Today's Topics:
1. France, Alternative Libertaire AL - unionism, "There is
still fighting! "Constituent meeting on 15 October in Paris (fr,
it, pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. anarkismo.net: "Superintendent Officer Mthembu" - Spoken
word poetry against police brutality Inspired by the Events of
28th September 2016 - Police Shooting on RU students by Leroy
Maisiri - Zabalaza Anarchist Communist Front - ZACF
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. Greece, "Black and Red" APO: Information and photos of
yesterday's march against torture minors A.T. Omonia and police
violence. (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. France, Alternative Libertaire AL - international, Colombia:
a libertarian perspective on the "no" to the peace agreement (fr,
it, pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. Greece, Collective response to anti-authoritarian: leftist
libel against squatters ceiling for immigrants and refugees from
Antiauthoritarian Movement Larissa (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. Czech anarchist Federation: Ceština, Rojava - Kurds in the
struggle for freedom and against ISIS [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
7. Poland, October 15 - mobilization against CETA and TTIP! -
Inicjatywa Pracownicza (IP, Workers' Initiative) [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
8. France, Alternative Libertaire AL - nternational, Colombia:
a libertarian analysis of the cease-fire with the FARC (fr, it,
pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
Exceed the initial form of the call "on all blocks" towards an inter-network fight? That
is the issue that binds the constituent meeting held in Paris this mid-October, entitled
"It is still fighting! ". ---- We are trade unionists affilié.es to different
organizations (CGT, Solidaires, CNT-SW CNT, FSU, FO, LAB, Peasant Confederation ...).
Together we retrouvé.es in the call "It blocks all! " . ---- Since March, we have brought
the proposals in meetings, in our structures, with our friends, our colleagues. We have
helped mobilize broad and determined for the withdrawal of the law "work", and to
popularize the aim of blocking the economy. We are still fighting for the repeal of this law.
So far we have everyone, and whatever our union, had difficulties to anchor the strike in
our professional sectors, to expand, to spend the necessary extension and generalization
of the strike. We continue to believe that this is a decisive instrument to build a
balance of power able to repel the attacks of the state and employers. We continue to
believe that trade union structures must continue to reflect on the barriers to action and
commitment of salarié.es well as union practices that perpetuate them.
PARIS
Saturday, October 15, 2016, from 14h to 17h
Labour Exchange Paris, Eugène Varlin room
Event "There is still fighting! "On social networks
the collective page "It blocks all! "On social networks
The digital version on appeal
Today we propose to overcome the form call of "It blocks all! ". This is the balance that
was fired in July after four months of fighting. The concrete implementation of the call
are requested, so one could imagine "the emergence of a permanent network of control
unionists, supported on real local collectives, whose form as the name would find but
would aim to exceed form "call" to be able to concrete initiatives and field. (...) A
network of collective struggle unionists could (...) organize meetings, regional and
national trainings, campaigns themselves ... ".
We therefore call, broadly, any and all trade unionists who think that such a network or
group would be useful to build, now, with us.
Such a tool would not replace our respective organizations: we are friendly and respectful
federalism of our organizations, rhythms and democratic structures of our time. Simply, we
believe conduct debates, activities, open and plural, would help to reinvigorate the
struggle unionism in all its diversity. This unit Inter win to incarnate from the base:
this is what we propose to do exist.
For this, we organize Saturday, October 15, at the Labour Exchange Paris, Varlin room,
first constitutive meeting of this common tool. See you there, and many many, always fighting!
The animation Collective Call "is blocking everything! "
(Grouping militant.es CGT, CNT-SO, FSU, Solidaires ...)
1 September 2016
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?On-se-bat-toujours-reunion
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Message: 2
"Superintendent Officer Mthembu" ---- If our pain was turned into an art museum the most
popular exhibit would showcase portraits of the South African Police Service with our
bodies on the floor as their footstools. Our silenced screams chock up the airways in our
throats, our tracheas burst out and with both hands we grab the artery veins in an attempt
to contain the bleeding, trying to redirect this blood, this life back into the cause and
yes, bang, bang, bang; you keep shooting and yes bang, bang, bang, we keep running. ----
But please first allow me to start this poetic prose in Joza extension 7, the peripheral
of the township itself almost excommunicated from the centre of Grahamstown. Somewhere
unclearly mapped by angry ground stones who share their space with the kind of dust that
does not easily settle well on the road, is what looks like an afterthought of an RDP
house. In it is Superintendent Officer Mthembu. A child of the working class. Mthembu on
his tea breaks always jokes about how he wanted to be a lawyer, most of his stories start
with the words "and during the apartheid..." he would recall those memories so well,
remembering quite clearly all the fights, the protests, the revolutionary climate that
engrossed South Africa. His stories would also always end with "...if only I could afford
the fees in '94, I would have been a qualified lawyer like Madiba".
