Today's Topics:
1. Witnesses to the Revolution in Rojava (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. Greece, antisocial practices and violence against the
principles of the movement. social self-organization and class
solidarity (ca, gr, pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. Germany, fda-ifa: Freitag, 11. November - 20 Uhr - CAVE -
Youth event of the district youth organization of the AWO
Karlsruhe - Kronenstrasse 15 (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. Indonesia, anarkis.org - Anarcho-Feminism: Anarchist Being
Is Not Enough by AFRA SAINTS [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. Czech, afed.cz: Localisation - The introductory text to the
main topic Existence no. 1/2013. [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. awsm.nz: Rebels Without a Source (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
7. France, Alternative Libertaire AL Novembre - report, Two
controversies Forum for political antiracism (fr, it, pt)
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
Revolution in Rojava is the first book-length account of the unique and extraordinary
political situation in Rojava, Syria. In this article, Janet Biehl talks to the authors
and discusses how and why the new society in Rojava so inspired them. ---- For decades,
three million Syrian Kurds have lived under brutal repression by the Assad regime, their
identity denied, access to education and jobs refused, imprisonment and torture a way of
life for those who dared object. Yet resistance has grown. By developing organisations,
after the Arab Spring arrived in Syria in March 2011, the Kurds seized the moment to
create a pioneering, democratic revolution. The liberation of northern Syria-Rojava-began
at Kobanî on July 19th 2012, and the global history of social and political revolution
would never be the same again.
In May 2014, three Kurdish solidarity activists from Germany and Turkey decided to visit
Rojava. ‘I wanted to see it, to learn from its practice', says Michael Knapp, ‘to
understand the contradictions and research the system's difficulties. Because we can learn
a lot from it for revolutionary projects in Western countries.' With their combined
language skills, contacts, and extensive knowledge of the movement, they were able to do
close fieldwork and interview many people.
Upon their return, they compiled their observations into a book, Revolution in Rojava,
which has just been published in English.
One of the three authors, Anja Flach, was particularly interested in studying women's role
in the revolution. Twenty years earlier, Flach had spent several years the Qandil
Mountains of Northern Iraq, where she participated in the Kurdish women's guerrilla army,
the PAJK. There, she focused on political education and struggle. She observed, ‘it's part
of everyday life, in between military training, to do political analysis, to read and
discuss together'. Inspired, Flach came home and immediately began to write about her
experiences.
Only with the defense of Kobanî in late 2014, however, did the world finally became aware
of the existence of Kurdish women fighters and commanders, equipped only with light
weapons, yet successfully running IS out of the city at great risk.
But what were they actually fighting for? Little was known, says Flach, about the
wide-reaching system of gender-equality that they were defending. She discovered that the
implementation of these principles had been successful throughout the revolutionary
society. Across the stateless democratic self-administration and throughout political
organisations, leadership is dual (male-female) for every speaker position, and every
committee and meeting has a forty percent gender quota. Indeed, Flach recognised these
principles from her years in the Qandil Mountains. Polygamy and underage marriage have
been banned, and women's cooperatives are being constructed throughout Cizire canton, to
give women economic independence, usually for the first time in their lives.
Flach found that the women in Rojava are determined to remake gender relations throughout
northern Syria. She saw ‘a women's committee in every street, and in every neighborhood a
women's council, a women's academy, women's security forces, and armed units'. These
indefatigable activists go from house to house, informing the women at home that they have
access to women's institutions. ‘The women's movement would like to win over and organise
every woman,' Flach says, ‘regardless of whether she is a Kurd'. Syriac women too are
forming autonomous councils and military units.
For Flach, visiting Rojava was like a dream come true. ‘It was what we had been fighting
for all those years-a free society that administers itself.' Most astoundingly, ‘in
Rojava I came across many of my onetime fellow fighters again. As young women they had
left Rojava to join the PKK, and now they've returned to defend the revolution.'
Ercan Ayboga, a Kurd living in Diyarbakir, works with the Mesopotamian Ecology Movement in
North Kurdistan, Southeastern Turkey, and is a key organiser against the construction of a
dam at Hasankeyf, a site of major historical, ecological, and cultural importance that is
poised to be flooded by the dam's reservoir. In Rojava, with his ecologist's eye, he was
shocked by the lack of trees and biological diversity in agriculture, for example, the
crops in Cizire canton were a wheat monoculture. Trained as a hydraulic engineer, he was
appalled by the water crisis: ‘All the rivers were dry-even in May-or else very polluted.'
In Rojava, Ayboga studied the communes-and-councils structure, which was set in motion by
the revolution's chief organizations: the MGRK (People's Council of West Kurdistan), the
Democratic Society Movement (TEV-DEM), and the PYD (Democratic Union Party). Shortly
before the 2012 liberation, he says, they instituted a system of radical democracy that
combines council and grassroots democracy. ‘On the ground are the communes, which are
organised in the residential streets of cities and villages. Above them are the people's
councils in three other levels. The lower level is represented in the higher level through
its coordination. At each level are nine commissions that cover the whole life like
defense, women, civil society, diplomacy/politics, economy, education, and health. This
system has empowered hundreds of thousands of people in a very effective way; people have
started to govern themselves and to make decisions about their lives.'
