Today's 5 Topics:
1. France, Alternative Libertaire AL #257 (Jan) - Social
benefits: Must do Caf! (fr, it, pt) [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. anarkismo.net: Personal statement on the Michael Schmidt
affair: by Lucien van der Walt (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. Indonesia, anarkis.org: Gender Equality: Manifestation and
its perspectives on Anarchism by HANDINI DESI · [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. France, Alternative Libertaire AL - antiracism,
Revolutionaries, in memory of Ilan Halimi by AL 93, AL Montreuil,
AL Nanterre, AL Paris North East, AL Paris-Sud, AL Saint-Denis
(fr, it, pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. wsm.ie: Solidarity to LUAS workers fighting to restore their
share of the wealth - we need strong public transport unions by
Andrew Flood (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. afed.cz: Looking back at February 6, which was to become a
triumphant celebration of European xenophobes. [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
For several months, the National Family Allowances Fund (CNAF, the organization that
manages the nationally Caf) is closing public receptions. In Marseille, recipients have
decided not to let it go. ---- Benefits paid by the Caf concern nearly half the French
population. Between family allowances, housing allowances, allowances for disabled adults
is over 65 billion euros are paid annually by this organization, which is supposed to help
the most vulnerable [1]. Except that helping the poor is a dirty word when it is a
political or a bureaucrat. "You understand my poor lady, the country is in deficit! ".
---- The files are already so complicated that almost a million people who would be
entitled to RSA activity does not require, but to save even more on our backs, CNAF has
decided to phase out its reception centers. At first it was a few days to supposedly treat
thousands of late folder. Then the excuse of security agents and the lack of guards has
been output. Yeah, wait hours to be told that it lacks a paper and should be back next
week, it irritates and that's well known, "the poor are violent." Bottom line, in
September 2014 (no figures most recent available), 55 of 102 Caf received only by
appointment. And you know what? The number to make an appointment and pays the wait is
long ... It is no small advantage when it comes to cough up the poor.
Department testing this policy, Bouches-du-Rhône and 380 000 beneficiaries (including
100,000 just for the RSA). In Marseille he did not take very long for the beneficiaries
bristle and organize.
Solidarity and collective punishment
First simple gathering of beneficiaries and revolted es precarious by this umpteenth sod
in what remains of "social", the Caf Collective Marseille was then constituted, precarious
and unemployed unions (CNT, CGT) in addition to the recipients. The proliferation of
leafleting in front of Caf receptions to inform users of what is happening behind them to
better control and less informed about their rights has mobilized largely beyond the
collective. Solidarity also helped to advance files of beneficiaries, by putting some
pressure surges.
Faced with this rebellion, the direction of the Caf decided to employ security guards to
deter Differ members of the collective. It was on this occasion, in January 2015, five
users and activists were put in custody. Despite this repression, demonstrations and group
folders deposits continued, gathering in northern Marseille over a hundred of recipients.
Today the struggle continues. This collective mobilization of users, although for now all
is yet to win, shows that there is no inevitability to liberal and anti-social policies
that we want to impose on us. Self-organization at the base of those who prey on the chin
is natural, as is solidarity.
Lutter, organized way, where we live, where we work, where we have fun, where there is
shopping, with its neighbors and neighbors, with colleagues, with the users of public
services, with employees in the stores is what makes things happen, this is what the exchange.
Precariousness Commission and direct solidarity with Alternative Libertaire
[1] Annual Report of the Court of Auditors in 2013 on www.ccomptes.fr.
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Prestations-sociales-Il-faut-faire
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Message: 2
Many people have asked me to comment on the Schmidt affair, and to those who wrote to me,
I said I would comment after all the articles were out, and after all Michael Schmidt’s
replies were out. Those following the affair will know it centres on the claim that
Schmidt was, from at least 2002, some sort of racist right-winger or fascist working
inside the anarchist movement – a charge Schmidt has denied. ---- Now that what looks to
be the final instalment in the series of seven articles by Alexander Reid-Ross and Joshua
Stephens has appeared (24 December 2015), and that it seems Schmidt is not issuing a third
reply to them (he did two in 2015), I have tried to put pen to paper to comment. ---- And
I have found it very difficult. ---- The reasons are quite simple. I have mixed feelings,
I am unsure what to think. I want to reach a final position, and have tried to do my best
to hear all sides of the story, not just those that fit what I initially thought. My views
have shifted over time, they shift daily.
