into the trap permanently to
focus on some judicial authorities or even the minister, starting oil leadership of SYRIZA
and the same power as the SYRIZA party. Only as a joke can perceive the excuse that blame
someone judge acted autonomously. will not let them do the various individual parts of the
state apparatus laundry for political power. We did not do when they attacked us right. I
will not do now that our attacking left.
The occupations are game workshops, is liberty trees in desert power of heteronomy, of
resignation, of submission. Nail is in the eye of the regime. And in recent years became
something even more: were the response of the struggling base in refugee crisis. Without
resources, without "Tips", only the kinematics offer hosted, offered food and care of
thousands of immigrants. They managed with nothing comparable to the state level of care
and to humiliate. And this did not in terms of NGOs, not in terms of a exonimenis and up
charity, but by association and true solidarity processes. We saw the rage against them by
parties, mayors, large landowners, priests. Now we see the attack against them.
We call the world of the race, all these / s in previous years did not stand fans to
attack the state and capital, to raise his head again. To stand in solidarity to fight
centers called squats, crush antisocial aspirations of state, left or right, imposing
silence cemetery in that resists.
And this challenge will be answered, and this battle will be won.
Support to ground operations occupations. To participate in the mobilizations called.
Libertarian Thessaloniki Initiative - libertasalonica.wordpress.com / lib_thess @ hotmail.com
Member of the Anarchist Federation - anarchist-federation.gr
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Message: 8
The following text, first published in the second issue of the theoretical journal Social
Anarchism issued by the libertarian publications Koursal. ---- Organization against the
company - The process of yperaftonomisis and structural weaknesses of an anarchist
collective of Antoni Drakonaki ---- "From now until our experience we believe that the
lack of social access is what makes us harmless for state power. Why social revolution
will not do us and our friends, but all the exploited, making the anarchist dream reality.
This means that anyone who does not see the need for infrastructure and organization of
space -with parallel selected hits against member-unconsciously and with a dogmatic and
shortsighted practice creates obstacles for the development of the anarchist movement in
Greece and converts it into a daily nightmare anarchist dream "[1].
It is true that, in most cases, and because of the small age prevailing in the Greek
anarchist movement, the process whereby formed and operated a a / a collectivity, takes
place with gang conditions. This, the first time, is not considered as a de facto
negative; no one can, for example, consider crash creating a collectivity of an existing
group of friends at the same time politicized in a city district or a neighborhood of
Athens. Structurally, therefore, the creation of a political collectivity based initially
in trust and friendship, not judged negatively. The problem at a later stage in the
development and group formation through time. Once constituted the respective collective,
begins the manufacturing process of a common ground between members. Its members formed
collectively develop their common political speech and build a collective daily life,
which most often turns into "their" reality. On this last point is, in our opinion, the
source of evil.
Grace zero above control (obviously meant the collective control in a broader organization
or a federation), the group creates a "olodiki" the perception of the social and political
process that, due to the non-commitment of any other collectivity becomes time time and
action with action becoming increasingly real, as it takes shape as collective lived
experience (yperaftonomisis process of assembly). This concept is shown as consisting of
various factors such as the common readings, the common everyday, common kinematic
experiences and, finally, the influence of the eminent personalities of each meeting, who
for various reasons are supplying the group and members of the terminology, the
theoretical sources and the main structure of thinking.
The "invisible captains"[2]or "militants influential"[3]in accordance with the softened
condition, is, in our view, a natural and inevitable phenomenon, inherent to the
principles of collective organization and human evolution (age , experience, insight,
background), very close to the Foucauldian microphysics of power. What makes it a problem,
is not itself a phenomenon, but aformalistiko context in which it grows, and the dynamic
gains.
The informal hierarchy is not dealt with nagging but with control; collective, democratic
and political, to be based not on the will of some, but by its very structure. The policy
epivoulefsi some assemblies of such persons is not an exclusive problem of these persons
but mainly of the assembly itself, the operating system itself. A personality rests in
limbo she leave the rest; it is no coincidence that there are groups, if their privations
a couple of people vegetate; and here we come to the question of empirical-cognitive
capital accumulation[4](a kind of social capital at the micro -plane of a meeting).