You would think that would be the cue for disappointment to enter the space, to remind him
that he was just another causality of a system that did not care for his dreams, but like
a comma with no manners, his smile interrupts his thought process joining his past
failures together with the apple of his eye, his only beloved daughter Siphokazi, a final
year LLB student who carries her dreams in the same back pack loaded with her father's
dreams and NSFAS loans.
On Wednesday the 28th of September 2016, Siphokazi has all the candles lit in their home,
it's still early not even dawn is aware of how the day will unfold. 4 am sharp the good
officer jumps to attention, not waiting for the hot water that doesn't exist; he tidies
himself up and rushes to report in for duty. Siphokazi awaits the slow pace sun rise to
commence before she can decide it's a safe time to start the 10 kilometer walk to campus,
she spent the entire night researching on interdicts, and the right to free education.
It's nearly been two weeks since the events of 28th September she tells me, she says they
ran in all kinds of direction that day, shocked at how something so small could hurt so
much. The images rock her mind so much I feel like I am extracting a physical memory as it
tears through her forehead and fills the room.
She takes me back to the lawns within campus, she points to the Drostdy lawn walls with
such disappointment in their in ability to shield the students. On my right is a student I
have never met before rolling on the ground as if he is on fire only trying to locate
where the pain is coming from. On my left 9 students run into each other in chaotic
harmony, stun grenades go off again and again. I feel anger and fear simultaneously race
up to my temple. The corner of my eye catches two female students attempting to run in the
chaos, both their hands find each other; they clatch on to each other as two lovers would
in a dark tunnel, but the grip tightens, the hand holding generates sweat that turns into
glue "don't let go!" they both shout. I reach out my hand I want to tell them it's all
over now, that this is just a memory, that in this moment right now we are all in
Siphokazi's memory.
Truth is the police have been slaughtering generations long before we even started looking
for our voices. That on most days standing on campus corners makes us feel like an
endangered species, that at any point we can be left looking like red confetti splatted on
a concrete sidewalk. That our voices sound unhinged, almost like the voices from the
primary and secondary high school kids whose dreams are lynched on a daily basis. Dreams
executed Monday to Friday by the failing education system. Such that by high school all we
have is a large spectacle of hangings that occur at least twice a year -called exams.
There is nothing to examine if you cannot account for the massive unlearning that needs to
occur instead all it is - is an execution. Bang, Bang, Bang! - shooting continues. The
memory of September 28th feels like the first time the death of a close family member
wraps itself around you.
All of a sudden I remember the most profound metaphysic question, "if a black body unarmed
is shot by the police in broad day light, in front of everyone, does it make a sound".
Does it matter? Did it really happen? Working class struggle is not just a matter of
theory; police brutality is absolute despite your level of awareness. It's not about
keeping the streets safe anymore; it's about keeping them empty.
They make bullets different these days, these new bullets do not go in and out, they get
absorbed in the body - same function as a tampon to suck and pull in all life. There is
after all some reason why these bullets seem to fall in love with melanin given the way
they pursue us, some reason why shotgun shells never run out for the working class. I
guess it's pretty hard to fight back when all you have are your fists and unhappiness.
Its September the 28th 8pm, Superintendent Officer Mthembu arrives home, extremely
exhausted, he has scratch marks he cannot explain, probably another protestor resisting
arrest. He is greeted by the emptiness of the one bedroomed house. According to memory by
now Siphokazi would have long been home and made him something to eat. He grabs his cell
phone only noticing now that he hasn't paid much attention to it all day. 19 missed calls
from his daughter, 23 missed calls from a private number, 10 text messages all of them
looking like an SOS, one reads - "hie sir your daughter was shot by the police today,
police opened fire on us with rubber bullets unfortunately Siphokazi was in the front she
got hit in the throat. She said if she doesn't make it - it's important you know she was
fighting for free education for the both of you.
Related Link: http://Zabalaza.net
http://www.anarkismo.net/article/29677
------------------------------
Message: 3
The course was opened to the upper center, passed from A.T. Upper City and made a stop,
shouting slogans. Since the beginning of our platoons path followed nearby. Fonachtikan
slogans against the police, the state and capitalism and defending immigrants and our
structures. It is clear that the Left government not uct only wants to silence any
resistance there and pass measures nor the right one would imagine, but tries to suppress
any kind of reaction in the social sphere, as was done with the auctions where we were
antimetotoi with MAT of the left and the Oraiokastro where MAT contributed to what the
fascists can not do and will never allow. We have to say that we do not remain indifferent
and silent, will leave no home in the hands of bankers, no child tormented in A.T., no
fascist warding refugee children from schools and any captured our partner in state hands.
COMMON locals GAMES AND IMMIGRANTS FOR LIFE AND DIGNITY.
