Anarchic update news all over the world 2 - 03 - 2017

Today's Topics:

   
1.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL #269 - 1987: The French
      libertarian movement and the Spanish revolution (fr, it, pt)
      [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
2.  US, black rose fed: INTERVIEW: ANTIFA MEANS NO FREE SPEECH
      FOR FASCISM (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
3.  Melbourne, Australia: Anarchists and homeless people protest
      outside the home of Lord Mayor Robert Doyle (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
4.  Ireland, derry anarchists: French Antifascist activists to
      speak on Police Brutality & Welcoming Refugees in Paris
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
5.  Greece, "Black & Red" (APO) - INSTANT LICENCES IN D.
      Koufodinas AND K. GOURNA (gr) [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
6.  colectivo libertario evora: (SOLIDARITY) INDONESIAN
      ANARCHISTS LAUNCH CAMPAIGN AGAINST PHILIPPINE 
      PRESIDENT RODRIGO
      DUTERTE (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1




When on July 19, 1936, the working masses of Spain, organized mainly within the CNT-FAI, 
responded to the military uprising, the French libertarians let their enthusiasm explode. 
Divided until then, the French anarchist movement, whose main organizations are the Union 
Anarchiste (AU), the CGT-SR (revolutionary syndicalist) and the French anarchist 
Federation (FAF), unites. Acts of active solidarity follow one another, volunteers cross 
the border fighting the Franco offensive. ---- Following the crushing of the uprising 
(coup) in much of Spain, Le Combat Unionist, the organ of the CGT-SR, the 
anarcho-syndicalist branch of the French libertarian movement was the headline in one: "In 
front of the Spanish Revolution: fascists down the legs! " In parallel, the confederal 
office (CO) of the CGT-SR sent the following statement: " At the CNT, the FAI, the 
workers: the BC CGT-SR is proud that these are the workers CNT-FAI which were the decisive 
factors in the fight against the fascist scourge. He is convinced that in this event the 
CNT will seize the economic and social management of the country and establish libertarian 
communism. "

A REASON TO EXIST

The enthusiasm of the French libertarians in front of the Spanish events and its 
revolutionary achievements is explained by the historical luck it represents for them.

The CGT-SR, like the AU and the FAF, have difficulty making their voices heard in France. 
The weight of the PCF and the SFIO is such in the workers' movement that the libertarians 
and their ideals are unknown. There was little proof of the impotence of French 
libertarians in the face of events. During the May-June 1936 strikes, the appeals of those 
who denounced the Matignon agreements and called on the working class to continue the 
factory occupations and to put the economic machine under the control of the workers, Had 
received little response to the CPF's directives. The latter, through its leader Maurice 
Thorez, had convinced the workers that it was necessary to know "to end a strike". And 
everyone had gone home.

The historian Jean-Pierre Roux summed up this historic opportunity that represents the 
Spanish revolution: "Beyond the Pyrenees, for the first time, the anarcho-syndicalist 
ideas are experimenting widely. It is therefore a question of not leaving this historic 
opportunity to demonstrate, in the face of communism deviated by Bolshevism, the relevance 
and value of an individual and communal ideal. " Given the policy of non-intervention Blum 
and stop arms shipments to republican Spain, from 8 August 1936 the French libertarian 
know they will have to rely on them. The Blum government is accused of "wearing a stab in 
the back of the Spanish revolution." That's no problem, "the word remains the proletariat 
itself,"  they conclude.

SUBSCRIPTIONS AND CAUSERIES

At the call of the CNT-FAI, the French libertarian organizations unite in order to face 
together the enormous work of solidarity. In August 1936, the Anarcho-Syndicalist 
Committee for the Defense of the Spanish Proletariat (CASDLPE) was born. Taking a clean 
sweep of its divisions, the time is unity: the Spanish stake is of size. Indeed, for 
Pierre Besnard, leader of the CGT-SR, a libertarian victory in Spain, could have 
considerable consequences at the international level. In a Europe plagued by the growing 
appetites of authoritarian states, and especially Hitler's Germany, the situation would 
change radically if a revolutionary wind were to blow from beyond the Pyrenees.

