Today's Topics:
1. Last article about the last process in Turkey from H. (DAF
member) (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
Istanbul Yenikapi Rally that was realized last Sunday is an important example showing the
extent of political mobilization in Turkey, happening in the last month. The rally, which
was joined by five million people and the leaders of opposition parties (except HDP),
showing "unity of the protectors of democracy", actually had multiple messages targeting
both domestic and foreign politics. During the coup process, which can be described as the
clashing of power groups inside the state, it looks like president Erdogan and AKP
Government managed to talk different political groups into their "politics for coup
process". ---- What Happened? ---- The existence of state on the lands we live on, is
directly related to the existence of the army, especially considering its relation during
the founding process. Coup is a term that has an important place in the political life of
the Turkish Republic. One can see how the coup, as an inevitable political reality of the
existence of state in these lands, affects the current state policies considering the
latest coup that occurred, the 1980 Coup. What happened on July 15, has a character that
continues this political reality. The army who wanted to intervene the political power
tried to take control of strategically important state buildings; many bureaucrats in
strategically important positions were taken hostage, the parliament and intelligence
buildings were bombed, bridges and airports were blocked by soldiers, clashes occurred
between soldiers and the police. The five hour coup attempt was terminated with different
and rapid maneuvers of the current government and especially of president Erdogan. Among
these maneuvers, notable factors are control of the media, control of the civil and mass
mobilization through the media and the control of law enforcement under Ministry of
Internal Affairs.
Mobilization
Current political power was able to maintain a massive mobility since July 15 under the
name "democracy watch" especially targeting the street and military areas. To create the
civil mobilization that stopped the tanks marching towards the bridges blocked by soldiers
on the night before July 16, AKP have been using all facilities of state. Since July 15,
while this mobilization is identified with sacred values of the state, and the ones who
lost their lives in this mobilization are declared "martyrs" with stories of heroism, a
state of continuous vigilance is tried to be created by steadily pumping hate and revenge.
The big rally mentioned above is en extension of this state of vigilance. We see that part
of the mobilization on the street is also targeting various sections (Kurdish, Alevi,
Opposition) that stand against the state in different areas. AKP and Erdogan, which hold
the current political power, have become a platform for Islamist-nationalist formations.
This is shown clearly by the symbols created by the process.
Cover Of Democracy
Each coup is a process by which the state oppression shows itself in a physical and
violent form. It is nothing but putting pressure on the oppressed using force and violence
to take over the political power. As revolutionaries who experienced the period when
military coup of 1980 directly murdered, tortured and repressed the revolutionaries and
the oppressed, and the period following it, we know too well what coups really are.
We also know what is being tried under the name of allegedly anti-coup "democracy
struggle" since July 15. The state of being "elected power" which is raised as an argument
against the sections that plotted the coup, plays an important part in legitimizing
current position of AKP and Erdogan. All political discourse they raised since July 15 is
in fact related to this cover of democracy.
We have emphasized before that AKP and Erdogan have made explicit their characteristic of
being a platform for Islamist-nationalist sections. Especially considering the struggle of
these sections against pro-coup, laicistic, radical Kemalist power groups inside the state
since the founding of the state, it can be seen that there is an existential contradiction
between this platform and the army and republican bureaucrats. As much as this
contradiction seems like pro-democracy, it is really far away from it. To see the
distance, it is suffice to look at the "demands" in the street. Death penalty, presidency
with extra authorities, and many other demands based on the same Islamist and
nationalistic values are hidden under the cover of democracy.
While democracy is sanctified by the current political power, demands of the 51% who voted
for this political power in the latest elections are described as the will of the people.
The reality is even farther away from this. Current political power is trying to sell its
plans and strategies as the people's demands. Since this platform is against all
"political values of the West", its play of pro-democracy is not realistic.
It must be noted, on the other hand, that we should not fall into the same trap that some
socialist organizations fell into while doing the analysis. Our criticism above does not
mean that we embrace the democratic values of the system. In fact, it is the same
democratic system that makes possible "the majority oppress the minority" under the play
of pro-democracy. Inside this democratic system, when radical Islamist take power, they
are the pro-democratic; and when the nationalists or liberals take power, they are. This
is the exact message that AKP and Erdogan want to give to the West; "we are democratic".
