Anarchistic update news all over the world - 23 April 2016

Anarchistic update news all over the world - 23 April 2016


Today's 7 Topics:

1. Chile, periodico-solidaridad: SUMAR list wins the elections
in the Federation of Students of the University of Concepción
(FEC) By Nahuel Valenzuela and Anata Pachakuti (ca) [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. anarkismo.net: Reclaiming Our Global Past: Why South Africa
is Not "New Terrain" for Anarchism/Syndicalism, and How it is
Being Re-implemented Locally southern africa by Warren McGregor -
ZACF (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. anarkismo.net: Remembering 1916 Together: Anarchist
Perspectives - video from DABF (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. France, Alternative Libertaire AL - unionism, Live from CGT
congress: the Lepaon case is indignant, the general strike is
stamping (Day 2) (fr, it, pt) [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. Greece, Thessaloniki: Progress against the new insurance
bill By A.P.O. -- The mathematics of the "left" who will pay? we
again!! (fr, it, pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. Czech, afed: A brief report from Podebradské discussions
about police activities against antiautoritárum
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
7. Turkey, We are growing the fire of anarchist workers from
DAF (Revolutionary Anarchist Action) (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1



The SUMAR platform, brings together four organizations: University Rebel Force (FUR), 
Libertarian Action (AL), Dignity (MLD) and the Society of Union and Resistance (SUR) 
Movement and several independent. Wills that came together in SUMAR achieved a major 
victory in the second round, getting 1584 votes, winning the federative table, as well as 
3 vocalías to those presented: Gender and Sexuality, Culture and Human Rights, and 
Solidarity and Social Conflicts. ---- Who make up this list, declare that have nothing to 
do with the old left parties, and are recognized as part of that Independent Left, growing 
from below, from the concrete struggles of our peoples, and integrated into their daily 
work the feminism, struggles undertaken by the working people and also the 
socio-environmental resistance carried out by the communities and give up the fight.

The comrades of AL-Concepcion said in a brief comment that "will be up to the challenge of 
contributing to build a FEC serving the struggles of the peoples, an FEC linked to 
territorial and environmental conflicts, a feminist FEC and antipatriarchal, a class FEC 
". While the FUR-Concepcion said in a statement, they hope to "converge this 2016 by the 
secondary and university movement of the rest of the country on a strong political program 
that can defend on the streets, will help oxygenate the social sectors in struggle of our 
people. "

Notably SUMAR was not the only left list opting to driving the FEC. Moreover, the second 
round was led by SUMAR and "Aperremos" left the two projects that were presented to the 
elections, which at the University of Concepción is an unprecedented event. Which 
expresses the collapse in adherence to the proposal unionist and the list of the New 
Majority parties in this university.

http://www.periodico-solidaridad.cl/2016/04/21/lista-sumar-gana-las-elecciones-en-la-federacion-de-estudiantes-de-la-universidad-de-concepcion-fec/

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Message: 2



Supplement to “Zabalaza: A Journal of Southern African Revolutionary Anarchism,” number 
14. ---- A Presentation at the St. Imier International Anarchist Conference by Warren 
McGregor (ZACF), August 2012. ---- Warren in front of the Anarkismo tent in St-Imier ---- 
Reclaiming Our Global Past: Why South Africa is Not "New Terrain" for Anarchism/ 
Syndicalism, and How it is Being Re-implemented Locally ---- A Presentation at the St. 
Imier International Anarchist Conference by Warren McGregor (ZACF), August 2012[1] ---- 
INTRODUCTION ---- Red and black regards, comrades! Mass organisations of counter-power of 
the working class and poor based on revolutionary counter-culture and direct action are 
necessary for social revolution. To build these, anarchism needs to become the dominant 
ideology of the working class, peasantry and poor (the popular classes) again.