The CASDLPE publishes an appeal where it invites the companions of province to set up 
similar committees in order to coordinate the solidarity effort around Paris. Soon, it 
will be more than twenty-five local committees and refueling centers that will cover the 
territory. In November 1936 the CASDLPE was even extended to Belgium.

A weekly newspaper Information, Spain antifascist, was created to deal with the 
misinformation of the leftist newspaper L'Humanité and Le Populaire, such as newspapers 
controlled by Havas ' the orders of fascist powers " according The CASDLPE. Moreover, for 
the sake of information, the CASDLPE broadcasts films provided by the CNT-FAI propaganda 
services, exhibitions are organized ("Antifascist Spain"), posters (" Spain antifascist! 
") Are published, published brochures.

In the specific context of solidarity, CASDLPE organizes various subscriptions and 
collections of money to libertarian members but also to colleagues at work. The CGT-SR, 
which is a member of the AIT, and Pierre Besnard manages the secretariat, is no exception. 
A subscription is set up within the Anarcho-Syndicalist International. Collections of 
another type are also organized. They are intended for the families of militants and 
libertarian militants who have volunteered to fight in Spain. In this case, the money 
collected goes firstly to the volunteer, via parcels, and on the other to his family 
(because often the family wage depends on the husband).

Apart from collecting and subscribing, an enormous effort of propaganda is carried out 
through the holding of dozens of meetings (which are called at the time of the "talks"). 
The success of these meetings is real. In Paris, the meetings of the CASDLPE alternate and 
succeed each other in the halls of the Mutualité and Wagram. On August 26, 1936, more than 
5,000 people attended and thus vibrated to the exploits of the "glorious CNT-FAI".

"ARMS FOR SPAIN!" "

Despite the enthusiasm for the meetings, and despite the success of the subscriptions, the 
main problem that still exists is the lack of weapons. This observation is constantly 
relayed in the libertarian press. And indeed, if the Communist and Socialist columns on 
the fronts benefit from an armament which, if not modern, is relatively abundant, it is 
not the same for those of the CNT-FAI. Against this background, the CGT-SR multiplies the 
calls to "arm the revolution".

More than the Blum government's non-intervention policy, the arms embargo is a problem. 
Indeed, how to pass weapons in Spain? The borders are well guarded by the police, and if 
it tolerates to a certain extent the passage of men, women and clothes towards Spain, it 
nevertheless exercises a strict control of the transit of " Weapons. Dine, activist of the 
CGT-SR in Toulon is thus stopped at the Franco-Spanish border in possession "of a number 
of automatic, exactly eleven". Accused of " trafficking in arms", during his trial, the 
investigating judge asking him to explain his gesture, he replied with humor: "Bring these 
weapons in the same way that flowers are brought to the woman Of a friend to please him. " 
This argument is not enough to convince the judges. He is sentenced to four months in prison.

The libertarians, in spite of the difficulties, set up networks in order to transport 
weapons on the Spanish territory. Nicolas Faucier, an activist of the Union of Anarchists, 
testifies, referring to the strategic role of the city of Perpignan: "Several trucks of 4 
to 5 tons circulated every week between Paris and Barcelona, transporting food, clothing 
and medicines, all camouflaging And ammunition increasingly effective and increasingly 
important. "

Trafficking in weapons, however, is largely insufficient to cover the enormous needs of 
anti-fascist struggle. The CGT-SR adopted at its Sixth Congress a motion asking the Blum 
government to lift the embargo on arms, the borders remain closed at the passage of arms. 
Soon the very passage of men and women will be scrupulously regulated.