As the Kurdish forces fighting IS liberate numerous villages, this system of democratic
self-administration is spreading farther into northern Syria. ‘TEV-DEM activists go the
villages and cities and describe themselves and what they've done in the past few years,'
says Ayboga. ‘They propose that the people organise themselves in communes. We have dozens
of new communes, very soon hundreds of them, with a mainly Arab population.' He was
greatly impressed by the will of the many political activists, including young people and
women, hoping that their struggle be successful, overcome all challenges, and build up a
new society.
The group's third member, Michael Knapp, is a veteran of the German left since the 1990s.
He describes himself not as a solidarity activist but as part of the movement for radical
democracy. He took great interest in Rojava's ‘social economy', based on the understanding
that a democratic polity requires for its existence democratic control over the economy.
In contrast to neoliberalism, and to state socialism where the state administers the
economy, Rojava's social economy administers production through the democratic
self-administration: the economic commissions are accountable to the communes and councils
at all levels.
The revolution demands that new enterprises should be organised as structured
cooperatives. ‘Cooperatives exist in all sectors of society, even the refining sector',
says Knapp. ‘Most of those the enterprises we visited were small, with some five to ten
persons producing textiles, agricultural products, and groceries. But some were bigger,
like a cooperative near Amude that guarantees subsistence for more than 2,000 households'.
Under the regime, Northern Syria was not industrialised, instead it is maintained as a
source of raw materials and foodstuffs. However, the social economy is planning future
alternative industrialisation built around ecological and communalist principles.
However, this process hasn't yet been possible because of the war. Moreover, Rojava is
under an economic embargo, imposed by hostile Turkey to the north, the Turkey-dependent
KRG to the east, and the murderous IS and other Salafi-jihadist groups to the south.
Yet Rojava survives, says Flach, partly because the people have no alternative but to
fight, and partly because of their organisations and their ideological background. Rojava
needs international support, especially from doctors, midwives and engineers willing to go
there. Financial support is also crucial, as is political support. But most importantly,
says Flach, is for sympathisers to learn from the Rojava model and organise in their own
countries. ‘War and industrialism, and the social and ecological disasters connected with
it, are destroying the foundations of life,' she says. ‘It is urgently necessary to
organise and to construct an alternative to the capitalist patriarchy. The survival of
humankind depends on it.'
https://plutopress.wordpress.com/2016/10/20/the-synthesis-of-revolution-in-rojava/
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Message: 2
The following text was distributed on October 15 in the Athenian district of Exarchia
streets, and was published in various web pages. ---- It is obvious that the attacks that
have social cannibalism character is not a phenomenon that occurs only in the Exarchia
neighborhood. These practices are an integral part of the social crisis, which is
increasingly seen intensified in recent years, as will rotting capitalism. The lack of
class solidarity structures and political organization of the oppressed in the
neighborhoods, and the inability to make a front of struggle that can inject a
revolutionary perspective in society, leading to exit the crisis, create social and
political void. And it is well known that in politics, as in nature, there is not empty.
The Exarchia area should be a model libertarian neighborhood and an example of social
self-organization and class to the other districts. Nevertheless, this neighborhood,
especially during the crisis, has become a neighborhood in which developed and generalized
antisocial and reactionary phenomena. The disinformation media did not fail to take
advantage of this fact, slandering the level of the neighborhood's struggle anarchist
movement. Despite all this, to a large extent the fate of this district is associated with
the proposals and struggles given in this area. Exarchia was a resistance neighborhood
during the occupation[NDT: From Nazis and their allies in World War II], a field of
struggle against the dictatorship of the colonels, and follows constituting the
neighborhood of combative component of society, which rebels to they are murdered young
protesters and rebels, and the expression field the most hopeful class solidarity.
So therefore, the image of the Exarchia neighborhood may be nothing more than the
reflection of the current image of the movement. The Exarchia neighborhood, as an
imaginative field, politicization and socialization, must and can compete and defeat
relations Power capitalists in form (making this neighborhood a sustainable area for its
inhabitants) and content (cultural, social) applying relations and antipower structures.
