Today's Topics:
1. Uruguay, Alt. Media - FAU: "Part of the government has
Stockolmo syndrome" - Juan Pilo, Secretary of Organization FAU /
Lucia Varela (ca) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. France, Alternative Libertaire AL Octobre - history, 1956:
In Budapest working class against authoritarian socialism (fr,
it, pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
The Uruguayan Anarchist Federation turns 60. The Secretary of Organization, Juan Pilo,
Rompkbzas said that the country must change. "We must attack causes: spread and the
situation changes in people, you have possibility to live a dignified life," he said. ----
FAU opposes the Free Trade Agreement with China. "Do not fuck me Vazquez. Let there be a
little more than politics and people start to argue. From China, can be cheaper paper than
we do?" Asked Juan Pilo. ---- The spokesman for the Anarchist Federation he questioned the
treatment of public security and said the rulers suffer Stockolmo syndrome. " A lot of
technology to control everything and everyone. But there is to alleviate the causes of
crime. If you are born in Pocitos, you have very little chance of being criminal. If
you're born in a sibling neighborhood as the hookah Louse, you probably have relationship
with it requechear with drugs , "he said.
Pilo also aimed against the economic and financial policy administration. "Some things are
laughing.? Listen to Astori with financial inclusion What world do you live, Astori In
Santa Catalina, in New Paris, there is a handle parted in the middle and do you want to
put it in a bank for I handle it? "launched Pilo.
"Uruguay can produce food for 50 million people, and there are people who are hungry.
There are people with illnesses who live with 7000 pesos per month. I would give 11
thousand pesos Minister Aguerre, and take your children to education public and public
health, "argued Pilo about the situation.
Uruguayan anarchists also question the presence of Uber in our country. This application
"believes that Montevideo is a Free Trade Zone where you can work without buying a plate.
If you work in black, they come and they're conminan blank" Pilo said. FAU spokesman
charged the Patronal Taxi and said that "zero Dourado tab, is one thing that can not be.
All this has to do with a political articulation".
http://www.espectador.com/sociedad/343315/f-a-u-parte-del-gobierno-tiene-sindrome-de-stockolmo
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Message: 2
The Hungarian uprising of 1956 a controversial memory. Proponents of a liberal
anti-totalitarianism make proof that the Hungarian people adhered unconditionally to the
capitalist model. Hungarian nationalists transform it into patriotic insurrection. One can
also see this event for what it was: a massive revolt of the working class against
authoritarian socialism, which rose direct democracy. ---- The context of the insurrection
was threefold. On the one hand, following a pluralist period between 1945 and 1948, the
Stalinist Communist Party, headed by Mátyás Rákosi, had reined in Hungarian political life
with a particularly ferocious brutality. On the other hand, the Twentieth Congress of the
CPSU in February-March 1956, which the "revelations" of Stalin's crimes had been timid
echoes in Hungary, had raised the hopes of supporters of communists some liberalization,
as Imre Nagy and the intelligentsia. Finally, the summer of 1956 saw a riotous outbreak in
Poland against Soviet interference and the Stalinists in power.
Uprising steps
The Hungarian uprising began Moreover, among students, on solidarity with Poland, as in
the circles of the Communist intelligentsia "liberal". Meetings were held at universities
from 20 October, who formulated the limited claims on the Polish model: revocation of
Mátyás Rákosi clique, formation of a government under the leadership of Imre Nagy, the
withdrawal of Soviet troops, but also social demands (increased wages, right to strike).
In parallel, the Union of Writers organization announced on October 23 a ceremony in
Budapest in honor of Poland.
Mátyás Rákosi (1892-1971)
hardline Stalinist, who spent the war in Moscow, he led Hungary dictator from 1948 to
1956, after the rigged 1948 elections, then the Communist Party purged of its "Titoists"
elements. Also architect of the AVH, the political police, forced collectivization and
industrialization delirious, a level achieved elsewhere in the countries of the East.
humble beginnings, therefore, essentially calling for reforms of the current regime. But
the event allowed after the about-face of government, attracted the crowd, well beyond the
initial circles around 18 hours, nearly 300,000 people flocked to Parliament, demanding
the return of Imre Nagy. Simultaneously, mobs were formed in different parts of the city,
overlooking the mobilization as an insurrection: the huge statue of Stalin was making low;
the Radio House was invested, becoming the site of the first clash with the AVH, the
political police, and early death of the uprising.