VOLUNTEERS AND LIAISON COMMITTEES

The closure of borders does not dissuade, nevertheless, all the impulses of solidarity 
that are born in Europe and in France. This is how several hundred French libertarians 
find themselves on Spanish soil. Among them, the most numerous are the Spanish and Italian 
exiles who had fled since the 1920s the dictatorships of Primo de Rivera and Mussolini.

Volunteers leave most of the time in groups. In order to avoid any attempt to infiltrate 
or corrode the militias on the front, effective control is assumed by the CAS. Anyone 
wishing to go to Spain, fight in the columns of the CNT-FAI, must first be listed by the 
French support committees. These committees issue, and are the only ones authorized to do 
so, a certificate attesting to the candidate's militant activity. This filtering is made 
necessary by the events. The CNT-FAI fears the "informers" and recommends the greatest 
vigilance to the CAS.

With letters of recommendation from the CAS, the volunteers go to the border towns where 
the passages are made: Bourg-Madame and Cerbere. On the other side of the border, they are 
welcomed at the headquarters of the CNT-FAI. There, they are accommodated in one of the 
hotels requisitioned by the Spanish AS, which provides them with a pass that bears the 
stamp of the CNT-FAI. The next step will be Pedralbes barracks where they will be seasoned 
with the use of weapons.

On the front, if militant libertarians from France join the Iron column or that of Ortiz, 
most are assigned to the Column Durruti on the front of Aragon. This is the case of Sail 
Mohamed. Born in Kabylie, he is a mechanic by profession and active on the "indigenous" 
commission of the CGT-SR. Arrived in September 1936 in Spain, he was appointed commander 
of the French section (the centurie Sébastien Faure) of the international group of the 
Column Durruti.

While some of the volunteers on Spanish soil joined the front, most of them were 
nonetheless assigned to non-military tasks, in particular effective solidarity work from 
two centers: Barcelona and Puigcerdá, headquarters of the liaison committees French. Their 
goal: to welcome volunteers and refugees fleeing the advance of the armies of Franco, to 
act as intermediary between the CNT-FAI and the French libertarian organizations, to 
disseminate information in the direction of France.

The Barcelona Liaison Committee is located at the regional headquarters of the CNT-FAI and 
was created in July 1936 under the auspices of the regional committee of the CNT-FAI. This 
committee brings together activists from the CGT-SR but also from the AU and the FAF. The 
permanent delegates of the CGT-SR reside with the CNT-FAI at the seat of this committee. 
Among them, we find the anarcho-syndicalist Aristide Lapeyre. Its function is to manage 
the propaganda office of the CNT-FAI in the direction of France and French-speaking 
militiamen. He intervenes regularly on the radio of the CNT-FAI to raise the morale of the 
French volunteers. Finally, he sends weekly news of the different fronts to the drafting 
of the Combat syndicaliste, reproduced under the heading "Information of Spain".

FRENCH LIBERTIES RIP

The liaison committee of Barcelona, like that of Puigcerdá, existed until May 1937. At 
that time, internal dissensions, in particular between the CGT-SR and the CNT-FAI, ended 
in their dissolution. It is because the Spanish revolution can not be summed up for the 
French libertarians to show solidarity with the Spanish comrades. And if the social work 
of this revolution, like the idea of fighting fascism with arms in hand, enthuses 
militants of the CGT-SR, the AU and the FAF, it is not As well as the political positions 
taken by the management of the CNT-FAI.

Indeed, the governmental participation of the CNT-FAI in the Governments of the 
Generalitat of Catalonia and Madrid, in October and November 1936, is appreciated 
differently. For the Spanish libertarians, it is punctual to join the Popular Front 
antifascist the time to beat the armies of Franco. For the CGT-SR and the FAF, the 
alliance of the revolutionary forces (CNT-FAI, POUM) and the defenders of the republican 
order (communist, moderate, socialist, Catalan) is a fundamental error. As an 
interclassist alliance, it puts the future of the social revolution at risk.