WE LIVE TOGETHER, WORK TOGETHER, local NAZI bend IMMIGRANTS
Collegiality for social anarchism "Black and Red", a member of the APO
https://maurokokkino1936.wordpress.com/2016/10/09/
------------------------------
Message: 4
The landmark agreement on the end of the civil war, spent between Bogota and the FARC
guerrillas, is threatened by the victory of the "no" in the referendum that was to endorse
the peace agreement. Comment and analysis of the libertarian group Vía Libre, live from
Colombia. ---- At the October 2 referendum, which was voted on the approval of the Final
Agreement by the end of the armed conflict signed between the government of Juan Manuel
Santos and the insurrection of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia - People's Army
(FARC -EP)[1], the No won unexpectedly and just. It is a political earthquake. ---- 53
According to the bulletin of the National Registry of Civil Status, with 99.98% of the
audited polling stations, the choice of No won with a score of 50.21%, or 6,431,376 votes,
by the narrow margin 0.45% or 53,894 votes, facing the Yes option were 49.78% of votes is
6,377,482. According to the same source, during the same vote 86,243 blank votes and
170,946 invalid votes were recorded, in a context of low participation of 13,064,973
votant.es on a census of 34,899,945, or 37.43% of the total[2].
Faced with this panorama, the Libertario Grupo Vía Libre offers, in line with its
collective position of critical support to the peace process[3], some elements that could
help in the analysis of the current political moment, as the causes of the happened on
possible future scenarios.
Read: libertarian group Via Libre, "Colombia: a libertarian analysis of the cease-fire
with the FARC"
The defeat of the Yes
First, it is clear that this result is a major political defeat of the heterogeneous
alliance that supported the Yes. The weakened and worn government of Juan Manuel Santos,
with a favorable image below the 30% in some surveys[4]with fragile political bases, and
unable to manage without economic adjustment deceleration of the national economy, did not
have the political strength to hold the same number of voters and voters who have ratified
its success in the second round of the presidential elections of 2014, when a pragmatic
alliance in his favor had allowed his re-election with 7,836,887 votes, representing
1,459,405 vote of less than those obtained for the Yes when[referendum 5].
"Those who die for the people to always live" Graffiti pro-FARC in 2011
Although some circumstantial factors have affected the result, as the speed with which the
elections were convened that counted a campaign month alone - about a quarter of the usual
time - and who have not permitted registering new voters and new voters, and also the
climate effects of Matthew hurricane in the Caribbean region, they were not decisive.
What was on the other hand, it is the political caciques representing local political
elites aligned with the central government in poor areas such as the Atlantic Coast, where
until today paramilitarism is strong. These caciques have not deployed their patronage
power as they had done in the last presidential election, with the goal to score a strong
position within the coalition government and reorganize their projects to compete for
election presidential 2018[6].
On the other hand, the institutional political left was weakened by divisions of the
parliamentary forces of the Democratic Pole and the Green Alliance, by the warmth
displayed by the sector led by Senator Jorge Enrique Robledo and MOIR in this political
campaign by increasing integration of the social democratic sector of Clara López, new
labor minister in the new cabinet of an unpopular government and the erosion of the
progressive project of Gustavo Petro, after the end of the 12 years of center-governments
left in Bogota. It failed to articulate a coherent pole for the Yes that can compete
massively meanings of the position of this wing of the left face to those supported by the
coalition government of Santos.
Similarly, it is also stressed that the union social movements, peasant, neighborhood,
student, ethnic, environmental, gender, and human rights have bet the absolute majority
way for Yes, making the defense of this process key feature of their action in the
ultimate political cycle and in many cases used in full in the agitation for a favorable
response in the referendum.
In general, we can note that all these forces have overestimated their electoral impact
and failed to generate a sufficiently broad popular mobilization in support of peace among
non-organized masses of the population. It is clear that the reorientation of the strategy
of many social movements and political platforms to virtually exclusive mobilization
dialogues about Havana and the construction of peace, was disarmed final.
Leaving the economic struggles in the background, they removed the ability to meet large
social strata that today feel deep discomfort faced with government policies, in addition
to virtually create a bifurcation between peacebuilding and struggles for the good life
and critical of the current model.
The victory of the No
Secondly, it is also clear that the option contrary to the peace agreement is the big
winner of the day. The No campaign led by a more united political alliance, structured
around the Democratic Centre, has capitalized part of the social discontent toward the
government weakened Santos.
An anti-FARC demonstration in 2008
cc Catalina Restrepo (ConVerGentes) / especial para Equinoxio
On one hand, it has prompted sectoral campaigns in traditionally conservative
corporations, such as highway and road, fragmented social sectors like street vendors and
vendors or the middle peasants and even the social sectors of union tradition but unhappy
their organizations as the teachers.
On the other hand, she has engaged on a wave of conservative traditionalism driven by
religious sectors who questioned timid, late and inconsistent policies of respect for
sexual diversity of the Santos government, especially in homophobic protests triggered
house rules manuals reform-driven projects of colleges by the Ministry of education.