I have problems with the actions and arguments of Reid-Ross and Stephens, but I also have
problems with the actions and arguments of Schmidt.
I find it difficult to reconcile the Michael Schmidt I saw, with the statements he has
admitted to posting online under fake personas. These include comments on boards, as well
as what appears to be a longer manifesto, called the “Strandwolf’s Creed.”
I find those online statements to be deeply abhorrent, shocking – no matter what reason is
given to explain them, in their own right they are just awful. I completely distance
myself from those statements. They embody racist and fascist positions that I find
appalling, and that I have opposed consistently, for decades, to the best of my abilities
– and let me stress here that, despite my ethnic background, I reject Afrikaner
nationalism, in all its forms, as an essentially reactionary current. The “Strandwolf’s
Creed,” posted under one of Schmidt’s online fake personas, had clearly racist and fascist
content, I reject it entirely. I also believe some of the online posts by these personas
were inflammatory and irresponsible, going beyond, in my view, the ethics of journalism
and social research.
I also completely reject a document that Schmidt authored in his own capacity, and
circulated in 2008 in the South African anarchist political group, Zabalaza/ ZACF, called
“Politico-Cultural Dynamics …” I was not part of that organisation at the time. I was not
party to the discussions in Zabalaza over it. When I checked later, Zabalaza’s records
showed that the organisation rejected the text, and that Schmidt recanted its worst
formulations as “bordering on racism,” in 2008. Many years later, when I was informed of
this text for the first time, by someone else, I asked Schmidt about it: he stated that he
wrote it when disillusioned and burned-out, and that he distanced himself from it. But no
matter what his intentions and situation may have been when he wrote it, I think it’s an
irredeemable and unacceptable text.
Schmidt’s core defense of the right-wing online statements and the “Creed” that he posted
under false personas has been that the statements emphatically did not reflect his real
views, but were as fake as the personas he created online. So he says that his online
statements (through these personas) were certainly and definitely racist and fascist – but
insists that they are inventions, used cynically as part of an undercover investigation
into the radical white right, first as a journalist, and then for research towards a book
called “Global Fire.” His real views, he insists, are those expressed in a long history of
progressive and left-radical political work, and a social life, that locates him firmly in
the camp of the country’s black working class.
Reid-Ross and Stephens argue, on the other hand, that Schmidt’s online statements through
his various online right-wing personas are far too consistent with elements of his public
persona and writings, and far too offensive, to be explained away as simply part of a
research project. They also argue against the undercover-journalism defense on the grounds
that he has, they insist, produced little in the way of research outputs as a result.
Versions of these claims and counter-claims have been in circulation for some time, at
least back into 2011, in some circles. But never as detailed and extensive as now: it is
only with Reid-Ross and Stephens’ articles, and the two Schmidt replies, that a fuller
picture has started to emerge.
Where does the truth of the matter lie? Does it lie with one or other of the two main
narratives that have been put forward? Does it fit uneasily with both?
Right now, I find it difficult to reach definite conclusions.
I was deeply disappointed to read, in Schmidt’s two replies to his accusers, his frank
admission that he had not only concealed his claimed undercover journalism from Zabalaza
and others for years – and it was even worse, to learn, from those replies, that he had
continued to conceal the full scope of his online activities and personas even when he was
confronted by Zabalaza and others, including me, from 2011.
I do think that there are important elements of the claims by Reid-Ross and Stephens that
have not been clearly addressed by Schmidt’s replies. These are some examples. One is the
claim Schmidt has a runic tattoo on one arm, of a symbol associated with the white radical
right, and that he got this to signify a radical right position. Another is the allegation
that he voted for the Afrikaner nationalist Freedom Front Plus in South Africa’s 2009
general elections. A third is the argument that some of his journalistic articles in the
mainstream press show sympathies with the white radical right.
On the other hand, there are important elements of Schmidt’s replies that have not been
adequately addressed by Reid-Ross and Stephens, in their responses. These are some
examples. One is the claim Reid-Ross and Stephens skip over Schmidt’s tattoos that are
clearly anarchist, like an Anarchist Black Cross tattoo, ignoring evidence that does not
neatly fit. Another is the allegation that at least one of the major statements they
attribute to Schmidt does not actually appear in the text they cite. A third is the
argument that, even now, they have not engaged with the bulk of what Schmidt has written,
skipping three of five books, various anarchist pamphlets, and most of the many hundreds
of articles he’s written, anarchist as well as journalistic. A fourth claim is that they
have acted at odds with journalistic ethics, interviewing with Schmidt under false
pretenses, not giving him a right-of-reply before publication, displaying overt personal
hostility, and making dubious claims to, for instance, treat the fact Schmidt had a black
wife and friends as irrelevant, even damning.