The current South African (SA) context, given its history and the current balance of 
forces, dictates that it is amongst the black majority that anarchism needs to take hold. 
Black working class anarchists are best able to relate the ideas most effectively to local 
community and cultural landscapes. As anarchism competes with other ideologies, a militant 
black working class cadre can only emerge out of rigorous political education and activism 
centred on the revolutionary class politics of anarchism and syndicalism (anarchist trade 
unionism). To achieve this outcome, we argue for a specific anarchist political 
organisation: a Bakuninist organisation of tendency based on a shared platform of 
theoretical and strategic unity and individual discipline, working with and in the 
organisations of the popular classes - trade unions and social movements.

This historical legacy of organisation has re-emerged within countries of the "developing 
world." The especifismo model, influenced by the experiences of the comrades of the FAU of 
Uruguay and modelled on the Bakuninist "Platformist" tradition, has tremendous support in 
the anarchist resurgence in South America and has been adopted by the ZACF.

Anarchism's core principles of direct democracy, mutual aid, free and voluntary 
association and its commitment to a revolutionary transformation of society from one based 
on oppression and domination, are again attractive to a global working class and poor 
seeking to remove the shackles of capitalism and the state. Its foremost strategy of mass 
anarchism (building popular class organisations of counter-power in workplaces and 
communities) is making steady progress, particularly in centres experiencing the harsh 
realities of capitalist crisis, state violence and renewed austerity attacks.

However, much still needs to be done if we are to accept the historical anarchist legacy - 
borne of the libertarian wing of the international workers' movement of the late 1800s, of 
dedication and commitment to a global revolutionary cause for a truly free socialist, 
egalitarian world. We want an anarchist world where production and distribution are based 
on human need, not profit and where all are fundamentally free to live and work as they 
see fit as long as the same right for others is secured. Southern Africa had several 
willing and militant advocates some 100 years ago. Thus present day applications of 
anarchist strategy in SA are not new in seeking to win over the black working class 
majority to anarchism/ syndicalism.

ANARCHISM/ SYNDICALISM IN SOUTHERN AFRICA

Acknowledging this legacy involves critically examining history and the influence of ideas 
on movement-building and revolutionary politics. In looking at the history of southern 
African workers' movements, particularly among black workers, the huge impact of 
syndicalism on these historical formations is clearly evident. Locally, these ideas were 
transmitted by, particularly, Scottish migrant workers in the late 1800s. However, 
anarchists and syndicalists faced a context marred by deep racial divisions between black 
(African, Coloured/ mixed race and Indian) and white workers and the national oppression 
of the black working class. Local syndicalists thus "maintained a principled opposition to 
racial discrimination and oppression, and a principled commitment to the creation of a 
multiracial anti-capitalist, anti- statist movement".[2]
This approach distinguished it from the Marxist "national-democratic approach" that had 
emerged during the early 20th century, which separated the struggle against national 
oppression from the class struggle into distinct stages. The syndicalist approach sought 
to mobilise black workers around both class and national issues. The formation of the 
first trade union for Africans, the Industrial Workers of Africa (IWA) in 1917, modelled 
on the syndicalist multiracial One Big Union concept, meant that by 1921 a truly 
multiracial revolutionary syndicalist movement with a vast network of counter-cultural 
practice had been formed. However, the IWA was only the latest syndicalist formation of 
the time and was preceded by the Cape Town IWW of 1910, the Clothing Workers' Industrial 
Union, the Indian Workers' Industrial Union, the Horse Drivers' Union and the Sweet and 
Jam Workers' Industrial Union representing several thousands. These were some of the first 
unions for people of colour. Side-by-side with these syndicalist formations, syndicalist 
political organisations, such as the Social Democratic Federation, the International 
Socialist League, the Industrial Socialist League and the libertarian wing of the 
Socialist Labour Party (van der Walt, 2011), were formed.