It is important to add that the same characteristics of the long insurgency war lived in
the country, which is presented as a civil low intensity war in some areas and at certain
times, with a strong component of damage and casualties the civilian population, resulted
in what the hegemonic block, which then is fragmented and ente santistes uribiste, is
capable of carrying a large group of the population that identifies itself by a deep
hatred for the FARC, combining traditional values anti-socialist bourgeois sectors and
landowners with the deep conservatism of some popular sectors.
Similarly, it is important to emphasize that the uribisme gave a demonstration of the
political capacity he enjoys managing to build a majority common sense which replaced the
dichotomy 'peace and war "with that of" appeasement or renegotiation ". Ultimately, the No
vote was a direct message to the incumbent government and in favor of the traditional
strengths of the country (farmers, priests, landowners), more than a firm rejection of the
negotiated end of armed conflict.
The massive abstention
The electoral abstention of 62.57%, the highest percentage in 22 years, has exceeded the
traditional middle of the country, which since the middle of the period of the National
Front is very high, even having tended to decline slightly during the past decade,
continued to turn around 50% of registered es. This remains one of the highest percentages
of abstention in the continent and it shows that half of the population, both urban and
rural, do not participate in the political system they deem correctly as distant, corrupt
and distant from their material interests.
A graffiti pro-FARC in Orito, in 2007
Beyond this historical trend, the current results reflect the weakness of direct political
participation mechanism established by the 1991 constitution, which exceptions in contexts
where social movements have a strong local power, received no application in a regime that
maintains political exclusion. C
e above leads us to affirm that, despite significant outreach efforts, much of the
population is incredulous to the agreements reached. This meets disbelief as the inability
favorable stakeholders in the process to challenge much of the population that has had the
ability to associate uribisme agreements with questionable government policies in an
increasingly unfavorable time . Critics who have fallen on tax policy and the form in
which the media-uribisme took advantage seems to be the most outstanding example.
Polarization and territorial fragmentation
Despite much of the political forces have sought for that campaigns are not converted into
a bipartisan dispute, the poll has shown that even national politics continues to be
marked by the traditional right represented in its two main business. On one hand, the
Democratic Centre has mobilized its electoral base as evidenced by the fact that the
departments where there were more votes in favor of No are those who launched the campaign
Zuluaga in the last presidential elections: Casanare, Antioquia, Meta, Huila, Quindio,
Risaralda and Caldas.
Conversely, National Unity saw a fragmentation at its social base and even within his
coalition forces, as shown by the parties has acted as vice president of Radical Change
Vargas Lleras preparing his candidacy for presidential elections 2018.
The influence of the international context
In world news we also note a number of trends affecting the Colombian political situation.
First, in the midst of new waves of terrorist attacks against white-he-s civilian, led
mainly by Islamic fundamentalists in different parts of the world, the imagination that
links terrorism FARC tends to increase -in an authoritarian global agenda and sécuritaire-
making more obscure the difference between acts of armed rebellion.
anti-FARC demonstration in 2007
On the other hand, the impact of the Conservative turning out important and named end of
the cycle of progressive governments in Latin America, expressed by phenomena such as the
recent coup against Parliamentary State Dilma Rousseff in Brazil, the political defeat of
the referendum of Evo Morales in Bolivia, the electoral victories parliament of the
Democratic unity Roundtable in Venezuela, or with the presidency of Mauricio Macri in
Argentina and Pedro Pablo Kuczynski, Peru.
This turn takes a particularly acute form in Colombia, where the recent border crisis with
Venezuela and the harsh economic crisis presents the government Nicolás Maduro are
operated permanently by the Colombian right actively involved with the bourgeois
opposition in the neighboring country and fantasized on more than one occasion of an open
war against Chavismo. With the invocation of the fantasy of the "Castro Chavismo" embodied
by the FARC, the uribisme has used it for the existing strong political rejection and
built carefully by the Colombian establishment from all sides, with what he assumed was a
of his greatest political threats.
Finally, it is clear that this second phase of the global economic crisis began in 2008,
which led to the slow growth of the United States, European stagnation, the Japanese
recession and the slowdown of the Chinese economy, with the resulting drop International
commodity prices in general and mining-energy products in particular, has strongly
affected a dependent economy like Colombia.