Of course, not converting the neighborhood on an island of "freedom" choice but building a
neighborhood that is model (prototype) resistance in the war that proclaimed in the Troika
as well as the war on the economic system and local politician who is an accomplice in the
genocide carried out against the suffering society. To carry out, however, the right way
our strategic unfolds, we must safeguard, in an equally correct and successful manner, the
intermediate goals of our struggle, since for us is more than obvious that an unprincipled
movement is a movement without political content, and vice versa, of course. The fight
against the mafias of drugs, state repression and social cannibalism is the condensation
of the tactics of our assembly, while defining these concepts not as something composed of
various fractional parts, but as part of a state strategy and capital against those who
resist. Just for this reason we could not remain silent before the phenomena of social
cannibalism, since its impact both in our neighborhood and in the ranks of our movement is
of fundamental importance. Apathy (passive) against incidents like some of the cited
below, is not neutrality, but complicity in the monopoly of imposing opinions and
authoritarian attitudes, which, if prevalent, alter the structural level both the content
and the substance of the liberation struggle. Because it is clear that the onus is on us
collectively on organized groups and individual partners, and if we choose to confront us
with them, we'll structural pathogenesis and empty because of the existence of which grew
this gangrene within the movement. Because the formation of the movement today is a duty
and a historic mission for all those who struggle to change the world.
Assaults (beatings) in the neighborhood
The law of the jungle reigns in an area where during the last years libertariedade and
tolerance (permittivity) are dying in the intensive care unit. The law of the strongest,
the strongest, is at odds with the values and principles we defend as meeting the recovery
of Exarchia neighborhood. The beatings receiving several people for having looked aside or
be taken cups more, the kid end up in bloody assaults, the most recent example of the
incident at the bakery "Ta Stajia" (the cobs), when a group of young He ended up in
hospital with broken teeth to have the bad luck to turn off the bakery. There have been
assaults character of social cannibalism, like the burning of a linen closet, which
resulted in the economic destruction of a family. In the neighborhood there are people who
legalize their presence saluting up with other people in the square. These are people who
occasionally participate in strikes and mobilizations, and are trafficking large
quantities of drugs. Neighborhood residents and fellows have received beatings in the
guise of fire of a car Traffic Police. These are people with post-graduate degree
cannibalism and memory in the art of snitching. These people hide the charges against them
for committing shameful antisocial actions, and present themselves as "wild youth".
Violence at demonstrations
Attacks on banks, embassies, tax agency headquarters, police targets, the kid are
accompanied by damage to traffic lights, bus stops, beating the shops workers, attacks
against fellow reacting verbally to these phenomena of degeneration and defamation of
insurrectionary violence -revolucionária. Thus, you lose the content and meaning of a
burnt down bank or a broken ministry when these actions are apolitical and devoid of
anti-state and anti-capitalist content. The option of unbridled violence, without trying
to link it with the content and the class struggle goals, not constitute political violence.
universities
The occupation of Athens Law School (during the hunger strike of the political prisoners)
took place and prevailed heaps of incidents of social cannibalism and apolitical violence,
and at the end (the incidents) were justified by some: invasion and theft of money in
self-managed canteen Law School, attack the local radio station "radio Entasi" vandalism
of local leftist groups, attacks on people who have been there (the occupation of the Law
School) to inquire about the progress of the strike hunger (political prisoners), but were
classified as "suspicious" by okupantes. A few months later, the old Polytechnic School
became, space that offered hospitality to the demands of several generations in a supposed
class solidarity structure with refugees. The intention of converting a space inside the
Polytechnic School, as the Guini building, a place that belongs to the movement and was
"conquered" by the blood of many thousands of people, fiefdom of a few, was an imposition
action authoritarian against the movement and its people. The use of solidarity with
refugees as a vehicle (excuse) to justify anti-social and against the principles of the
movement behavior, it is an imposition method of endless elitist perceptions and
apolitical practices, petty bourgeois and authoritarian.
Keratsini
The memory of the antifascist Pavlos Fyssas in your neighborhood may not be honored with
actions (interventions) of authoritative content from small business owners in the
neighborhood (of Keratsini), or against a subject to which we must address, which is a
potential (indeed) our ally. Memory is not trash. The honor the memory of a dead fighter
requires more responsibility, if not, bypass the confusion and the elimination of meaning
can lead to opposite results.
Monuments, telephone booths and broken bus stops. Trolleybus set on fire in central Athens
(near the Polytechnic School)
At the moment the company follows suffering the most enduring and intensive impoverishment
of the last decades, the proletarian social strata occupy the metropolis a geographic
field and class that is determined solely by its material possibilities. Therefore, public
means of transportation, communication and waiting in the metropolis, is an integrated
condition in a strictly formed capitalist environment. Attacks on such structures are not
designed, of course, as antiestatais actions, not because the proletarians are stupid, but
because they are not such. In exchange, actions such as sabotage of chopping ticket
machines are perceived by the people as such: As solidarity actions with those who have no
money to pay the ticket. With this action the movement embraces the people and their
problems, while stocks that belong to the first case aggravate the human exploitation of
the process and the use of their free time by their employers.