THE NATIONAL QUESTION THEN AND NOW

The social similarities between then and now are striking. Neo-liberal economic 
globalisation and migration have meant the re-emergence of the national question in our 
anarchist politics. The challenge posed to us anarchists and other working class movements 
is to understand the role of national and racial identities in everyday life and struggle. 
If we ignore them, we risk alienating ourselves from working class contexts and people 
deeply scarred by the legacies of the past and present - colonial and imperial 
expansionism, slavery, racism, apartheid, etc. We also hand the initiative, both 
rhetorical and in practice, to proponents of nationalism and far right-wing ideologies, 
which offer attractive yet false solutions to working class frustration and discontent. 
These deepen xenophobia and often lead to vicious intra-class rivalries and violence, 
which divide the popular classes into political ghettos. They do nothing to build united 
revolutionary counter-power, securing ruling class domination. There are numerous global 
examples of this in the past and today, as the recent round of xenophobic pogroms in South 
Africa makes clear.
The SA working class and poor face desperation on a frightening scale. Many are confined 
to makeshift corrugated iron and wood shacks without running water nor electricity, poor 
educational facilities and the daily violence of life in poverty.

Constitutional rights since the end of apartheid have meant little without concomitant 
socio-economic liberation. Thus the ZACF argues that the 1994 democratic transition that 
installed Nelson Mandela's African National Congress (ANC) as the new ruling class in the 
state signalled an important, but incomplete national liberation for the black majority. 
Despite the thousands of community protests annually, many continue to see salvation in 
the ANC, political parties and the state. As such these protests are generally aimed at 
reconfiguring community-level ANC political relations so as to access local state power. 
The state and, thus, the ANC are seen as avenues to wealth, power and to escape poverty. 
People also compete for state power (at local, provincial and national levels) so as to 
reward benefactors, family and friends with state tenders. This has meant increasingly 
violent competition for positions within the ANC.

The private economy continues to be dominated by local white and international elites. 
Claims of a white, racist conspiracy against black people usually fails to acknowledge 
that the SA state controls up to 35% of the economy, where some of the largest 
multinational companies operating on the African continent are SA parastatals, e.g. Eskom, 
Denel, Transnet, etc.

These conditions impact on the theoretical, strategic and tactical choices made by 
anarchists in South Africa today. This means working with and in a range of working class 
working class formations, but in the anarchist way: raising our critiques and analyses 
openly and honestly in all fora, much in the same way envisaged and practiced by Bakunin 
and the International Alliance.[3]

SOUTH AFRICA AND THE ZACF TODAY

From 1921, anarchism/syndicalism slowly disappeared from the political scene in southern 
Africa. The massive propaganda machine of the Russian Bolsheviks spreading their version 
of victory in 1917, the formation of the Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA) in 1921 
and its purge of libertarian communists and syndicalists in 1928 (on Comintern orders) 
launched Marxism as the dominant left force in South Africa, a position it still holds today.
The Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu), the largest trade union federation, 
emerged out of the struggles against apartheid and capitalism during the 1970s and 80s. 
Despite its recent expulsion of its largest affiliate in the metal section, NUMSA, it 
represents most of the labour force in South Africa (a country with a 35- 40% unemployment 
rate) [4] and is predominantly black. It is in an alliance with the South African 
Communist Party (SACP, renamed so in 1950) and the ruling ANC, which dominates this 
alliance. There are 3 smaller union federations, viz. the Federation of Democratic Unions 
of South Africa (historically made up of unions for white workers, but which has many 
black workers as dual members with Cosatu unions), the National Congress of Trade Unions 
(influenced by Black Consciousness and Marxism) and Solidarity (mainly of white Afrikaner 
membership).

Despite a heavy Marxist-Leninist rhetoric, the socio-economic policies of both Cosatu and 
the SACP are social-democratic/ Keynesianist, which in turn are subsumed by the 
neo-liberal policies of the ANC. This despite the fact that many SACP and Cosatu officials 
are members of and are elected to state office though the ANC.

The ravages of neo-liberal capitalism and state domination have meant sustained attacks on 
workers and the poor in SA. Cosatu's ties to the ANC, SACP and Marxism, as well as its 
highly authoritarian, bureaucratic structure, its inability to combat casualization which 
divides the organised from the unorganised, its refusal to link with community struggles 
for better living conditions and thus its inconsistent social and economic analyses, in 
most cases, means that for years it has alienated itself from the working class and poor 
society outside its unions.