The latter has experience from two decades of process re-primarization and economic
liberalization, leaving a fragile economy, softened and sin signs of immediate
improvement, which led the national government to implement policies adjustment affecting
the Colombian working people. And ads like higher taxes, just been used by opponents of
dialogue with the FARC, saying that it will be the society as a whole which will assume
the post-economic agreements spending, creating an infinite number of myths and false
relations between the factors in an unfavorable political landscape increases the
confusion in the population.
future scenarios
Weakened by a new political defeat, but to power through the support of a block of the
dominant sector and without immediate prospects of resignation, it is clear that the
Santos government has the legal capacity to give the current peace process continuity. The
question is how?: Renegotiating and seeking an agreement that does not imply an
endorsement? Using another consultation mechanism? A Constituent Assembly, as some
suggest-es? These are all possible responses must be evaluated in light of the economy of
forces nationally.
guerrilla of the FARC on leave in 2010
It seems that the dissident uribiste sector, led by the former candidate for mayor of
Bogota, Francisco Santos, refers to the need for a national reconciliation pact to give
the agreement continuity. Ultimately, this suggests to realize the old santiste aspiration
to overcome the division within the bourgeoisie, to include the Democratic Centre, and in
general the developers and promoters of No, a political bloc in favor of the agreement,
which currently can not be achieved without questioning the supposed fundamental pact.
As for actors and actresses live-es of confrontation, we find that Santos in his
presidential address reaffirmed its disposal to keep the process open, maintaining the
cease-fire. For its part, the FARC has shown a willingness to continue the dialogue
reaffirming the bilateral cease-fire and final obtained with the government there two
months. However, facing the entrance areas of the most recalcitrant right that triumph
today demanding the renegotiation of the terms for the outcome of the conflict between the
oldest insurgency in Latin America and the Colombian State notoriously change. What makes
more complex the current political landscape, since it opens the possibility that the FARC
are being forced to take a different strategy, the same as other insurgent es actors and
actresses as the ELN and the EPL.
our bet
The left and the social movements seem to plunge into perplexity and the evident inability
to stake real alternatives in the current political moment. The strategic challenge
continues to be reconfigured the current political configuration that puts the center of
attention the clash between the hard right and the soft right.
As an organization libertarian, we consider that after the defeat of the Yes it necessary
to continue to fight politically for a negotiated solution to the armed conflict between
the government and the insurgency. Our bet is therefore to be that face the national pact
between fractions of the bourgeoisie forced to reconcile, it is necessary to intensify
efforts to achieve the militant unity of the working class and communities in struggle. We
believe in transforming the collective imagination that have been imposed since the war
against insurgency, which criminalize revolutionary alternatives today, and develop great
strength popular movements that will be the protagonists in future scenarios political and
social conflict.
We recognize that there are significant difficulties for such a purpose, but it also
possible to overcome some of this problematic legacy through alliances among popular
sectors in struggle, openness to other sectors and organizations, and programmatic
innovation in the struggles. We continue to believe that it is urgent to forge the unity
of those from below to create a popular movement with processing capacity. We assume in
this bet and challenge of building a strong people, with class independence and organized
since its foundation.
We are there, and from there we continue with the strong conviction that only the struggle
and self-organization from below and to the left of the workers and popular sectors will
be the only way to build alternatives to the live well; to build these other possible
worlds for a more just and free society.
Standing those who struggle!
Libertario Grupo Vía Libre, Bogota, October 2016
[1]Comisión negociadora Gobierno nacional FARC-EP. Final acuerdo para the completion del
conflicto y la construcción de una paz y estable duradera. On Mesadeconversaciones.com.co
08/24/2016
[2]registraduria Nacional del Estado Civil. Nacional Boletín No. 43. Preconteo Plebiscito
2 octubre 2016, Republic of Colombia. On plebiscitoregistraduria.gov.co .
[3]See for example: Vía Libre, "Ante el acuerdo de cese al fuego bilateral definitivo y el
gobierno colombiano between y las FARC" ., 26 de junio de 2016. Or Julián Lopéz "El
plebiscite, la izquierda y los sectores libertarios " .
[4]Asociación Comunicación Política. Ranking of Popularidad septiembre de 2016. On
compolitica.com .
[5]Wikipedia. Elecciones presidenciales of Colombia in 2014 .
[6]El Tiempo, "The fue del Plebiscito the mayor abstención in 22 años" , October 2, 2016.
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Colombie-La-victoire-du-Non-au
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Message: 5
In this post we published a text of the anti-authoritarian movement Larisa, entitled "A
proper response to the publication Avgi text" Who and how to determine the principles of
the Left? " . This text, published in the newspaper of the ruling party Syriza few days
after the eviction three squatters ceiling for refugees and immigrants, is a libel
(misspelled) against self-organized structures, while defending bourgeois legality, and
justifying Clampdown be reluctant to it. ---- As in this text reveals the true face and
intentions of the Left, and the lack of dialectic and argumentation that governs his
speech, is likely to devote another entry, highlighting some points of the text and giving
an answer more local servants of neoliberal sovereignty.
In every action there is an illegal, ethics first fundamental rule, which answers to who
and how "benefits" from it. Resorting to this rule we see that the argument of the
illegality of the squatters and roof structures crumbles. Which leaves beneficiary is not
the political subject that comes to the occupation of a building, but those in need by the
living conditions imposed. The buildings used to provide roof (housing) and to relieve
these people are carefully selected, and in no case are buildings used by others. In most
cases, they are buildings that are in poor storage conditions, due to be abandoned and
unused. The solidarity people strive to make them habitable again. Interestingly the
application of the law is limited to projects of solidarity, in which no one gets away ,
but those who need to stay to meet the basic needs of survival, and does not touch the
illegalities of financial gain. Let us see the law, but not squint.