Now, let me be clear. I hope that there are simple explanations, from both sides, for all
these concerns. I really hope so. I’d like to see all these issues addressed, by both
sides. I am not taking sides, because I am not sure what to think.
Well, that’s where I am today, unsure, with reservations about both Schmidt and Reid-Ross
and Stephens, in turmoil, not sure how to proceed and hoping for the issues to be resolved.
I have tried to think through the issues, vacillated, changed my mind. Sometimes I have
acted emotionally and foolishly – for which I apologize sincerely and unreservedly.
In early December 2015, for example, I posted a several times online, under a
once-well-known name I used to use, Red.Black.Writings. I had resolved not to post or
debate online at all, but I got emotional. This was soon after Schmidt posted his second
reply. In these posts I argued that Schmidt’s reply was pretty strong, and that his
critics were missing some of its key claims, being a bit selective when using evidence
(for example, skipping over Schmidt’s anarchist tattoos, highlighting instead a runic
tattoo), not always considering other explanations, and so on.
I apologise sincerely and unreservedly for engaging the issues under the
Red.Black.Writings identity without clearly identifying it as mine. I should have done so,
from the start. I am sorry if it was misleading. I acted emotionally, and without care. I
am truly sorry. I didn’t create the Red.Black.Writings identity to engage on the Schmidt
issue (it has been around for years, and is fairly well-known as mine), and I was posting
on a board where pretty much no-one uses their real names. But that does not excuse me.
There was one positive outcome of this unhappy experience: I found some of the replies to
my points difficult to answer. I left the board because I needed to think these through. I
haven’t posted there since. The fact is that I was forced to do some serious reflection by
the exchanges. I was forced to recognise more problems in Schmidt’s arguments. While I
continue to have reservations about the Reid-Ross and Stephens arguments, I have, let me
state it again, reservations about Schmidt’s arguments.
I don’t particularly like the way many online debates about the Schmidt affair have been
conducted, but that doesn’t mean I can’t recognize important points when they are made.
To understand the emotional side of the issues, and my conflicted views, let me say
something on a personal level: I have known Michael Schmidt for a long time, since the
mid-1990s; I was in radical groups with Schmidt from 1995 until about ten years ago, 2007;
and I was in contact with him when he got divorced in 2007, and burned-out, ill and
depressed from 2008.
Also around ten years ago, my main written collaboration with Schmidt took place. This
was, of course, the book “Black Flame: The Revolutionary Class Politics of Anarchism and
Syndicalism.” Although “Black Flame” appeared in print in 2009, it was largely written in
2005-2006, the proofs for correction arriving late 2007. I was the primary author.
It was an effort at a global, non-Eurocentric account of mainstream anarchist and
syndicalist history and theory – one with flaws, certainly, but one with many strengths
too. The book went for peer-review, at my insistence, and no reviewer then, or critic
later, made any allusion to right-wing themes in the book. Those who criticized the book
tended to take issue with its stress on class-struggle, or its definition of anarchism.
Schmidt’s lengthy (second) reply to Reid-Ross and Stephens reminded me of his track record
as an activist-writer, and reflected the person I saw. I saw a long history of non-racial
action, and dedication to a black working class-based anarchism, which I find difficult
just to forget. The Schmidt I saw dedicated a great part of his life to anarchism and
syndicalism, in his writings, militancy and daily life. This is the Schmidt that many
people, in South Africa and worldwide saw, not just me, a man involved in unions,
protests, agitation, and radical publishing.
And in this long period, Michael Schmidt never expressed to me the sorts of views that
Reid-Ross and Stephens insist he has held since at least 2002. I never saw him politically
active in ways that suggested a radical right-wing agenda. I never saw, in any draft of
what became “Black Flame,” or in the drafts that I saw of its successor “Global Fire”
(which have been written by Schmidt), the sorts of views critics claim Schmidt has long
held. Even when he was grappling, from 2007, with personal demons, job issues, divorce,
and general disappointment, he did not express such views to me.