As more and more people became and remained unemployed, became poorer and more destitute, 
new avenues for protest and contestation emerged in the struggle for a share of the wealth 
produced by SA (the continuing product of imperialist South African expansionism into Sub- 
Saharan Africa by both private and state-owned enterprises). Social movements located in 
SA's poor and predominantly black townships have emerged over the last 13 years, focusing 
their struggle against the neo- liberalisation of South African society.

It was within this social movement milieu that anarchists/syndicalists, many also from 
similar student protests, re-emerged as a small, but dedicated force. They sought to 
expose the SA poor to anarchism through workshops, solidarity work and campaigns. After a 
decade of organisational trial, error, success and self-critique, the ZACF was founded in 
2007 and continues to work with and in the working class and their organisations.

We are engaged in a battle of ideas. The SA working class terrain is one of many competing 
ideologies, but is dominated by authoritarianism, male chauvinism and nationalism - on the 
Left and Right. Anarchism competes with Marxism (of the Leninist variety) and a black 
nationalism that incorporates a revolutionary Marxist rhetoric, for ideological influence 
in the class.

Recently, the ZACF, despite years of hard work and sacrifice, found that many people knew 
of the anarchists, but not many knew about anarchism and its analyses. Self-critique has 
therefore led to a much greater emphasis on intensive, regular programmes of political 
education amongst grassroots activists and students. We have seen slow and steady progress 
and remain cautiously optimistic, knowing that much hard work lies ahead.

CONCLUSION

A collective programme and strategy in which collective responsibility plays a central 
role, seems the best path of organisation to meet the demands of promoting anarchism. We 
argue that the tradition of "Platformism" / Especifismo, is a re-statement of the 
Bakuninist approach and not a "Bolshevised" form of anarchist politics as some have 
charged. Bakunin once wrote, our organisation aims "to awaken and foment all the dynamic 
passions of the people" to organise from below "spontaneously, without outside 
interference… [or]…official dictatorship. [5] But he recognised that mass organisations do 
not, automatically generate a revolutionary consciousness. Thus we argue for engagement in 
the battle of ideas via a tight-knit collective and specific organisation. The fundamental 
task for anarchists is to win this battle, highlighting the way forward to a libertarian 
socialist direction of struggle and organisation. The masses constantly demand clear 
responses from anarchists and we need to respond in clear and precise ways to the contexts 
faced by the working poor.

Present-day anarchism in SA, however small, heeds the lessons of past struggles of 
anarchist/ syndicalist organisation in southern Africa. Our practice locally is in no way 
new terrain for anarchism, but a re-emergence of what was once the world's dominant left 
ideological practice. Statist solutions have failed the world over. It is time anarchism 
reclaims this position of leadership - not of individuals, but of ideas. History shows 
that the desperation of the popular classes leads to all manner of reaction. We must make 
sure that it is anarchism that provides the light in the darkness.

Forward to Anarchist Mass Counter-Power!
Forward to the Anarchist Social Revolution!

NOTES:

1. A conference of anarchists/syndicalists from around the world to commemorate the 140th 
anniversary of the founding of the Anarchist International in 1872 and to discuss ways 
forward for the global anarchist movement. The paper has been updated in mid-2015 to 
consider some recent developments.
2. Hirsch & van der Walt. 2010. Anarchism and Syndicalism, p.33. An exemplary study of 
this period can be found in Steven Hirsch and Lucien van der Walt's Anarchism and Syndicalism.

3. The International Alliance of Socialist Democracy was a political organisation founded 
by Mikhail Bakunin, a famous 19th century Russian anarchist revolutionary, and others in 
1868 as an entity for anarchist agitation within the International Workingmen's 
Association (more commonly known as the 1st International).