As for the "beasts of the open sea" , we have long been watching the actions does the
Left. They not have done that have ruled before her, and we have hopes that make them the
next. The beasts of the open sea are also established on earth. Our solidarity is the only
way we have to face in practice plans of these beasts. They are plans aimed at bring any
hope to live decently, both we and immigrants, who are already part of our society. In
this society we will defend it by all means.
With regard to the legality of a squatter, only laughter can give us the perspective of
the author of the article, which focuses on the licenses (permits) and legal guarantees
necessary. By the way, what permits that were achieved last winter to ride tents (for
refugees) were? What were the assurances given to alojasen in these stores are entire
families, children, sick and tired of being refugees? What law, ethics or written, allowed
these people to live in this environment? How is the issue of health care of these people
are confronted? They are relentless questions that have arisen seeing only the appearance
of these "structures" "guaranteed" by the government, and they always make that cast doubt
roof structures (self-organized), even if it is merely a occupied buildings. And by the
way, it is obvious that these buildings were renovated and improved performance and
aesthetics. In any case, it constituted a decent tent than any offered by the left of the
principles and values ceiling. Our epicenter are refugees. Of course, we had no illusion
that this was understood by those who trade figures and requirements in the halls of
conventions, using the migration issue and the lives of refugees in the negotiations. If
you have some honesty, however, implementing the decisions of the European Union that open
and close the borders according to their interests and contribute to the poverty of the
people, not talk of hostages. True activity is having real actions (true). These are ours
and are against you.
As for the criteria of the "selection" of the refugees housed (in squats), only those who
are far from such actions "do not know what (the criteria) , " as you mention in the
article. The word selection is far from our desires and our moral need to support the
rights of refugees. Our limited possibilities offer hospitality made us the most
vulnerable first, in the framework of mutual respect, and obviously respecting rules
(regulations) structured by the assemblies and not with decisions made by those above and
executed by those below.
On Greek homeless and anti-authoritarians who are not interested in them, again you are
misinforming. Is this intentional disinformation? Maybe you should ignore the fact that
the squatters are also people of Greek origin, who are not fundamental to survive stayed.
And you ought to expose some solid arguments nothing about a situation that you
desconocéis and intentionally do not investigate. Information on the trials that followed
the evictions of squatters ceiling and you know things would not say crap for no reason.
If you were informed, you would know something of the ironic attitude of the judicial
authorities towards our colleagues. After all that we ask how are recruited hostages, as
you say, and as a party of them is removed. We count on your creativity to receive a reply
with your arguments for libel about our intentions and our motives.
What the Left will henceforth have a certain importance, mainly for historical reasons. In
our consciousness, no government, although self-denominated leftist, can not express our
ideals and our dreams. The "ethics of the Left" and struggles should be present here today
and should occur in the present. Memories of the past can not cross out or evictions of
squatters and the fact that there were people who were thrown into the street and were
dragged into lawsuits. With the invocation of the past can not be cross out the repressive
military - type operations in middle of the night, against families with children ... the
crime they committed sleep. You can continue to count your election or at least your
commitments triumphs, however, you do not expect that we consent these commitments. We
want for nothing appropriating your clientele. We headed to the caring people, which
exists and hardens to build a world we deserve. A world that you can not give us . Declare
your memos and let us count our souls.
No man in the street. No empty building.
------------------------------
Message: 6
The narration accompanied by photographs of Margaret Všelichová and Mirka Farkas, who went
to northern Syria, to stand alongside Kurdish militia YPJ and YPG in Rojava defense
against '. Islamic state. He rojava not only resisted, but now inflicts ISIS one defeat
after another, and frees your neighbors. Liberated Rojava becomes hope for the entire
Middle East, not only a successful defense against ISIS, but also the ongoing revolution
based on the emancipation of women, social and economic autonomy. Margaret and rate well
organized material aid to people affected by the hardships of war directly in Syria - to
lecture you will learn how you can help. It will of course be given space and discuss your
questions.
FB event:[www.facebook.com/events/185667201869955/]
Date & Time:
Wednesday, 12 October, 2016 - 19:00
Category: bar/cafediscussion/presentationexhibition
Price: free
Tea Club in Decin
Hudeckova 664
Decin
Czech Republic
radar.squat.net/en/node/109186
------------------------------
Message: 7
On Saturday, October 15 in Europe there will be demonstrations and pickets against free
trade treaties CETA (agreement European Union - Canada) and TTIP (the agreement EU - USA).