Destroy monuments and statues in public places, of course not having as its purpose the
disruption (albeit symbolic) of their potential socio-political symbolisms reactionaries
(such "details" neither know nor care about them), but having a conduct which is governed
by a devastating and catastrophic nonpolitical obsession, type lifestyle (lifestyle),
adopted by them when they are at slight risk. The "victim" later this fictitious anger,
false and antihistórica, was the bust of Lela Karagianni statue, a woman of conservative
ideas, which, however, is not necessary to forget who was arrested along with five of his
children, was accused of having resisted (the Nazis), and was killed after being subjected
to a horrific torture dungeon in the street Merlin, after be-denied collaborating with the
Nazis.
Ambushes members of extra-parliamentary Left and the anti-capitalist movement
The attacks against organizations and members of the anti-capitalist movement, performed
by non-political people (drug traffickers, ultras) in the name of anarchy, is a sequel of
social and political relationships formed within the movement, criteria for the needy
(moral, ethical) and the lifestyle of petty bourgeois violence that crushed the fighter's
personality built with much effort and sacrifice.
Facing (ideological, material) with certain Left fragments is a matter exclusively of
comrades organized in assemblies, organizations, grassroots trade unions and political
groups. Rightly one might ask: You mean that anarchy individuals do not have the right to
face up the forces of the Left, they feel you are in danger their physical integrity or
his righteous belief in a certain situation? Of course the have. Just to have the
political courage and moral to take part in a similar confrontation. When your motivation
is rotten, for not being social activists but supporters of violence and lynching, the
results of your actions will be consistent with them. If the confrontation (or
confrontation) between current and ideological and political trends has tears of conflict
between fans (ultras) and mafia practices (for example, ambushes), face the content loses
its political characteristics, and takes away the social struggle and class meaning,
worked in a defamatory manner.
conclusions
It would be anti-dialectical false and draw the conclusion that all is well in motion, but
the actions of a certain gangs. The truth is that in recent years, with the exception of a
few initiatives taken by comrades, no strategy for the fight was developed (created)
having as vehicle the Exarchia neighborhood. Therefore, there was no plan. However, it
does not delve on this finding, it is the pretext for the ugly things and antisocial
behavior developed in the neighborhood. Because the role of anarchist and communist
fighter is to be the compass for his teammates, for the movement and for society, even
when conditions are not favorable. Fight for your neighborhood, fight the powerful,
fighting for social revolution. The finding that there has been a collective plan, though
the kid is true, is the excuse to justify collective deviations and individual cannibalism
and delinquency, and to hide another fact: That such behavior, especially in the name of
fighting and anarchy, were and continue constituting one of the main reasons for the
disintegration and fragmentation of the collective subject of resistance. Reproduction of
social cannibalism, through violent attacks and for no reason, it is contradictory to
attempt to strengthen the anarchist movement sow deception and creates confusion about our
goals and our intentions.
Being against violence "peaceful" institutionalized the capital-labor ratio, the cement of
class society, we consider that the counter-violence is a way to regain power moments in
this for and with the oppressed. Resistance creates new relationships between people.
Also, they form new demands. The resistance itself, not isolated violence, is the engine
of history. Since a strike at a place of work, to the armed struggle, the fact that you
are fighting is what changes the situation. Because if we agree that the essence of the
revolutionary plan is based on the development of creative possibilities to achieve human
emancipation, we believe that the first step against individualism and cannibalism is the
creation of tangible bonds of solidarity, with various media . Why break the isolation
creating these bonds of solidarity, it is the beginning of a devotion and activism that
will not be "against" something, but it will be "for" life and joy.
Today in Exarchia, tomorrow in each neighborhood.
Collective anarchist Nea Philadelphia, o72 anarchist collective, anarchist collective
Vogliamo Tutto and Per Tutti, anarchist collective Rubicon, Anarchists of Galatsi
neighborhood, Navarinu street self-managed park, Okupa of Kuvelu mansion Okupa Lelas
Karagianni, Social Centre Busy K * Vox, Red-Group line by worker counterattack, Assembly
of anarchist-communist by the class counter-attack against the European Union, Fellows / as
Translation: News Anarchists Agency.
http://verba-volant.info/pt/praticas-antissociais-e-violencia-contra-os-principios-do-movimento-auto-organizacao-social-e-solidariedade-de-classe/
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Message: 3
This is an opportunity to bring all your unworn or unwanted clothes and exchange them for
another ones to refresh your wardrobe in a social-friendly way. Enjoy the lovely relaxed
and social environment of the in Cave, which will provide you also with delicious drinks
and snacks. Bring the family and make an evening of it!
All stuff which remains in the end will bedonated to NGOs or refugees.
We are looking forward to all visitors! Everybody is welcome!
https://fda-ifa.org/11-11-16-umsonstflohmarkt-des-kreisjugendwerks-der-awo-in-kooperation-mit-der-libertaeren-gruppe-karlsruhe/
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Message: 4
Feminisme known as ideas and movements that fight for equality and women's rights in
various aspects of life (political, economic, social, environmental, sexuality, etc.).