I also never saw the sort of manipulative, duplicitous and aggressive personality
described by the Reid-Ross and Stephens’ articles, or some of the anonymous sources they
cited. And again, I am not alone in this.
In the long period I have known Schmidt, we have had many disagreements on many issues,
including political ones, but the side of himself he showed to me was always that of a
pretty standard class-struggle anarchist.
But I say “showed to me,” very deliberately, because I knew his writing and research and
militancy basically through his public anarchist and anarchist-related writings and
activities in the 1990s and 2000s.
Our interaction was around left-radical projects. Sometimes I worked with him as a
co-author. Sometimes he asked for feedback on drafts, on the understanding that he bore
final responsibility for their content. I can’t say I followed his newspaper pieces
articles very closely. And of course, he was his own man, and he did not run everything by
me, as if I was his editor or commissar. Many of his articles I only saw after they were
published – I can recall some I hotly rejected, including one on the late, unlamented
Eugene Terre’blanche.
And I say “showed to me,” deliberately, because obviously a person can have different
sides, not all visible. While I can say the Schmidt I saw seemed the genuine article, I
can’t claim I saw every part of Schmidt, I can’t claim that I saw everything he said or
did. But if he had another political persona, it was not shown to me.
And I say “showed to me,” deliberately, because the Reid-Ross and Stephens articles have
drawn to my attention to a body of materials of which I was not previously aware, and made
some criticisms about Schmidt’s explanation for his online fake personas that do need to
be addressed – as I have indicated earlier.
And I also say “showed to me,” deliberately, because Schmidt did not inform me he was
creating fake online personas, never shared with me the texts he posted through such
personas, nor did he state to me and others in the 2000s that he was undertaking a claimed
undercover-journalism / research on the radical white right. It’s not just that I did not
see all of Schmidt: this activity, at least, was specifically kept under wraps by Schmidt.
It was in early 2011 that Zabalaza was informed, by other sources, that Schmidt was
operating false personas on radical white right sites and showing affinities to the
radical right. Schmidt had left Zabalaza a year before. I was not in Zabalaza, so I do not
know all the details or the exact dates of this informing. I was soon approached by a
member of Zabalaza about the matter, and I replied that Zabalaza needed to deal with the
issue firmly, and confront Schmidt.
Zabalaza did confront Schmidt in 2011 – as did I, in my own capacity – and he was
confronted about these issues several times subsequently. His reply was always roughly the
same as that he still maintains, that the fake personas were for undercover research
purposes, and emphatically did not represent his real views. Remember also that he had
rejected “Politico-Cultural Dynamics …” in 2008, so this matter was not brought into the
discussion.
For my part, I took Schmidt’s explanation at face value, based on the Schmidt I knew, and
the record of action, that I saw. And based, I must admit, on the fact I respected,
trusted and liked him.
Maybe I am naïve, but I have been guided by a belief in human decency, and a trust in
people, based on what I have experienced directly. When I express reservations about the
case against Schmidt, it does not come from a stubborn effort to see only one side of the
story, or to defend anything and everything that Schmidt may have ever done. It does not
come from an effort to cover up. It certainly does not come from any sympathy for noxious
views or from any hidden agenda.
Yet I warned Schmidt, on these occasions, that if there was substance to the claims that
he had was affiliated to the radical white right he would face ostracism and lose friends,
that people who did not like him would also actively try to ruin him.
And if now, after all, there is indeed substance to the claims, I and many other will feel
deeply betrayed by him, and how he turned his back on his anarchist writings and militancy.
Where to now?
I understand that there is a non-partisan anarchist and syndicalist commission being
called to look into the Schmidt affair.
Maybe that can lead to some resolution. Maybe the commission can help anarchism and
syndicalism globally think through how to deal with matters like the Schmidt affair in a
more constructive, comradely and movement-building manner.
And maybe, in the process, people can consider just what they want to achieve in affairs
like this.
There will probably never be a consensus on this case, and people will need to decide how
they deal with difference here, and how to move beyond what has become a very vitriolic
debate, including insults, smears, and even hate-mail.
For me, for now, my feelings are mixed, my mind not made up, my emotions in turmoil, and
my path unclear. I know some people want me to make a clearer statement, but this is where
I am right now. Unsure.
So, for now, I wait. I wait for the commission, I discuss with comrades, colleagues and
friends.
And I will take a final position after the commission.