The dissolution of the anti-fascist militia committee and then of the various 
revolutionary institutions such as the events of May 37 only reinforced the gap between 
the CGT-SR / FAF axis and the CNT-FAI leadership. A gap that will have serious 
consequences within the French liberation movement, the AU (with the exception of 
Sébastien Faure), on the contrary, adopting an acritical position vis-a-vis the 
renouncements and betrayals of this same direction of the CNT-FAI[1].

Jérémie Berthuin (AL Gard)

[1]See "1936-1939: French anarchists facing the errors of the Spanish Revolution", in AL 
No. 156 of November 2006.

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?1987-Le-mouvement-libertaire

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Message: 2



The role of protest and attempts to shit down the talks far-right wing figures such as 
Milo Yiannopoulos  has been a recent subject controversy. But what are the actual goals of 
anti-fascists, anarchists and others on the left who advocate giving "no platform"? The 
following is a transcribed interview with Mark Bray of Black Rose on the Feb. 10, 2017 
broadcast of WNYC's On the Media. ---- Brooke Gladstone (WNYC): Those who subscribe to 
liberal values are supposed to "defend to the death the right, not only of their friends, 
but of their foes to speak their minds." But anti-fascist protesters, or as they're more 
commonly known, Antifa, follow a different path. Mark Bray is a visiting historian at 
Dartmouth College and the author of Translating Anarchy: The Anarchism of Occupy Wall 
Street. Mark, welcome to the show.

Mark: Thanks for having me.

Brooke: Tell me about the origins of anti-fascism - when it first began, I assume back in 
the 20s?

Mark: Sure, well, anti-fascism is as old as... fascism. And, so, certainly in the 1920s 
and 1930s, as fascist regimes in Italy and Germany started to gain political prominence, a 
number of left political groupings-socialists, anarchists, communists-started to organize 
primarily self-defense units, initially, because part of the Nazi and the Italian fascist 
modus operandi was to organize paramilitary units that would terrorize their left 
opponents. So, the different communist parties and socialist parties would organize their 
own anti-fascist militias-one of which was called Anti-Fascist Action, the first group to 
use the name that's now become common for anti-fascist organizations around the world, and 
the derivation of the shortened term, Antifa. Moving into the 1930s, the Spanish Civil War 
and the struggle against Franco spread anti-fascist organizing around the world. Then, in 
the 1980s and 1990s, you have a re-birth of anti-fascist organizing, especially starting 
in Britain and Germany, as neo-Nazis started to target migrants and other marginalized 
communities. What we see today is the spread of that to the United States and beyond.

Brooke: One of the most frequently cited actions in Antifa history is what's referred to 
as the Battle of Cable Street, right? Talk about that, because it begins to set the stage 
for what we're seeing now.

Mark: It certainly does. In 1936, the leader of the British Union of Fascists, Mosley, 
organizes a march of a couple thousand fascists through the East End of London which is a 
predominately Jewish neighborhood. In response to that, a whole group of leftists and 
Jewish residents of the area and other ethnic minorities organized a militant 
demonstration against this fascist march.

Brooke: How many?

Mark: Between 15 and 20 thousand people. This was a massive response. The police did what 
they could to defend the fascists from the anti-fascist demonstrators but ultimately were 
overpowered. The fascists had to cancel the march and essentially back down. So, this 
Battle of Cable Street is an emblematic example of anti-fascist politics put into 
practice, in terms of preventing fascists from marching through a Jewish area.

Brooke: But not just that, right? Antifa is fundamentally against the right of fascists to 
speak and be heard.

Mark: That's entirely correct. So, in your open you mentioned the popular slogan that 
liberals have adopted from Voltaire that, "I may disagree with what you have to say but I 
will defend to the death your right to say it." Anti-fascists fundamentally disagree with 
that premise. They argue that, given the horrors of Auschwitz and Treblinka, the 
destruction that Nazis have caused, that fascists, white supremacists shouldn't be granted 
the right to express their ideas in public, in part because, they argue, had that been 
done earlier in the 1920s, the 1930s, we might have been able to bypass what ended up 
happening.