Feminism believes that patriarchal system of society is a source of various forms of
oppression of women and other marginalized groups. Patriarchy has been the basis for the
system of power, control, moral authority, and exploitation prevailing in society. The
system provides space for men and a certain group to dominate women and other groups.
Dominance is what perpetuated in various institutions ranging from state, religious,
economic, customs, to the family. ---- If you start from the understanding that,
inherently, it is proper to understand that anarchism is a feminist. Oppose all forms of
domination and control is a key principle in anarchism and feminism. Anarchism will be in
vain without feminism, and vice versa. Although both have a diverse spectrum of
understanding, equality and liberation on domination into thread that is undeniable.
According to Peggy Kornegger, a writer anarcho - feminist of America, there are three
creeds fundamental anarchism, which is closely related to the views radical feminist.[1]
Anarchism believes the elimination of all forms of authority, hierarchy, as well as the
government, believe in individuality as well collectivity, and cling to spontaneity and
organization. The struggle of radical feminism is rooted in the family, the core of
society, which is upstream in the whole system of patriarchal power. Control of the body,
behavior, and thoughts of women represented by the concept of family.
Certainly in this level, thinkers anarchists like Proudhon considers that the family is
the social unit most fundamental and women are expected to run their domestic role makes
anarchism as incompatible with feminism.[2] While radical feminism opposes thought
patterns masculine hierarchical and dominant on the relation and gender roles in the realm
of the most personal though. The pattern has put women in a passive framework, irrational,
and objects. If this is the anarchism of resistance to power, the daily efforts of women
to challenge patriarchal mindset makes women anarchists since in mind. According
Kornegger, when feminism talked about removing patriarchy, it also means the elimination
of all forms of authority, leadership, governance, and even the idea of authority itself.
Understanding of feminism against domination and oppression of women set out from personal
experience, so the idea of individual freedom and flexibility to make choices on her own
self reflect individuality aspect of the feminist movement. On the other hand, the
strengthening of fellow women to share experiences and organize the struggle to voice
their rights and organizing collectivity PRINCIPLE describe anarchism. The presence of
feminism give effect to dissect and understand the persecution by bentu-form of domination
that exist in society. Therefore Emma Goldman, one of the pioneers of anarcho - feminism,
offers a way out of tension the relationship between men and women, not by opposing one
another and forgiving, but understand each other.[3]
Then become anarchists alone is not enough, an anarchist, it should be a feminist . An
anarchist understand the oppression of women and raising awareness within him to treat
women as equals as human beings. In practice, the practice of such understanding is not
easy, even in the circle of anarchism itself.
From the realm of personal life until at management level movement, the men in anarchism
often still can not let go of the values of the dominant conventional when dealing with
women. Kirsten Anderberg express criticism of the male anarchist who can not relinquish
its dominance against women, either consciously or unconsciously.[4] The principle of
self-determination and independence should be carried anarchists in gender relations. For
Anderberg, male anarchists who let her cooking, washing dishes, and serve him does not
deserve to be called as an anarchist, but manarchist.
Sexist action is not only in the domestic sphere, in everyday life, sexism can take place
unconsciously as through material bercandaan or comments against women. At the level of
the movement, women's participation is also obscured by the dominance of men's voices,
both in negotiations and implementation of the consensus discussion. One of the things
anarcho-feminist group fought at internal level anarchism is the difficulty of raising
issues which are often seen as a women's issue 'private' or 'specials', instead of being
part of a major struggle movement. When women demanded anarchism for literacy against
feminism, these demands are often ignored, assuming that anarchism has covered the whole
issue. Male dominance in anarchism sounds contradictory. However, if an anarchist realize
that the struggle to eradicate sexism is part of anarchism, it means being able to free
themselves from the domination of oppressive values.
Feminism is manifested in various forms and are not always intersect with anarchism. Most
struggle feminism work within the framework of the state system as fighting for women's
representation in parliament and the legal system that guarantees equal rights. While
anarcho - feminism underline women's freedom and independence to run their lives and make
choices he wants without having to be limited by moral authority, religion, or country.
The anarcho - feminism also viewed the state as a representation of the patriarchal system
so that the state is not part of the solution to oppression . Similarly, within the scope
of personal as sexuality and body, female full power over him and his choice without
having to be subject to the control of the parties outside himself.
Feminism is not only used to fight for equality for women, but the paradigm is also the
basis for understanding the persecution of other marginalized groups such as the LGBTIQ
(Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Intersex and Queer), indigenous peoples, etc.. By
integrating the perspective of feminism into anarchism, anarchists can learn to be more
inclusive and open to the participation of minority groups. And to undermine the dominance
of patriarchy, feminism requires struggle anarchism as a framework to transform daily life
by freeing itself from all forms of power structures.