Yours sincerely,
Lucien van der Walt, Makana, South Africa, 11 February 2016
http://www.anarkismo.net/article/29083
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Message: 3
"A woman should not always shut hes mouth while letting open her womb." - Emma Goldman [1]
---- T ak much indeed conflict involving women fully. However, just look at Rembang,
mothers survive in tents for nearly two years against mine karst and the establishment of
a cement factory in the area. We can look at Rojava, an autonomous region in Syria, which
gave birth to YPJ (Yekîneyên Parastina Jin / Women's Defense Units) , the military wing of
Kurdistan in Syria which consists of female militia. They took up arms to protect Rojava
from the Government of Bashar al-Assad, al-Nusra Front (Al-Qaeda affiliate) and ISIS. Long
before that, women have been involved in many different kinds of action. Women look more
large demonstrations in Petrograd in 1917. Hunger and food scarcity makes them demanding
and overthrow the Tsarist regime. In November 1929, a war of women in Nigeria. Thousands
of women protest and revolt against restrictions on their role in government.
In addition, in 1936, women formed an anarchist organization in Spain. Mujeres Libres was
born of anger against hierarchy and male dominance. The founders of Mujeres Libres is the
women who are involved in the organization of anarcho-syndicalism in Spain, although the
men did not recognize the role of women in public life or politics. [2] Mujeres Libres
born as women's liberation efforts. They are also involved in the Spanish Civil War to
fight the military coup led by General Franco. In Germany, in 1987, had also been attacks
on shopping Adler by armed female guerrilla organization, Rote Zora (RZ). The action is
the support RZ against Korean women workers on strike demanding higher wages on textile
mill Adler.
In Indonesia, in colonial times, women contribute to win independence from the colonizers.
Colonial regime met with resistance from the women in his time. At that time, the idea of
gender equality has not been there and did not become conscious. They fight because they
feel their rights taken away. They fight through the strength and mind of its own, even
some die on the gallows. Call it Keumalahayati or better known as Malahayati. He led 2,000
troops widows Inong Balee-fighters who left her husband dead-against the Dutch colonial
army. In fact, in a hand-to-hand fighting, Malahayati managed to kill General Cornelis de
Houtman. Another example is HR. Rasuna Said, a great orator. He struggled through the
organization and diplomacy. His speeches are often spread the invitation of resistance
against the colonial regime and calling for equality between women and men. During his
life, Rasuna Said also incorporated in the People Sarekat organizations and Nippon Raya
(during the Japanese occupation). There is also a Tiahahu Christina Martha, a young woman
aged 17 years who came from Nusalaut, Maluku. Together with his father, he fought against
the Dutch troops until finally arrested and then exiled by the colonial administration.
At that time, patriarchy is very thick and covers all aspects of life. Colonial ethical
politics, political reciprocation colonial government for the welfare of the natives, with
three main points, namely, immigration, education, irrigation is an example. Supposedly
the implementation of ethical politics to target all levels of society, both men and
women. However, the reality is a lot of irregularities in the politics. Education is only
given to men of nobility and capable indigenous groups only. Indigenous men destitute only
educated class II. Education intended to obtain qualified staff and cheap. Indigenous
women still do not get a chance to get an education. Their job only in the domestic area,
a mattress, a well, a kitchen, Manak, cook, macak a misogynistic expressions are condensed
in the community. As it was written in the letters Kartini, a Javanese aristocrat women's
group, which is then used as evidence of 'success' of the ethical policy of the Dutch
colonial government through the writings show his intellect. Kartini's letters to his
friend reveals feudalism as well as other forms of inequality between women and men of his
time.
Gender manifestations against women
Changes in human civilization from nomadic life, hunting and gathering to settled
agriculture alter the construction of gender roles. Permanent agriculture requires
clearing process. Land clearing, production and processing of land worked by men. It
reduces the role of female labor. Women continue to work in the domestic spheres that are
not done man. The division of labor then structured that men do work that is more "heavy"
while women get job roles "lighter" and minimal risk, such as keeping livestock or
parenting. Slowly but surely, more and more women are kept away from the task of
production and domesticated. Since then, born of patriarchy!