Brooke: I get that as a tactic, but I'm still not sure how the philosophy of anti-fascism 
squares with the liberal values of free speech and open dialogue, and I guess it doesn't.

Mark: To some extent, it doesn't. The question is: if we want to prevent something along 
the lines of what happened in the 1930s and 40s from happening again, how do we do it? And 
the liberal prescription for doing it is, essentially, free and open debate and dialogue, 
and if Nazis do something illegal then hopefully the police will stop them. Antifascists 
recognize that in the 1930s, 1940s, the police supported fascism. The fascists didn't 
actually stage a revolution to come to power; they worked within the political system. And 
all the reasonable dialogue and debate that one could muster did not do the job. The 
argument is that, if we want such a horrific crime to not reoccur, it needs to be nipped 
in the bud, through a variety of tactics, but one of which is through violently disrupting 
Klan rallies, neo-Nazi speeches, and so forth. The other thing to remember is that 
anti-fascists identify as communists, as anarchists, as socialists, and want to organize 
for a revolutionary rupture with the prevailing political system, and that this is in-line 
with that. That's also another reason why the two philosophies don't quite jibe.

Brooke: So, the liberal idea that in a marketplace of ideas the good ideas will rise to 
the top and the bad will drop out the bottom-they don't buy that. You don't buy that either?

Mark: Well, unfortunately, terrible ideas have risen to the top throughout history. The 
liberal ideal is that the government is a referee in a game that all parties are invited 
to play. But, in actual fact, whenever left groups have become threatening, you get Red 
Scares, you get repression, you get COINTELPRO in the 1960s and 70s. And so, anti-fascists 
are arguing that we want a political content to how we look at speech and society which is 
drastically different from a liberal take, and that this entails shutting down the extreme 
manifestations of fascism and neo-Nazism. We need to recognize that this is not simply a 
question of whether a fascist government will come to power or not. (I'm skeptical that 
such an explicitly fascist government would come to be.) But that those who carry out hate 
crimes, they feel emboldened when their ideas become mainstream. So, the idea with 
anti-fascist politics is to prevent those ideas from having that opportunity.

Brooke: But where does it stop? How are we different from our fascist opponents if we both 
subscribe to the idea that speech should be repressed when we regard the message to be 
dangerous?

Mark: Germany has a prohibition against advocating for Nazis publicly. That doesn't mean 
that Germany is a closed society where people can't say whatever they want to say. You can 
have some prohibitions against speech without going all the way. In the context of an 
increasing number of hate crimes - the Southern Poverty Law Center cited over 800 such 
crimes immediately following the election of President Trump - the idea is that the people 
who carry out these crimes are listening to Richard Spencer speeches, going on Stormfront 
websites, imbibing this hateful doctrine, and that, to the degree that we can shut it 
down, we will have fewer people copy-catting them into attacking vulnerable populations. 
Most people would agree that it was acceptable in the 1930s and 1940s to organize armed 
resistance to the Nazi regime. The question is: how terrible does it have to be before 
that becomes legitimate? And the anti-fascist answer is: you need to nip it in the bud 
from the beginning.

Brooke: You wrote that "liberals tend to examine issues of sexism or racism in terms of 
the question of belief, or what is in one's heart. What is often overlooked in such 
conversations is that what one truly believes is sometimes much less important than what 
social constraints allow that person to articulate or act upon."