Both agreements have created a giant free trade zone and threaten workers' rights and
consumer and the environment, and both have the support of the Polish government. The only
chance to stop the TTIP and CETA are social protests that force the political elite to
withdraw from these projects. In this fight must include also the trade unions because
both agreements threaten our rights! ---- Workers' Initiative supports the protests
against TTIP and CETA and encourages members and members of a compound to actively
participate in demonstrations in Warsaw and Krakow:
Warsaw - hours. 13:00 The Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development (ul. Wspólna
30)[event on Facebook]
Krakow - hours. 13:00 Main Market[event on Facebook]
Basic problems of TTIP / CETA from the point of view of employees and workers:
International free trade agreements lead to job losses and lower wages. TTIP agreement
could mean the loss of 100 thousand. jobs in Poland. As a result of CETA could disappear
over 200 thousand. jobs in the EU. The effect of trade liberalization is usually only a
wage increase executives of multinational corporations, while the salaries of rank and
workers stand in place or are reduced.
A very serious problem with free trade is a "race to the bottom" and deregulation of
regulations on occupational safety and health. After signing the agreements TTIP / CETA
national governments will be subjected to pressure to bring the regulations to protect
employees and workers to the lowest level (eg. To permit cheaper, but harmful to the
health of production technologies, which are allowed in other countries of the free trade
area).
TTIP / CETA also strengthens the institution of arbitration investor-versus-state (ISDS),
whereby corporations can sue the state and undermine the law, "threatening their future
profits." Every year the state pay billions of dollars as a result of decisions within
ISDS. This money will mean a real loss for national budgets and local, and hence -
restrictions on public spending. Corporate profits are placed far above the common good.
Eg. Egypt under this system was sued by corporations Veolia for raising the minimum wage.
In the long run, this leads to the fact that countries are afraid to improve working
conditions, because it threatens them with high compensations for corporations.
Agreement introduce a threat to certain sectors due to the lowering of import duties (this
applies to 99% of the duties currently in force between Canada and the EU). This means
that local production will not be protected against competition from transnational
corporations that are able to sell their goods cheaper thanks to mass production, cheaper
energy and a much lower environmental standards. It threatens the small and medium-sized
enterprises in Poland and - in particular - agriculture. It always reflects on the
situation of employees and workers.
These agreements are negotiated in secret, virtually without the participation of trade
unions and other civil society organizations, bypassing democratic procedures. Consent
agreements TTIP / CETA will constitute the final victory beyond any social control over
corporate societies. The victory, which for a long funeral any hopes of a fairer system of
socio-economic development and further worsen the situation of workers and employees.
Workers' Initiative supports the protests against CETA and TTIP and encourages all and all
to participate in the mobilization of 15 October.
First, people then profits!
http://www.rozbrat.org/publicystyka/kontrola-spoeczna/4487-mobilizacja-przeciwko-ceta-i-ttip-
http://w.ozzip.pl/teksty/informacje/ogolnopolskie/item/2183-15-pazdziernika-moblizacja-przeciwko-ceta-i-ttip
------------------------------
Message: 8
Thursday, June 23, 2016 has undoubtedly marked a historic date in Colombia. That day, in
the dialogues of peace and Havana negotiating table, the state government of Juan Manuel
Santos and the insurrection of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia - People's Army
(FARC-EP) have agreed a bilateral and definitive cease-fire. ---- For many Colombians and
Colombians, it is a burning desire come true. Without ceasing to share the popular
enthusiasm, we note that this is not yet the end of the war and there is a long way to go
to achieve social change and real benefits for the workers, the social sectors and
peoples. ---- We, Grupo Vía Libre Libertario, we recognize the historical importance of
these agreements for the country since it is obvious that much of the population no longer
wished to live a war so degrading and cruel like ours and that is so a good reason to
celebrate for many people and communities. In this sense, we must recognize many positive
elements in these agreements, such as the fact that the oldest and sustainable insurgent
force in Latin America abandons the armed struggle without going so far and finished by a
violent pact confrontation between the group and the state, resulting in a breakthrough
for various popular political organizations that seek that social struggles are most
listened in the spheres of government. However, there remain many challenges and must
continue to develop the struggles and claims.
These agreements, which formalize a truce made with various upheavals between armed actors
since 2013, represented a quantum leap on the way out of the armed struggle. Nevertheless
we believe that there is still much to do, since there were no negotiations with other
insurgent groups, but little real importance, such as the National Liberation Army or the
People's Army liberation, which took up arms as the FARC-EP since half a century, with
which the government has not shown a great willingness to dialogue. Especially since the
end of armed conflict did not mark the social conflict that generated marked by extreme
social inequality, especially in the countryside, the usurpation of land by the rural
bourgeoisie and landowners and terrorist policies of the state to repress the social movement.