In parallel, the government took two decisions, one intended to appease the protestors and
the other to take control: the appointment of Imre Nagy as President of the Council, and
the call using the Soviet troops, accompanied by the proclamation of curfews and martial law.
Therefore, the insurrection mobilized new groups, revealing the class contradictions of
the Hungarian society. The workers and workers of all: from the morning of the 24th, the
strike is spreading in the factories of the capital (Csepel, Ujpest) and province (Gyor,
Miskolc), which began to organize various forms in advice, we will return.
The army, then: on the 25th, the largest barracks in the capital, Kilian, commanded by
Colonel Pàl Maléter passes in the camp of insurgé.es, soon followed by almost all the
military forces of the country. Faced with the extension of the uprising, the old
communist Imre Nagy took in the following days, several important measures: the
introduction of ministers peasant parties after the war in the government (26 October) on
the opening of negotiations withdrawal of Soviet troops from Hungary (27), but also
abolish the one-party system (30).
In parallel, he promised the legalization and integration into the state apparatus of the
various achievements of the insurgency: workers councils, municipal committees, insurgent
forces. Finally, on 1 November, Nagy proclaimed the neutrality of Hungary, that is to say
the output of Hungary from the Warsaw Pact. At that time, the strike stopped in Hungarian
factories, at the express request of the Government, supported by the leaders of the
workers' councils.
Repression and resistance
This was too much for the Russian leadership: from 1 November began the second Soviet
intervention, with 2,500 tanks, 1,000 various vehicles and 75,000 Soviet soldiers. On
November 3, the tanks entered Budapest, following a route to isolate the center of the
city workers' quarters, including the island of Csepel. They opened fire around 4:30 am,
while the insurgent-es stood barricades in several places, and at 8 am, the Soviet army
had taken possession of the Radio House.
Nagy (1896-1958)
Rather close to the ideas of Bukharin, also spent the war in Moscow. Leader of the
Hungarian government from 1953 to 1955 at the time of de-Stalinization, he tried a "new
way": sharing peasants, partial authorization of private trade, alleviation of censorship.
Removed from office in 1955, he became a benchmark for the nascent opposition, and the
1956 uprising began around to claim the return of Imre Nagy to power.
Thus, for four days, Soviet troops scoured the streets of the capital, opening fire
indiscriminately on houses to demoralize the insurgent-es - even today we see the traces
surprisingly many in the city. It was the workers' districts which, again, opposed the
most important resistance and longer: the districts of Ujpest, Pest-Szent-Erzsébet
Soroksár, Csepel had been armed the previous days and have opposed an obstinate resistance
to November 11th. In the provinces, too, is in the industrial cities that have opposed the
strongest resistance: Pécs for example, the revolutionary council, to avoid the
destruction of the city, decided to organize fighting in the surrounding mountains near
5,000 working men and women, as well as students, joined the insurgents in the Mecsek
mountains, resisted for nearly three weeks, inflicting losses to the Russian soldiers,
before retreating in Yugoslavia.
In all, the fighting caused about 3,000 dead, 13,000 injured, and caused the emigration of
200,000 people. As for Imre Nagy, he was arrested on 22 November and deported to Romania
he will eventually executed on 16 June, after a mock trial where he was accused of
plotting a conspiracy, with the help of foreign imperialists, against the Republic People
in Hungary. More than a thousand people were executed after the end of the insurgency.
Analyses of the profound significance of the movement diverge. What is not in doubt,
except perhaps the initial impetus around students and writers is his character worker.
Note that Hungary very rural country until 1945, suffered from 1949 the most ambitious
five-year plan of all satellites of the USSR in terms of industrialization.
News 1 November 1956:
In 1956, a young working class, concentrated in huge working class suburbs as Csepel, or
in the new cities of provinces as Sztalinvàros (which increased from a few thousand to
nearly 30,000 people in the meantime), was formed. Thus, on October 23, the crowd gathered
in front of Parliament, and assaulted the house of the radio was largely composed of
working men and women of the suburbs of Budapest. Between October 23 and November 1, the
working strike in the capital but also the province contributed to the balance of power
with the government, forcing it to harden his vis-à-vis the emissaries of the USSR
positions. It is finally in working class neighborhoods that armed resistance to the
second Russian intervention was strongest.