Mark: Right. So, the message that I'm trying to get across with that is that we have a 
certain set of societal taboos around what one can say and can't say, and those have 
shifted over time. The words that are acceptable to use about different ethnic minorities, 
about women, about all sorts of groups, have shifted over time. The way that I think that 
we maintain a firm barrier against the ‘Alt-Right' making racism okay again, making sexism 
okay again, is to really increase the social cost of presenting oppressive views out in 
public. So that when someone like Donald Trump says something sexist, we raise a ruckus, 
we disrupt business as usual, to make it so that it's not acceptable to raise these views 
in public. Increase the social cost of that being able to be a public discourse, and push 
back through politics.

Brooke: So, what does the American Antifa movement look like? What are its tactics?

Mark: Under that specific banner, it is still relatively new and it's finding its way. But 
a lot of anti-fascist or Antifa groups have formed in different cities around the United 
States. A lot of what they do is researching information on local white supremacists, who 
they are, where they live, where they work-sometimes pressuring their employers to get 
them fired, sometimes making sure that if they organize private events at local venues for 
white supremacists, they try to pressure the venue owner to try to cancel the event. So, 
that research and coalition-building with groups that are affected by various forms of 
fascist or white supremacist violence is a lot of what's done. What gets more of the 
headlines is when the demonstrations come out onto the street. And so, as I'm sure you and 
a number of listeners are well aware, there have been high-profile incidences recently, 
such as in Berkeley, of trying to physically shut down events, that has raised the profile 
of antifascism.

Brooke: Physically confronting people, that's part of the strategy, right?

Mark: Yes, it is. It's an illiberal politics of social revolutionism applied to fighting 
the far right.

Brooke: In a recent article, you advocated for "everyday anti-fascism," that is, 
"anti-fascism that goes beyond punching Nazis."

Mark: Right. So, there are these glamorous topics-the video of Richard Spencer getting 
punched got millions and millions of shares. But if we want to think about how to create 
an anti-racist and anti-sexist society, we need to think about the everyday interactions 
that we have with each other at our workplaces, in our families, among our friends, and 
say: if someone is articulating a homophobic perspective, or prejudicial against 
immigrants, am I doing what I can to try to change their mind? Am I raising some sort of 
opposition or am I tacitly going along with it because I'm just letting it slide? So, 
everyday anti-fascism is not having any tolerance for intolerance. It's not agreeing to 
disagree about hateful behavior. It's saying, ‘look, if you're going to be a part of my 
life, you need to shape up. You can't treat people like this; you can't say things like 
this.' And it's holding people accountable. And sometimes that means you need to end some 
friendships. Or it means maybe you should boycott the business down the street that's been 
rude to Latino immigrants.

Brooke: You say that our goal should be that, in twenty years, those who voted for Trump 
are too uncomfortable to share that in public.

Mark: Raise the social cost of being a bigot. And sometimes that's enough to make it so 
that someone doesn't feel empowered enough to act on it in a way that puts people in 
jeopardy. But, there is a growing radical sector of the left that is simply not going to 
take any chances of the possibility of ‘Alt-Right' politics becoming the mainstream. We 
have a Breitbart editor and white supremacist in the White House. We're not that many 
steps away from a situation where a crisis unfolds, the Trump administration uses some 
sort of emergency authorization to centralize power. And so, if we want to make it so that 
‘Alt-Right' ideas are not taken seriously, the anti-fascist argument is that you don't 
even let them start to have that platform in society. This is the norm of antifascist 
politics in Europe, where many people remember the legacies of living under the Franco 
regime, for example, in Spain, and see how it has affected them in their everyday life. 
It's not something that classical liberal sympathizers will feel comfortable with...

Brooke: Or as Jack Shafer refers to me: ‘public radio talk-show hosts.'