Anarcho - Feminists believe that an anarchist does not need to be reminded not to do any
form of oppression of women and other groups. Similarly, for the women in anarchism, it
should not need to remind men that are not sexist and ask for a safe space to speak. An
anarchic it should not allow itself to continue to enjoy the privileges of the birth of
the patriarchal system. He is required to have a personal awareness to treat women as
human beings with all the rights of individuals, prevent yourself not to speak and act
sexist, and do not dominate the forum.
Anarchism and feminism mutual need to eliminate all forms of power and control structures.
Obviously by running the fundamental principles of both starting from the most personal to
the communal circle.[]
The author is the alumni of the Department of Communication, University of Indonesia. He
has been active in the Women's Journal Foundation in 2007-2011 as a writer and researcher.
Is currently completing his studies in Europe. One of the founders of youth organizations,
Pamphlet .
Footnote:
[1]Kornegger, Peggy. "Anarchism: The Feminist Connection". 1975.
https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/peggy-kornegger-anarchism-the-feminist-connection
[2] Leeder, Elaine J. "The Gentle General: Rose Pesotta, Anarchist and Labor Organization.
p. 125
[3] Goldman, Emma. "The Tragedy of Woman's Emancipation". 1911.
http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/anarchist_archives/goldman/aando/emancipation.html
[4] Anderberg, Kirsten. "A Man's Heaven is a Woman's Hell".
Https://libcom.org/library/man's-heaven-woman's-hell
http://anarkis.org/anarko-feminisme-menjadi-anarkis-saja-tidak-cukup/
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Message: 5
In dealing with the issue of consumption, we question its social and environmental
impacts, as well as ethical and health aspects. In the supermarket shelves waiting for us
goods from all over the world, who may be hard to fathom what all is hidden behind it. At
considerable percentage of the products, you can be almost sure that was behind child
labor, slavery in sweatshops, thousands of kilometers of transportation, impoverishment of
local communities, environmental disasters, water pollution and oceans. ---- Economic
globalization entails draining the wealth of the region. While talking about the need for
investment, but, frequently, except for a number of precarious jobs, which are achieved by
those who are willing to work at minimum wage, they do not bring anything else positive.
Multinational corporations that invest in this way, they are often kept in tax havens and
leave at the earliest opportunity, where they have the lowest cost perspective.
Negative environmental impacts globally conceived of the economy related to the transport
of goods across almost the entire planet, ruthless extraction of raw materials, planting
monocultures and chemical treating and in the same spirit could continue. Global
capitalism is characterized by a lack of transparency and anonymity. Everything adds
nicely packaged for retail stores and consumers not leave time for asking the tough
questions. "What the eyes see, the heart does not hurt."
But if we want to consume ethically, healthy and with minimal negative impact on nature
and people's lives is the most ideal way to have the origin of food and other goods it
consumes, if possible, directly to the eyes. It is then not hard, if you're interested,
talk with the people who produce the products, and find out what are the conditions under
which they work. You can see how the farmer from whom you take for example vegetables,
treats their fields and gardens, or as treatment of animals, from which comes the milk and
eggs on your desk, if you are vegan.
Drawing on local resources, striving for greater autonomy, support the local economy and
community development in addition to leading a good personal feeling and better way of
life, especially for the lower susceptibility of the region to external influences, such
as the global economic crisis.
When we talk about localization, we should remember two basic things. First, we must not
be confused with nationalism or any other form of discrimination worldview. And secondly,
we have to remember that capitalism is the only one, and that can get rid of a globalized,
yet we won. Local capitalism has only one advantage: it is transparent, we have a greater
opportunity to learn the wearer and keep an eye on its implications. Capital, whether
national or multinational, it is mainly for profit and is built on the exploitation of
labor and social injustice.
"Think globally, act locally!" Let's try this already trivial passwords alterglobalisation
movement to make the lived reality. Grasp localization as a positive value and try to give
anti-authoritarian dimension. Seek a free and self-governing local patterns of production,
consumption, exchange, sharing, communication and decision making. Transforming words into
deeds, which will be reflected in our daily lives. We hope that the following pages,
describing similar steps, and steps will be an inspiring guide.
Published in existence no. 1/2013 .
https://www.afed.cz/text/6556/lokalizace
------------------------------
Message: 6
Ngaruawahia is in the Waikato on State Highway One about 20 km northwest of Hamilton. It
has 5500 people and is mostly known for being the home of the Maori King Movement and the
Turangawaewae Marae, where the throne of the Maori King is located. ---- On October 14th,
Ngaruawahia made nationwide headlines when the NZ Herald reported a local gang, the Tribal
Huk, had made threats to drug dealers to clear the town in 24 hours or expect "visits".
This was backed by some community leaders, with reservations. The mainstream media frankly
loves these sorts of stories and excitedly spread the subsequent claim of success. To be
honest it isn't clear if the threat was followed through on or exactly how many dealers
there are in the town and the primary source for the story seems to be the self-promoting
leadership of the Tribal Huk itself.