Gender is a distinction between women and men based on the social and cultural
construction of society, not the human biological condition. The gender difference is not
really pose a problem as long as gender inequality, both for men and for women, no. Gender
in the sense of the social sciences is defined as a pattern of relationships of women and
men based on the social characteristics of each. Included in it is the division of labor,
power relations patterns, behaviors, tools, language, perception that distinguishes women
with men. As a social institution, gender is not something that is raw and not universally
applicable. [3]
In practice, women had stereotypes or negative labeling that women are weak, frail,
irrational and emotional. On the basis of stereotypes that, the role of women in decision
making in doubt. Decent work embedded in women is a job that is motherhood and full of
gentleness. Meanwhile, men constructed for tough, more rational, manly and strong imaged.
Many inequalities still prevail in the system of employment for women, especially the
factory workers and other low-sectors. Women's wages are lower than male workers despite
working the same hours. With the justification that women perform light work, the same
working hours are still considered not commensurate with the work of men.
In addition, there are three systems of kinship or lineage in Indonesia, which is
matrilineal, patrilineal and bilateral. Nonetheless, the three systems still regard women
as the family caretaker. The position of women in politics and decision-making are also
not recognized. Society put the position under the male.
Subordinated gender roles of women in society poses some problems that cause more inferior
position of women. Binary perspective that men are strong and women are weak infiltrating
various sectors, including the workspace.
Various differences and gender inequalities are manifested in many ways. First, these
differences led to the impoverishment of women. Many jobs that "not reserved" for him. The
inferior position of women in the economy makes the role of women in making a living only
considered in addition to the income generated husband. Man is seen as the main
breadwinners because they have more free time and reliable. For working women who are
married, double burden could not be separated from it. Married women workers must assume
responsibility for serving her husband, taking care of children and taking care of the
house when not working. Imagine if women were from ethnic minorities. Not only will it
bears a double burden but also loads of other layers in the shoulders, like many minority
women whose faith is not recognized. All of these things are the result of social
construction.
Because women's work is considered mild, only in the domestic sphere, women are often paid
less. For example, a driver and a domestic worker, or a seamstress in a factory and a
machine operator. Driver salaries are often higher than domestic workers. Machine operator
salary is higher than the salary of a tailor when the same working hours (sometimes more).
Moreover, no one can ensure that menyopir it more difficult and require energy to cooking,
washing or baby-sitting.
Economic factors become one of the triggers strong in the marginalization of women.
However, for women who come from the upper class economy, domestic work transferred to
domestic workers. It can be defined as the transfer of marginalization, subordination and
the workload to other women who come from lower economic class. Gradually created
structures and systems of injustice received, considered normal, and is no longer regarded
as wrong by society. This issue is mixed up with the interests of the class. That is why
even many educated middle-class women who want to maintain the system and the structure. [4]
The second embodiment is violence. Gender differences often bring women into conflict with
men. Violence can happen anywhere, to anyone with a variety of factors. However, the
results were recorded, most victims are women. That is why women are often referred to as
a group vulnerable to violence. This violence includes physical, psychological, and economic.
Much of the violence because of the stereotype that considers women weak. The violence
comes as the gap in power relations between women with men as well as cultural and
economic factors. Many types of violence that is harassment even be considered reasonable
and not recognized by the victim.
Safe spaces for women in the sphere of work and other public areas were not created. Many
cases of rape that occurred in public spaces, such as terminals, public transportation,
the workplace, and the highway, but not a few others, cases of violence in the private
sphere and carried out by people nearby.
Not long ago, I was shocked by the news of the woman who was stripped and paraded around
the village for allegedly stealing sandals. The sandals were taken, and worn around the
neck to the hospital. The girl who sat in the first grade junior high school was forced to
undress. In the condition without clothes, RS paraded past the village road as far as 1
kilometer. [5]
It really is a form of power relations of men over women is rooted strongly in the
community and a culture: a man has the right to treat women in whatever way they wish.
Other stories about femicide experienced workers in the maquiladoras factories, Ciudad
Juarez, Mexico. Hundreds of women workers were killed by a group of unknown people. Murder
is often preceded by a robbery and sexual assault. Motive for the killing is characterized
by patriarchal male reaction to the lack of jobs for them. More number of women entering
the workforce has changed the traditional gender dynamics and create situations of
conflict between the sexes. Overall, in considering the potential motives of gender
violence against women, academics Mercedes Olivera found femicide is a mechanism of
domination, control, oppression, and power over women. [6]
Traumatic feeling of being left behind as the manifestation of physical violence causing
psychological violence for women. This condition is risky for the autonomy of women.
Women's rights is getting reduced as a result of the treatment that takes rights as an
individual piece.