The above demonstrates that "influential militants' hold some kind expertise; an expertise
rather than dissipated in the Assembly remains a monopoly in the hands of some people who
manage to dominate a relationship of dependence. This know-how is not exclusively derived
from their rhetorical flair, but a process of intellectual goodwill pumping: the
accumulated empirical section the entire assembly which, upon redistribution, is a short
circuit. Simply put, each collectivity accumulates through the actions and experience of
an empirical-cognitive capital. Initially, this capital exists only as a collective
product; there is, ie, as capital of the group as a whole, and not individualized.
Inaction But many members, without a specific goal setting and policies at group level
positions (places a responsibility on the structure and not the persons), in conjunction
with the inherent capabilities of the "fighters influential 'lead accumulated this capital
in the hands of a few , benefiting so (often unintentionally) from the structural
inequalities of aformalismou. What we need, then, is the expulsion of these few, but to
create a mechanism that will equally distributes this chapter to all members of the
Assembly. The aformalismos is the free market of a movement, and where there is free
market there are capitalists.
The process of yperaftonomisis described earlier, is not inhibited by either the new
members of a collectivity or less forced to assimilate the mikropragmatikotita team and be
alert to preserve the cherished sovereign. New members have to deal with these a number of
problems: from an already-established group internal communication system (terminology,
quotes, inside humor, taboo themes, political references) to informal (spontaneous)
respect the most prominent / active members and, finally, acceptance or conflict with a
robust understanding of reality itself - the "reality" of collegiality that we mentioned.
Responsible to adapt to a new microcosm built without them, these new members have three
main options: (a) to adapt the existing framework and to accept the rules, (b) to try to
change to a lesser or greater extent and finally, (c) to reject and to leave the group.
The problem is that, between the first two options, there is an inherent inequality, in
our opinion, shows again the lack of structure.
Upon closer observation, we see that the vast majority of cases, the scales tilted to the
first option (not looking at the third), a new member, ie, adapt sooner or later already
configured reality of the group, without even trying to challenge the existing framework.
This is mainly due to the uncertainty that is not only with regard to whether it has the
capacity to do so and whether he has understood the frame itself; if understood correctly,
that is, what goes to confront.
This inequality is the structural weakness of the new members to change the existing
framework. Weakness due to two main reasons: (a) the age difference of new and "old",
along with everything else it involves, and (b) the relevance of the political context of
each collectivity. First, it is known that the "space" draws new members almost
exclusively from an early age, mainly students and youths. So, for a kid, the difference
in age, experience and theoretical background between him and the older members is very
noticeable - first and foremost by him. Still, the new member, most often, unfortunately,
will not find in front of a framework of coherent political positions, shaped by a broader
set of people exceeding the narrow limits of collegiality; on the contrary, will face with
a set of ideas and practices that constitute as mentioned above, the reality of a group of
twenty people.[5]The relevance of the object, then, which potentially could challenge,
aponoimatodotei the contest itself.
To make it more clear, the relevance that is lack of clearly formulated policy positions
and the (political) irresponsibility that thrives on small unknown collectives, in the
absence of broader political entity with name recognition. As a result of relativity, any
criticism encounters an almost ceremonial function[6]of the group which, in most cases,
results can not resolve political differences. In the absence of coherent political
positions, statutes, etc., any criticism made solely on the "regular" of a collectivity
rather than matching this regular with its positions. Also, if the urgency of this or that
action is judged each time only by the perception or the appetite of people who make up a
collectivity and is not determined by the same social necessity or the importance of a
broader decision to act on a national level, dispute will take place with personal
criticism in terms of collegiality rather than political consistency conditions and social
responsibility.
What, then support it is that the outside pressure (within an organization) is not
"subordinate" a collectivity, but instead to help clarify the political context to
distance the ambiguities and to politicize disputes and internal of conflicts. On the
other hand, the yperaftonomisi converts it into a company, which solves its differences
with the sole criterion of consistency and qualitative correlation between the respective
political aspirations and the performance of its members. Under the existing framework, if
a collectivity manages to realize its political desires, no matter what the political
situation requires, wrong. The commitment that begins and ends in the resultant of desires
and aspirations of its members.