Mark: Maybe, maybe. But that[anti-fascism]is a growing response to the white supremacist 
presence that has grown in alarming ways in our country.

http://www.blackrosefed.org/interview-antifa-means-no-free-speech-fascism/

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Message: 3




Around 11PM on the night of Saturday the 25th of February, 2017 a small group of 
anarchists and homeless people gathered outside the South Melbourne residence of Robert 
Doyle, the Lord Mayor of Melbourne, to let him know how they felt about the Melbourne City 
Council's proposed new laws that aim to criminalise homelessness in the CBD. ---- A noisy 
demonstration soon ensued involving the playing of real and improvised musical 
instruments, loud singing and raucous chanting. Banners and placards were raised reading 
‘THE EVICTED HOMELESS AT YOUR DOOR, GET USED TO IT', ‘WAIT TILL WE FIND YOUR EMPTY SUMMER 
HOUSE','NO MORE GOOD NIGHTS SLEEP FOR THE IDLE RICH' and SLEEPING ROUGH IS NOT A CRIME'. 
---- For once Robert Doyle had nothing to say for himself, most likely because he wasn't 
insulated from those he sneeringly dismisses as ‘rabble' by an army of police and security 
guards. He spent the entire duration of the protest hiding inside his house with the 
lights switched off. Some of his well-to-do neighbours did however confront the 
protesters, apparently half an hour of rowdy party noise before midnight on a Saturday 
night was just too much to handle for the well-heeled parasites who inhabit this elite 
neighbourhood.

After about half an hour the local police finally arrived at the scene so the protesters 
decided to leave, having made their point loud and clear. They wandered off into the night 
at a leisurely place chanting ‘WE'LL BE BACK!'

After taking 24 hours to recover from the ‘trauma' of enduring a noisy but completely 
peaceful protest outside his home, Robert Doyle colluded with his favorite right-wing 
media outlets the Herald Sun newspaper and radio 3AW to present a highly exagerrated 
account of the protest that centered himself and his family as innocent victims under 
siege from ‘well organized protesters' and ‘thugs'. According to Robert Doyle's logic it 
is completely acceptable to send in heavily armed police to violently evict homeless 
people sleeping in public space but peacefully protesting outside his home is ‘beyond the 
pale' (whatever that means).

The protesters have vowed to continue their protests outside Robert Doyle's home at a 
future date and time of their choosing.

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Message: 4



Refugee and Antifascist activists from France will speak in Derry on Saturday March 4th to 
give a direct account of current events happening in Paris.  A spokesperson said "Over the 
past number of weeks French police have arrested dozens of young people after regular 
nightly clashes with youths on housing estates across in Paris. This latest wave of 
violence comes following a recent violent arrest in which a police officer was charged 
with raping a young man with a baton. ---- "The case of this brutial police assualt of a 
22-year-old, known only by his first name, Théo, has put a fresh spotlight on police 
brutality in France, where cops are regularly accused of using excessive force in working 
class neighbourhoods, particularly against black and minority ethnic young people. To date 
three other officers were charged with assault. The four officers, who deny the charges, 
have been suspended.

"Amidst this tension and the growth of the Far-right across France, in the wake of an 
ongoing humanitarian crisis facing refugees there, activists from Action Antifasciste and 
Quartier Libre (an organisation which works directly in support of Refugees) will bring a 
first hand account of these developments to Derry."

The event is free admission.

Takes place on Saturday 4th March, Sandino's Bar, Water Street, Derry

https://www.facebook.com/events/218294535303049/

http://derryanarchists.blogspot.co.il/2017/02/french-antifascists-activists-to-speak.html

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Message: 5



O Dimitris Koufodinas member E.O.17N, who has been held since the summer of 2002 in Greek 
prisons entitled licensing here and seven years. For the umpteenth time we requested the 
right to received negative response from the competent council, because policies 
placements online. ---- This movement only as fronimatiki prosecution may be seen as in 
this case there is no legal reason anyone. The Koufodinas not have any disciplinary action 
as a prisoner, having completed eight years and sentence is pending against any criminal 
proceedings felony. ---- We are under no illusion concerning civil justice and "rights" 
of. The state comes to prove that justice is like snakes, stings them barefoot. The 
criminal law is a regimented structure manner targets those who dispute the sovereignty of 
the state, while its institutions cut and sew case laws to broaden its authority in society.