Despite the need to apply a degree of scepticism to the story, it does raise serious
questions about the way society functions. Firstly, should vigilantism be supported by
those of us opposed to the powers-that-be?
While vigilante behaviour is tempting, examples overseas in places like Mexico and El
Salvador show it can spiral out of control with the emergence of death squads and gangs
executing anyone who crosses paths with them, not just the criminals they are supposedly
protecting the community from. Although I doubt that vigilante "justice" in Ngaruawahia
will go as far as it has in the Philippines where the new President Rodrigo Duterte has
actively endorsed the wholesale slaughter of drug dealers and their families by vigilante
death squads resulting in a major upsurge in extra-judicial executions and mass killings,
it is very dangerous when community and local government politicians condone vigilante
behaviour.
Anyone who has lived in an area where gangs have a lot of sway knows that tit for tat
attacks escalate and these can range from threats, to home invasions to rape for even the
slightest transgression or slight. In 2012 a dispute between two factions of youths
resulted in a young person being killed outside a pub in Paraparaumu. Five weeks later
another youth was stabbed to death in the same area in retaliation for the previous
killing. Because this murder had taken place near a police station many youths took this
as a sign that they had to start "looking after themselves".
The drug issue in Ngaruawahia is part of a bigger picture of how drugs fit into society as
a whole. The current situation where certain substances are made illegal, puts their
distribution in the hands of gangs while allowing national politicians to grandstand and
act tough. Both the state and the gangs benefit from this state of affairs, rather than
the populace as a whole. Even some sections of the establishment are starting to realise
this and are looking for other options. Legalisation of the drugs is one possibility. Most
of the crimes associated with drugs have little to do with the use of the drugs themselves
but the fact the drugs are illegal and in order to access them a person has to break the
law. A person also breaks the law by manufacturing and selling drugs. If drugs were
legalised these crimes would not exist.
Another advantage with legalising drugs is that people with addiction issues would be more
willing to come forward to seek treatment. They wouldn't be afraid of facing legal
consequences, such as being arrested for possessing or using drugs.
One counter argument is that legalising drugs would lead to children and other vulnerable
people getting easy access to them. The flaw with this argument is that any child or
vulnerable person who wants access to drugs can already do so. I doubt very much that
legalisation will see any upsurge in use because those who want to use them can access
them already and will continue to do so while those who don't (including myself) will
continue not using them. The decision to use, or not to, use them should not be up to the
state or a religious lobby group to make those decisions for us. However, anyone with an
addiction or who lives with someone who has an addiction, knows all too well that
something that may be perfectly harmless to one person could prove problematic to someone
else.
Legalisation of drugs does not cure drug addiction for those who are prone to addictive
behaviours. Not even the abolition of the state or Capitalism will entirely eliminate
these issues. Thus, when those of us who are against the existing economic and political
system are confronted with the unpleasant reality of drug addiction, we need to start
working on some answers, no matter how difficult that may be.
Gambling can be addictive but, unlike drugs, it is legal. If a problem gambler realises
they have an issue, they can come in and get help without facing any legal consequences.
In many cases they may come to the gambling addiction counsellor early enough that they
never progress to hard core gambling or criminal offending to feed it.
With drugs it's more complex because drug addicts are not only dealing with a substance
that is illegal but they're also dealing with people who are criminals, to feed their
habits. At any time during the course of getting treated for their addiction they run the
risk of being arrested or denounced to one or more government agencies or their employers
and lose their only source of income. That is usually why drug addicts usually don't seek
help until their addiction has become so bad that if they don't get treated they will
almost certainly end up dead or in jail.
While some of the community leaders and local politicians cheered the news from
Ngaruawahia, they didn't want to know the gang hadn't really done anything that would make
a difference. Even if the news was true, it did nothing to address the drug addictions of
the P addicts of Ngaruawahia. Addictions don't vanish just because the dealers get run out
of town. It would have done nothing about those who deal in other drugs such as party
pills, marijuana, cocaine and heroin. It would've done nothing about addressing the
various underlying causes of drug addictions. Most importantly they wouldn't have got rid
of the P manufacturers. The reality looks more like a case of the gang trying to get rid
of its competition. Gangs are hierarchical, authoritarian, often heavily misogynistic and
socially parasitic organisations. They exist for the benefit of their members, doing good
deeds for the average person isn't their reason for being.
Communities undertaking actions on their own initiative to address social problems,
certainly has commendable aspects in theory. However, we need to tread carefully before
endorsing vigilante actions of any sort. Merely replacing one tool of oppression - the
state - with another tool of oppression that doesn't even have the pretence of being
answerable to anyone - a gang - is not advancement. It is the descent into barbarism where
he (and the male pronoun is appropriate here) who has the biggest club calls the shots.