Who Plotted The Coup?
In our assessments from the start, we indicated that the current process is a result of
the power groups inside the state fighting for power. It's known that since the first
elections that AKP started to hold the state power, AKP has relationships with the Gulen
Community which was gaining popularity especially in the international media. Even Erdogan
himself declared in a recent rally, that he had relations with the Gulen Community and
that he was deceived and apologized from the people.
Fethullah Gulen, who is a religious authority and community leader have had an increasing
influence on Turkish politics in the last thirty years. This increasing influence reached
political power with AKP and opened the door for organizing significant positions inside
significant state agencies. Current AKP power also benefited from this positional
convenience. Conservative identity of the party allowed this. Fethullah Gulen was seen as
an important spiritual leader until last four years by party members and Erdogan himself.
The peak of this fight for power in the last four years due to various political and
economic reckoning is this coup attempt. Considering the depth of their relations and the
relations of coup plotters with Gulen Community, the process defines something very
different from classical contradiction between Kemalists and conservatives. This is a
clash of interests. Gulen and his community which are accused of treason by the political
power, are just one side of a broken partnership.
Scenarios
Since the question is the political power of the state, it's obvious that political clash
of power groups inside the state has a place in international schemes. Since the day of
coup attempt, in a process where all TV channels, newspapers, radios, except the
revolutionary ones became a part of the mass media various scenarios were continuously
broadcast and are still being broadcast. Most of the scenarios state that the coup is made
by the US with the hand of Gulen Community, due to the fact that Gulen resides in US. The
scenarios often talk about the coup attempt is being designed by CIA due to anti-West
international politics of the Turkish state.
Other scenarios talk about the coup attempt being designed and operated by AKP and Erdogan
himself. These other scenarios emphasize that Erdogan who would reinforce its power as a
result of this process would eliminate all opposition in this position. Of course the
oppression politics against the Kurds plays an important role in creating this context of
no opposition. AKP, CHP, MHP which acted as "unity of democracy" since the beginning of
the process followed a policy that explicitly left HDP out, creating an allegedly
"coalition of democracy" accusing HDP and the Kurdish movement to be a part of the plot
and thus disabling HDP.
Another scenario as part of the same process of disabling is the war scenario. In this
scenario, following the violent operations it made in a period of one year especially in
North Kurdistan, its emphasized that the state getting ready for massacres at even larger
scales. Within a conjuncture where the line between civil war and foreign war disappeared
in the last ten years, one cannot but think that one end of the war will be directed to
Rojava and Syria. Considering Syria and the mobilization in Middle east geography alone,
it's possible that the coup process is part of other international schemes.
State Of Emergency For Who?
It's important for us revolutionary anarchists to analyze well all scenarios above as
possibilities with respect to our near and distant perspectives. We need revolutionary
strategies made with these perspectives. However, apart from all these scenarios, we as
revolutionaries feel the practical repercussions of the State Of Emergency process since
July 20.
The state is in a process of reconstruction since July 20. Operations in the army, police,
judiciary, economic centers, ministries, municipalities, etc are still going on. The state
which is a mechanism of oppression and violence, becomes more oppressive and more violent
with this delegated legislation, and apart from the sections related to Gulen Community,
increase the attacks on revolutionaries, taking advantage of the process.
Populist opposition engaged with the power, big media pool which became the voice of
political power, law enforcement directly reporting Erdogan, fascist mass ready to
mobilize with Islamist-nationalist values, army ready to attack near geographies within
international conjuncture... Possible dangers awaiting the oppressed and the
revolutionaries in this geography.
The fight of power groups claiming political power over a device rising above economic and
political injustice; is nothing but the hegemony of the oppressors over the oppressed
gaining permanency in order to destroy the freedom of the oppressed. Neither the apparent
or implied dictatorship, nor military or civil formation, nor coups or elections of the
political powers that are enemies of the people have any relations to peoples will. We,
who believe that life of freedom cannot be created by coup nor by elections, know the
existence of state as a coup to freedom and our revolt will last until it creates a free
world. What we all need is, not getting hopes up from the fight between the powers, but to
know that hope is revolution for freedom.
Huseyin Civan (DAF member)
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