4. By 2014, the South Institute of Race Relations set the employment rate (using the 
expanded definition) at 35.6%, youth unemployment at 51.8%with about 82% of those 
unemployed being African. See Dimant. 2014. "Employment".

5. From Mikhail Bakunin's letter to Albert Richard in 1870.

REFERENCES:

Bakunin, M. (1870). "Letter to Albert Richard," available at: 
https://libcom.org/library/letter-albert-richard-mikhail- bakunin-0 Dimant, T. (2014). 
"Employment," in South Africa Survey Online 2014/2015, available at: 
http://irr.org.za/reports-and-publications/south-africa-survey/south-africa-survey-online-2014/downloads/ 
employment Hirsch, S. & van der Walt, L. (2010). Anarchism and Syndicalism in the Colonial 
and Postcolonial World, 1870-1940: the Praxis of National Liberation, Internationalism, 
and Social Revolution. Amsterdam: Brill Press. Van der Walt, L. (2011). "Anarchism and 
Syndicalism in an African Port City: the Revolutionary Traditions of Cape Town's 
Multiracial Working Class, 1904-1931," in Labour History, Vol 52(2), pp. 137-171.
Related Link: http://zabalaza.net

http://www.anarkismo.net/article/29236

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Message: 3



Almost a century ago, an armed insurrection took place in Ireland to end British rule and 
to establish an independent Irish Republic. The 1916 Rising was soon accompanied by major 
popular revolts against World War One across Europe and later emulated by anti-colonial 
movements across the Global South. ---- When it comes to remembering the 1916 Rising, why 
do conservative politicians and historians want to convince us that it would have been 
better for us if Pearse and Connolly had stayed at home? Why did the state parade lots of 
military equipment and personnel down O’Connell Street to mark the centenary? Why did so 
many people turn out to watch it? ---- This panel attempts to think through the meaning of 
1916 for us today, and the politics at stake in how these events are remembered, 
forgotten, and mis-remembered.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=drnxXE8JwRM

SPEAKERS

Andrew is a member of Workers Solidarity Movement, currently based in Dublin. He will be 
making the case for a more critical assessment of the legacy of 1916 in terms of the sort 
of movement we should be building today

Fionnghuala is a member of the Workers Solidarity Movement, currently based in Belfast. 
She will be taking a post colonial look at the celebrations and modern day ireland and 
where we find ourselves in the north.

Donal is a local Dublin historian and activist. He is one of the founders of the 
award-winning blog on Dublin life and culture, ‘Come Here To Me’. He will be looking at 
the revisionist nature of centenary, the reinvention of World War One as some kind of 
wonderful thing and the cult of Redmond.

Video recorded and edited by Andrew Flood https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=drnxXE8JwRM

http://www.wsm.ie/c/remembering-1916-anarchist-perspectives-video

http://www.anarkismo.net/article/29242

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Message: 4



Second day of the 51st Congress confederal CGT. Stern warning, with nearly a third of 
opposition on the activity report; silence of the national leadership on Lepaon case; 
debates rattrappés by the news, the word of renewed strike order... A standing ovation 
made from life, day to day, the blog Communisteslibertairescgt.org. ---- After the usual 
applause to new guests present - Solidarity and the UNEF, the arrival of a representative 
of the PCF still not anoncée - [...] between the congress in hard with the report 
activity, a masterpiece of wooden language... ---- Of the outstanding interventions 
ovationnées the room: Federal Show, Michelin Haute-Loire, Capgemini,... Journalists say 
that the analysis of operational problems is not sufficient or complain of having their 
activity forgotten. The case Thierry Lepaon comes up. Who benefited overcharging insists 
the National Union of Journalists (SNJ)?

The responses of the national leadership are poor little and the rapporteur booed by the 
room ending with a call to vote for the progress report on the grounds that Pierre Gattaz, 
head of Medef, said evil of the CGT in the Figaro!

The vote on the interim report falls like a chopper: against 31%; for: only 68%. 
Abstention concerned 14% of mandates.