Councils, the proletariat weapons
But above all, the working class has set up autonomous bodies, of two types: first workers
councils and the municipal councils of workers, or revolutionary councils, which gradually
conquered the power in municipalities - both bodies merging in reality often.
Thus, from October 24, a series of workers' councils began everywhere in place, starting
with the city of Miskolc, where a council of workers and soldiers took power and
formulated on 25 by radio his claims which show the ambivalence of the general mood: "Stop
the massacre of Hungarians in Budapest ... that Soviet troops leave Hungary. Make cease
fire. We have had enough. Enough of the autocracy of certain leaders. We also want
socialism, but in accordance with our requirements specifically Hungarian, Hungarian
socialism, reflecting the interests of the working class and our most sacred patriotic
sentiments. "
Power vacuum
Besides the impulse of movement, workers' councils have gradually attributed an autonomous
social organization role. The proof is that even after the fall of Imre Nagy and the
second Soviet intervention, the workers' councils wanted to federate, actually benefiting
from the power vacuum, whether in government - rendered illegitimate by the use of Soviet
troops - or even at the factory management.
Here is how Ferenc Töke, a communist worker, describes the formation of a central workers'
council, of which he was vice president in early November: "Before the second Soviet
intervention, the project to create a central workers council was not even formula. The
idea was initiated only during the confused days that followed to November 4th. The
country was without a master, the government did not exist in reality, few employees have
the confidence of the Russian soldiers were traveling in armored cars. It is
characteristic that the members of the ousted regime, forced by the workers to resign, did
not dare return to the factories. "
That said, one should not overestimate the project company that represented this form of
organization. Still for Töke, "No one suggested that the workers' councils themselves
could be the political representation of workers. (...) Certainly, as I have said, the
workers' council had to meet certain political, because it was against a regime and the
workers had no other representation, but in the minds of workers, c 'was provisionally. "
Recovery of the revolution
Unfortunately, the Hungarian uprising is not mobilized today, at least in Hungary, to
promote the merits of a self-managed way to socialism or self-organization of the working
class. Until fairly recently, the memory that dominated was that of Hungary of the 1980s,
liberal, who saw the dead 1956 martyrs of Westernization, the willingness of Hungarians to
leave the Soviet bloc to join the market economy and representative democracy.
For ten years, the 1956 memory is reclaimed by the government, and worse by far-right
militias. Include the demonstrations following the 2006 revelations of corruption scandals
of the Social Democratic government in power: at this time, far-right militias staged a
riot in front of the Radio House to celebrate in their own way 50 years of the beginning
of the insurrection of October 1956 chanting "Gyurcsány[head of government in 2006]dirty
Jew! " On a more institutional level, Parliament Square, which was the starting point of
the event, is now decorated with various symbols of the uprising: knowing that the
planning set up in this place of center Budapest respond as a whole to a protofasciste
aesthetic, emphasizing, besides 1956, the heroes of the nation and of the nineteenth
century ... the authoritarian Horthy regime between the two wars.
That said, we must be clear about the intentions of the actors of the uprising: except for
a few aristocratic émigrés that emitted from a radio station in Vienna, he was for anyone
going back to the capitalist system.
Gyula (U 93)
THE YEAR 1956 IN HUNGARY
February: Twentieth Congress of the CPSU and "revelation" of Stalin's crimes.
28 June: Uprising in Poznan, Poland.
October 23: Demonstration in Budapest in support of Poland, which is transformed into
insurrection; Nagy return to head the government; call for help to the Soviet troops.
October 24-30: constitution of workers' councils; passage of the barracks to the
insurgency; Nagy concessions to insurrection (back to multiparty system, announced the
neutrality of Hungary ...).
November 3: Entry of Soviet tanks in Budapest, start of the crackdown that will 2500 deaths.
Late November: End of the insurrection, formation of a government of Janos Kadar around.
June 16, 1957: Execution of Imre Nagy.
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?1956-A-Budapest-classe-ouvriere
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