Summarizing
For example, five collectives, which sometimes are kinematic processes and collaborate in
a context meager political responsibility towards each other (apart from solidarity and
mutually support) are essentially five different groups with common -very genika-
ideological background[7], flying and line up each time five different realities. This is,
as we mentioned in the beginning, because during their formation, there was no binding, no
substantial (political) communication and no collective control of a senior political body
(Organization Federation), so the reality visa not ' filtered "collectively and not
directly challenged by some force other than the collective itself. The company thus grows
inside its very own world, prey to the natural and social inequalities inherent in
relations between people of different age, class, experiences, experience, talents, etc.,
and left to struggle alone with her personal demons. Without the assistance of a political
entity, individual collectivity sees itself not as a part of an organization that builds
social revolution but as a separate body which cooperates with the other voluntarist not
necessarily.
As part of an organization are forced to work in order to work the whole body in an
interdependent and, as a separate body, as long as you want to collaborate with others in
a given time, in a context and in conditions that nobody knows how to define . The
autonomous organization / collective / company is the king of the microcosm. Has the area,
the roof, the army, the council and the periphery of sympathizers filled every so blocks
and events. All these kings together make up the Greek antiauthoritarian space; a
populated world with strong standard intercom, built on a strange principle: that
aformalismos and internal conflicts, he implies, is the basis of existence, a means of
internal cohesion and harmony. In short, aformalismos dominates as a necessary evil to
avoid stormy conflicts within the anarchist milieu in return, that is, to maintain a
friendship and an intercom, based on ideological proximity between collectives living
together, prefixing an a-temporal, ideological abuse solvency at the expense of social and
political responsibility of their time.
The reality of individual collegiate overview of the things that sometimes is only the
vision of a single person, the relevance of the political framework and the yperaftonomisi
of receiving, through aformalismo, totalitarian elements, alienation and heteronomy . On
the other hand, the organization into a wider anarchist political organization creates the
necessary collective control mechanisms, based on principles and positions that have
collectively decided and publicly by all collectives that constitute the; disarming, so
building the arbitrariness and abuse and consolidating its real autonomy of each body
part. By adopting a few words the policy framework of a "social anarchism that seeks
freedom through structures and mutual responsibilities (...)."[8]
As, therefore, the aformalismos continues to perform the role of methadone, both the Greek
anarchist movement will seem a sickly body, consciously strives to preserve its
dependencies. And because the story when it appears, the hitherto practice, transferred
more verbally than read from the current generation, the anti-organizational obsession
threatens to end anarchism in Greece word "politically and socially harmless - a simple
caprice that would offend fun, the petty bourgeoisie of all time.
At a time when the anarchist movement, as the most organic piece of tilting mechanism of
the existing, paying the price for his stance, the structure does not simply appear as an
option but a necessity to remain a word anarchism politically and socially dangerous.
Notes:
[1]Notice of 1985, signed by seven anarchist collectives in Athens
[2]Karytsas C., Michael Bakunin: the world and his work, ed. Radically, p. 173.
[3]M. Bookchin, introductory essay , Anarchist collectives, Dolgoff S., International
library, 1982, p. 39.
[4]"the totality of the available or potentially available resources associated with its
participation in a network of more or less institutionalized, sustainable dating and
relationships mutually validated "(trans. ours), Bourdieu P. (1980), «Le capital social.
Notes provisoires», Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales, n ° 31, January, pp. 2-3.
[5]"Idea means to you put the truth under control[...]no use talking about ideas, when
there is no assumption of a higher authority that can regulate a series of rules, which
may rely on discussion[...]where there are no rules, where can our partner to
bring[...]where there is no assumption of certain final intellectual positions, which to a
dispute can be reduced. " Gasset y Ortega, The revolt of the masses, Dodona, 2006, p. 103.
[6]In ways, namely, action and operation of the team consistently adopts and is not
willing to change. If the descriptive phrases, they would be "so we know", "so we operate
here," "it catches" and so on.
[7]The anarchist sign between two collectives not necessarily mean that the two parties
share the view of the world and its history; the same, respectively, applies to a lesser
extent, in other words assessment of the social situation and the perception of political
requirements of the time. Consequently, under a -katachristika- common ideological
umbrella, fit potentially, many considerations and estimates, as many as the individual
collectives.
[8]Bookchin M., Social Anarchism or Lifestyle, isnafia, 2005, pp. 78-79.
* First published in the second issue of the theoretical journal Social Anarchism issued
by the libertarian publications Koursal. https://koursal.wordpress.com/ We learned from
Provo to http://provo.gr
Link Related: https://koursal.wordpress.com
http://www.anarkismo.net/article/30066
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