Read also: "51st congress of the CGT: Release strategic and moral crisis? " , Alternative 
Libertaire of March 2016
Who benefited from the overcharges in Lepaon case?

The afternoon takes on the financial report, the report Cogétise - the contribution 
management tool - and financial control commission. Figures are given declining 
enrollment. Year after year, the decline in new members worried: 12,800 new and new 
members in 2012; 10,987 in 2015. The year 2016 started pretty well, with already 11,078 
new memberships.

A delegate from the Federation of Education, Research and Culture (FERC) is particularly 
applaud stressing that the SGC is funded at 50% by contributions from its adhérent.es, 
which is a real risk to his political independence. It strongly condemns the partnerships. 
A huge "living partner" is indeed active during the congress, and next mutual and 
consulting firms Bossant for works councils, there is... a Dassault stand, exposing a 
giant model of the Rafale!

Surprisingly, the report of the Financial Control Commission does not even mention the 
Lepaon case. When the overcharges "on" always research that could have benefited!

A vote on the financial report: against 27%; to 72%. Abstention concerned 12% of mandates.

Demonstration of 12 October 2012 the defense industry in Paris
J.Saintier cc / Photo of the social movement
Need for a clear call to the ongoing general strike

But it is the debate on the policy paper that would ignite the room. The rapporteur 
announced that 59 amendments are incorporated, but the document is not distributed. So, 
does anyone know if the amendment is adopted or not... can not debate so (the presidency 
should in). Delegates intervene to tell what they do in their business or industry. These 
stories are often interesting but do not advance the debate.

The document is finally distributed, but trade gradually deported to a topical debate. 
Several delegates applauded truly evoking, in different ways, the need for a clear call to 
the ongoing general strike. Standing ovation, even for a Rouen delegate with a standing 
room singing "All together, all together, general strike "!

The full report to follow the blog Communisteslibertairescgt.org

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?En-direct-du-congres-CGT-l-affaire

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Message: 5



After a time, twice "left" three elections, it is clear that any hope is now bankrupt. In 
the third memorandum signed by the coalition SY.RIZ.A. - AN.EL., antiasfalistika the 
measures to be voted on, impose such changes to the pension and the taxpayers' 
contributions, the only certainty is that it will impoverish even more the lower classes 
for the benefit of capital. Initially, it is proposed to consolidate all funds into a 
single entity that will "guarantee" main insurance and another that will "guarantee" 
subsidiary. The public social security is now behind us, as it will become an individual 
obligation of workers and the public health services will no longer be a private and 
therefore expensive "luxury". On top of all this comes on top of the cut of the main and 
auxiliary pensions frightening rates! The new single will be provided (where possible!) 
Markedly reduced and the government promotes the reduction of each with the aim of gradual 
disappearance in 2019. At the same time increasing employee contributions for health 
insurance and thus further reducing their wages.

It is obvious that the government aims to cover the deficit on the backs of already 
impoverished social groups, such as pensioners, but also with the changes promoted 
condemns all future employee, as the new insurance system is merely another attack of the 
local and international capital in the acquired labor rights. In this way, not only 
affected the lower classes, but also goes a step further individualization of work with 
obvious purpose even more fragmented workers' interests, so as to remain inactive in the 
face of impositions state and bosses. The freedoms circumvented, rights violated and to 
have their peace of mind, state and bosses promote social cannibalism in all aspects of 
daily life, ensuring their stay in power. The competition, the individual interest and the 
pimp welcomed the working environment to become the rule will dissolve class resistance 
before they barely occur.