We note that this year was marked by several waves of social conflicts that have converged
in protest days as January 24, the national strike of 17 March, the third largest national
agrarian strike struggles which in turn reinforced the idea to organize a strong national
civic blockage that has reduced the anti-people policies of the government. Thus, various
sectors of the peasant movement, indigenous and black, with jointly the workers and
laborers, professors, students and workers and informal workers, demonstrated a strong
rejection of neo-liberal policies of the second government of Juan Manuel Santos that
increase insecurity and social inequality.
At the same time, most committed sectors stressed the need to support the process of
dialogue between the government and the insurgency, seeking the establishment of peace
with social justice and saw the signing of agreements means that the voices of workers and
peoples historically excluded are heard. Similarly, they have supported the transformation
of the FARC-EP as a political party with guarantees of security and participation in the
rules of the current democracy. While this may generate the possibility of guaranteeing
the rights of the political opposition in a country with an institutional system also
closed a real democratic opening remains to be seen.
We emphasize that neither the ruling class nor their state apparatus does not have
everything to lose in this situation, since it is signed on paper is not a real guarantee
for the fulfillment of the agreements. Just remember the systematic violation by the same
government signed agreements following the National Agrarian Block of August and September
2013, which led peasant movements, black and indigenous organize the National Agrarian
Summit, leading again with success an intense social movement in which indigenous
villagers Willington Quibarecama, Gersain Cerón and Marco Aurelio Díaz were murdered by
state repression.
We also note that, although they had sold the idea of a new country under the banner of
peace, the government has yet to demonstrate by concrete facts his willingness to
demilitarize society, a desire that is not necessarily evident in view of the
criminalization of the struggles of the oppressed classes and sectors, or the continued
imprisonment of political prisoners such as intellectual Miguel Ángel Beltrán. Similarly,
one of the things that puts more doubt on the willingness of government peace is the
validation of a new Police Code that strengthens the repression and waiting for the
exercise of several freedoms of the civilian population.
We must also denounce the dangerous role of the extreme right uribiste (former President)
in this new political landscape through his campaign for the "No" in a referendum on the
ratification of a peace process with intended to derail the peace process as it has
fought. On the other side, the campaign for the "Yes" is conducted primarily by the
National Unity (santiniste, the party of the current president), and to a lesser extent,
by the majority of left forces.
This highlights a trend of polarization around the agreements signed in Havana, which
would have as main camps two variants, neo-liberal right of Santos and Uribe authoritarian
right, the latter being presented by the media as the main force political opposition to
the government media who until recently supported the war against-insurrectionelle. The
role of the left and popular movements in the eventual referendum, although still limited
asset, shows that the people have little impact in the political landscape.
Do not forget the recent increase in paramilitary activities, murdered in recent months
various popular leaders, particularly the peasants. Poorly-called "criminal bands"
(BACRIM), which are none other than the new form of paramilitary, exercise daily
domination of many territories allied to the military, political notables and
entrepreneurs, as we have seen with the recent military strike called by these forces in
the Urabá region, and at the same time pursue, threaten and murder members of the social
and political left. The para-militarism, supported by civil resistance strategy pursued by
Uribe, poses a great threat in this new scenario, since there is always a risk of
political genocide, as could suffer the generation of social struggles for years 80
organized by activists of the patriotic Union of Struggle, the popular Front or the union
social movements, peasants, and indigenous.
Finally, we consider that although the end of the armed struggle of a guerrilla group the
size of the FARC-EP is something important we must not forget that we still face a
state-insurgency against which has a symbolic and material violence against the classes
and subordinate sectors to maintain a social order based on exploitation, inequality and
exclusion of workers, social sectors and peoples. Let it not be forgotten that there is
still a repressive apparatus that works instantly suppress any protest those from below
than from above regard as illegitimate. Let it not be forgotten that although the end of
the guerrilla opens a new stage in the class struggle in this country, the capitalist
order, statist, patriarchal worldwide is inherently violent, as will the befall the
revolutionary process.
In an anarchist organization we call to intensify the momentum of organization,
mobilization and basic multi-sectoral struggles, as we do on multiple planes, among others
in the student struggles in education, territories on gender and communication, among
others. As we have already said, much remains to be done. In this context of partial peace
between two parties must bet on the construction of true peace for the workers, the
workers and peoples, formed from the local community and initiative, from where inequality
and exclusion are the daily bread. We must continue to carry the socialist libertarian
impetus to the construction of autonomy, self-management and the people's power in all
territories where we work.
It is not enough that those above open the possibility of participating in bourgeois
democracy, because it is extremely limited, it is functional to its rule and that it is
not that it will materialize opportunities radical change of the relations of domination
and oppression. In the current context, we reaffirm that the construction of another world
is possible through the elimination of capitalism and the state, which are responsible for
the main war waged against the people, that of hunger, of exploitation and dispossession
of the commons.
It was certainly a historic day, but there is still much to do that through the force
organized and mobilized our people we can build a fairer and freer life.
Grupo Libertario Via Libre, June 24, 2016, Bogota
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Colombie-analyse-rouge-et-noire-a
------------------------------
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