Democratic control by the community as a whole is what we should aim for. Meaningful
action that has a chance of heading in that direction should be based on a well thought
out kaupapa, not short term ‘quick fix' thuggery or political exploitation. It will take
the combined efforts of the various socially progressive elements in communities to work
together over a long period of time, to begin to address the issue effectively.
http://www.awsm.nz/2016/11/02/rebels-without-a-source/
------------------------------
Message: 7
[Videos] One year after the 1st edition, the 2nd Forum "Continuing the initiative" a
political racism was held on October 8 in Saint-Denis. With a variety of stakeholders
(Fassin, Bouamama, Gresh, Benbassa, Lin Jung ...) who sought ways of common action,
without falling into the soft consensus. ---- Racism is not a moral problem that fight by
a single educational or indignant protest. This is a deliberate policy must therefore
fight it politically. ---- This basic idea is the common denominator associations,
militant.es and academics who participated in the 2nd Forum "Let us take the initiative" ,
October 8 at the labor exchange of Saint-Denis. ---- The diversity was real, from the
Party of Indigenous of the Republic (PIR) to the League of Human Rights (LDH) and,
assistance, militant.es Europe Ecology-Greens to Alternative Libertaire, through the PCF,
Ensemble or the NPA. The absence of union members as speakers at the roundtables, however,
shows that much remains to do to bind the fighting.
The call text did not hide any of the existing differences. He pointed them even to invite
to the exchange.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?list=PLbk0aYhuHE4Vnpmx_XvHIyT3qI6ea0dmp&v=ou3IkHqq8EU
Debates about the international context and the existence of different racisms were rather
consensual. Those on the issues of feminism or homophobia are unfortunately rather left to
rot ...
Broad agreement, rather pessimistic moreover, has established itself in the international
context. Islamophobia deployed in the West was analyzed as a tool to prepare people to
accept the imperialist wars on the bottom of the so-called "clash of civilizations".
A tool to target a "fifth column" that would be hidden in the neighborhoods, in advance
justifying the repression and police brutality.
So qu'Houria Bouteldja (PIR) pointed to the urgency of reducing the sympathy and Daech
Soral in the neighborhoods, Laurent Lévy (Together!) Found the nationalist reaction that
is gaining ground in France.
State racism: a misnomer?
Two controversies have finally crossed all that day: that of state racism and that of
universalism.
Michel Tubiana (former President of LDH) and Esther Benbassa (EELV Senator) refused to use
the term "state racism", explaining that there is not (yet) of racist laws that structure
society French. They therefore prefer to speak of "racist practices of the state."
Said Bouamama (United Front of immigrations and neighborhoods, FUIQP) took against the
foot, without showing fully convincing. He noted (correctly) the existence of the 2004 law
against wearing the hijab in schools, or the one on the current Travellers. But he could
not demonstrate that these laws were the heart of the functioning of the state.
Saimir Mile and Anina Ciuciu (Association Voice of Roma, photo) and Franco Lollia
(antinégrophobie Brigade) have detailed everything that daily police and judicial violence
in slums and ghetto neighborhoods of concrete. Thus they gave to see that it is not need
specific legislation for the state conducts a racist policy felt by its victims in their
flesh, making a little vain this semantic debate when it comes to build a political response .
https://youtu.be/684ol77DL_o
Anina Ciuciu (Association Voice of Roma)
Universalism = colonialism?
Youcef Brakni activist in Bagnolet (93) violently denounced the leftist organizations he
has always found against him in his local fighting, accusing the universal values built
around the "human rights" to take into account that values of the "white man" in a
colonial approach.
In this vein, several speakers stressed the need to organize each "community"
independently to address specific oppression felt by everyone.
A debate illustrated the point of caricature when Houria Bouteldja explained that the
"white middle class" was an accomplice of French imperialism since she could eat cheaply,
thanks to the raw materials extracted in a third-dominated world, and manufactured goods
made in South plants.
All this is not wrong ... provided you have in mind that in this case the issu.es
salarié.es immigration are equally complicit French imperialism than their white
counterparts. .. But if making this kind of statement only serves to make the moral
indignation and blame one or the other, it is not used much. The real questions are
empowering countries South leonine trade agreements that hinder, and relocation of
production. Issues of interest to any and all revolutionary internationalist, whatever the
color of his skin.
But community self-organization does it necessarily opposed to a universal solidarity? For
if the first is an inalienable right for those who wish to fight discrimination that
target, the fact remains that the second - if it is not misguided paternalism in - is
often needed to help the affected communities fragile to resist. And more fundamentally,
this "universalism" of class we call proletarian internationalism remains an indispensable
compass.
The day ended around strong testimonies about police violence and repression.
Appointments are announced for the spring in order to hear another voice in the midst of
the electoral arena: a caravan across France, a national walking around March 21
(International Day against Racism) ...
Jean-Yves (AL 93 center)
Website Continuing the initiative http://reprenons.info/
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Deux-controverses-au-Forum-pour-un
------------------------------
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