At a time of intense political and economic turmoil, as the maintenance of social peace is 
a key challenge of all governments (let alone this "left-right" abortion) there are still 
forces that resist the rule of poverty. The whole of society, living in permanent terror, 
which translates as either impoverishment / unemployment either as an external threat 
because of the "invasion" of immigrants / three fails to recognize the single interests 
and oppose the real enemy called capitalism. We, for our part, we see ourselves as an 
integral part of this society and against the logic of the award, against bosses sold out 
of GSEE and unorganized pseudo-strikes that call, we set our own spearhead. Through base 
unions and ventures with anti-hierarchical characteristics and horizontal structure, but 
put forward and engage in self-organized, akidemoneftous social and class struggles. We 
stand by the emancipation of labor in the context of social liberation, as we understand 
that the labor demands can not be divorced from social needs. Perceive as crucial to a 
stable pole that will be the "awe opponent" in the institutional state-syndicalism and 
proceed to militant demands both at work / labor, and socially. Faced with strikes - 
fireworks, collated general term strikes but put forward the belief that labor rights and 
our social needs are not negotiable and as such will defend! Do not live like slaves!

THE INSURANCE DOES NOT solved by LAWS OR ONE LIFE TO Treat Or A LIFE IN THE STREETS

TO THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION; UP TO ANARCHY AND libertarian communism!

ALL AND ALL TOWARDS NEIGHBOURHOOD 19 APRIL SQUARE Eptalofou 18:00

Collegiality for Social Anarchism "Black & Red" -Member Anarchist Political Organisation | 
Federation syllogikotiton-

=http://apo.squathost.com/%CE%B8%CE%B5%CF%83%CF%83%CE%B1%CE%BB%CE%BF%CE%BD%CE%AF%CE%BA%CE%B7-%CF%80%CE%BF%CF%81%CE%B5%CE%AF%CE%B1-%CE%B5%CE%BD%CE%AC%CE%BD%CF%84%CE%B9%CE%B1-%CF%83%CF%84%CE%BF-%CE%BD%CE%AD%CE%BF-%CE%B1%CF%83

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Message: 6


The repressive operation phoenix was written and narrated a lot, but in our region has so 
far been silent - because we are on Saturday, April 16 convened in Podebrady Boss Bar with 
a clear action entitled "Discussion about protianarchistických repression". ---- 
Strategizing with the location of the action before the concert hardcore bands Betrayal, 
Sword flat and blunt blade is paid off, so the first lecturer from a local group Anarchist 
Federation could shake the stage fright before at least twenty people. They heard a 
lengthy recapitulation of the case Fénix, which followed as the second lecturer falsely 
accused anarchist Igor, who shared information about your story with absurd charges of 
assault on the villa defense minister, but also experience and impressions of the 
three-month stay in custody.

The conclusion was given space questioning and debate that revolved primarily around the 
possibility of disclosure of police infiltrators in the movement. Visitors and Visitors 
also can contribute to the vegan diet for ever arrested Martin - and thanks to their 
solidarity, we handed the anarchist black cross, a thousand crowns.

Overall, the discussion went well beyond the expectations of the organizers of the 
concert, which it replaced, was too great. The only fault was to delay the beginning (and 
end) talks, which were postponed due to the planned solidarity dopisovacka.

http://www.afed.cz/text/6416/o-protianarchistickych-represich

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Message: 7



We are on the day to be on the streets and squares, saying we won't have 1 more tree cut 
for profit, 1 more river drained for power plants, 1 more animal beaten sadisticly, 1 more 
child ruined with rape, 1 more woman murdered by patriarchy, 1 LGBTİ murdered by hatred, 1 
Alevi attacked by secterianism, 1 more Kürt murdered with lynch, 1 more neighbourhood 
ruined by guns and bombs, 1 more peoples to face fascism, 1 more worker murdered by bosses 
at work, we are on the day to organise and to struggle we are on 1st of May. ---- The 
polices of Turkish state are using the same war politics in İstanbul like in Kurdistan. 
State has forbidden May Day and any kind of facility related with May Day. ---- Today, 
while we are distributing our newspaper Meydan, while we are agitating the struggle 
against capitalists and capitalism, we are exposed to the violence of state's police.

They have tried to prevent anarchist struggle with their warfare politics in the streets. 
Our three comrades have been taken by police.

They won't frustrate us from our struggle. We will keep on struggling against state and
capitalists.

To Anarchist Revolution With Action

DAF