Through this case the state is presented as heir and successor after the Civil War as a 
reality and shows the real face. As much rhetoric and throwing several parrots of, as much 
spekoula and make deputies to journalists service, negative decisions are vengeful 
character towards the fighter ethos, against those who do not repent, not demobilized, do 
not make repentance statements and does not renounce the beliefs.

The fovikotita which treated the Koufodinas stems from the hatred that the state feels for 
those who question the framework of power. The state knows that in the minds of Greek 
reality the figure of the thief, the rebel, the enemy of power exercised and fascinated. 
It was and will be connected to the consciousness of this figure with the character of 
social agonist. The fovikotita regime stems from the legacy of its historical existence, 
which is intertwined with the tanks of the '44 Scobie and napalm the Americans in '49.
Modern totalitarianism of the Greek state is put into a special exemption regime agonist 
D. Koufodinas as it removes the right licensing as a prisoner and this is because the 
consciousness of the state of political prisoners, the unrepentant is in active 
delinquents, is the enemy. An enemy that does not even have heard right. Thus esmos 
academic "father" of the law winks at anthropofylakes Korydallos and the state sends dogs 
to surround buildings, exclude halls and cancel events.

The same exemption regime has imposed on K. Gourna member of EA, who lacks the right 
adeiotisis of vengeance. Vindictively he chose not to regret and denounce. But he did not 
choose and so many others to become useful to the system either through cooperation or 
through the decline of belief and for future exemplifications. So that define who gets the 
permits and define the criteria of application of the law by the state itself. And this 
simply because power is not accountable, has the knife but has the karpouzi.Logodotei only 
shortly before the overthrow.
As the state and the leftist government manifest themselves as heirs of "national 
baptistery" and repentance statements as revealed that modern western costumes prosecutors 
and the uniforms of policemen and the military judge from the same tailor, so we have for 
placing the our own heritage. The legacy of our songs of struggle and weight to look at 
them in the eyes.

STATE AND dog NOT OUR scares.

DIRECT licensing of political prisoners D. Koufodinas AND K. GOURNA.

Microphone Tuesday 28/2 at 17.00, with Tsimiski Aristotle.

Collegiality for social anarchism "Black and Red", a member of the Anarchist Political 
Organisation APO

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Message: 6



Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte, who likes to compare Hitler, recently announced that 
he would exterminate drug addicts and drug users from the streets of Jakarta and other 
cities in the Philippines. There are already many dead and disappeared at the hands of 
death squads. Indonesian anarchists have just launched a campaign in the streets of 
Jakarta and internationally to denounce the criminal activity of the Philippine 
authorities. ---- "We are people who have directly experienced state violence against drug 
users. ---- We have scars on our bodies, minds and hearts caused by the violence of the 
police and prison guards. ---- We can not be silent when we receive the information that 
Rodrigo Duterte, the president of the Philippines, is causing the genocide of people like 
us. ---- Our hearts are full of sadness and anger, and so we made a commitment for the 
next 7 days to take to the streets of Jakarta to appeal publicly to "Death to Duterte".

On our first day, we left messages on the streets with the phrase "Duterte kills - kill 
Duterte (A) FTP" and the slogan used by other anarchists from Shoot Duterte not drug users 
(A) FTP in southern Jakarta and, Maximum visibility, along some busy roads and a train 
station.

We know we made some tactical mistakes this time, because it's the first time we're 
working together this way, but we also learn a lot from each other.

We will continue the campaign for 7 days and we have many creative ideas to increase 
enthusiasm.

With love and solidarity from Jakarta for our brothers and sisters in the Philippines and 
for all the anarchists / prisoners of the war on drugs around the world we must take in 
hand forms of direct action against the fascist assassin Duterte! "

https://colectivolibertarioevora.wordpress.com/

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