Third, stereotypes and subordination. Marriage and role in the family is very attached to
the female body. Stereotype that women are the family caretaker eliminate the chance for
women to make a choice of his own life. Many cultures in the community that builds the
stereotype that old and unmarried women is a disgrace. The pressure for girls to get
married is fairness that occurs in the community.
If you look back to Rojava, as formed an unwritten rule that they do not want to get
married until the revolution achieved. Things like this have occurred in Indonesia's
independence war. They argue that marriage and engagement contrary to the nature of the
revolution rampant. [7] In the constitution Rojava, they even make the article mentions
that underage marriages are not allowed. [8] One of the reasons women in Syria to join the
militia YPJ is due to marry in the culture demands them.
"I do not want to get married or have children or stay at home all day, I want to be free.
If I do not become a guerrilla YPJ, I thought my soul would die. Being a militant means
being free-this is what I mean truly free ". General Zelal, 33 years old, YPJ guerrillas. [9]
In the system of capitalism, oppression of women continues to run, and patriarchy is not
regarded as a problem. Various reasons are put forward in order to perpetuate benefit the
system. Employed women are considered more advantageous because the wage cost. Cheap labor
costs accelerate the accumulation of profits for the capitalists. Women workers are also
considered more advantageous because positioned as backup power is unlimited. Although
women a greater role in the struggle against the invaders and fought in the economic
sector, gender equality remains unrecognized and patriarchy still become standard practice
until now.
Anarchism and the liberation of women
So how about the liberation of women in anarchism?
No prophet lord in anarchism that his thinking is always justified. There are no holy
book, no methods and stages of change that should be followed blindly. I do not deny that
there are thinkers like Proudhon's anarchism sexist or racist like Bakunin in his youth,
for example. It must be recognized!
The concept of the hierarchy is the root of the problems confronted by anarchism.
Patriarkisme as a child and fall is also a hierarchy. Patriarkisme is a social system that
puts the degree of men is higher than women's, and everything else, including nature,
earth and water. Men become the central axis in a public space or domestic.
Anarchism see patriarchy as a manifestation of the power hierarchy imposed, which must be
replaced by an association of independent decentralized. Anarchism see that the struggle
against patriarchy is an essential part of class conflict and the anarchist struggle
against the State. In the words of L. Susan Brown, "anarchism is a political philosophy
that opposes all relationships of power, and by itself is very feminist."
For anarchism, women are entitled to the full on the authority of the body and sexual
orientation, are entitled to decide to get married or not, have children or not, involved
in childcare or not. Women are also entitled to be involved in the organization or union,
and in the role of politics or public. Women also have a right to choose contraception.
Everything autonomy for women and gender expression are determined by the women
themselves. Borrowing the term radical feminists, "it personal is political" ( the
personal is political) .
Emma Goldman, the anarchist women who fight for the liberation of women from male
domination, was one of the first to campaigning for the use of contraceptives for women as
a form of autonomy for the female body.
History says that the resistance was born on the streets. Many access can now be enjoyed
is the result of the struggle, demonstrations in the streets, not just a struggle at the
level of legal-formal. It must be realized that the state is the enemy that caused the
oppression of women. Therefore, it is contradictory if we ask for protection and hope to
the country to stop the violence and oppression of women (and men). State and capitalism
are inseparable conjugation. State and the capitalist system is a source of oppression for
women and men.
As expressed by Milly Witkop, a Ukrainian-born anarcho-syndicalist, proletarian women are
exploited not only by capitalism like male workers, but also by peers their men.
Therefore, he argues that women must actively fight for their rights, as workers had to
struggle against capitalism. [10]
The struggles of women can not be separated from the class struggle. Women's liberation
movement is part of a broader struggle of the workers against the class hierarchy in the
economic, social and gender. Women struggle nor can be separated from the struggle to take
over the means of production as well as the results from private hands to the hands of the
people for the struggle for control will not succeed if women have not been liberated.
However, women's liberation is not intended to usurp the position of men and creating new
matrialkal system. He aims to create a new order without hierarchy, domination,
subordination and domestication.
"The point is not the woman to take power out of the hands of men, because it will not
change anything in the world. It is precisely the most important issue was to destroy the
power, "said Simone de Beauvoir.
Source:
[1] One of the sentences in the speech of Emma Goldman in front of hundreds of people in
New York on March 28, 1915. The sentences are expressed in the speech threatens America so
he ended up in prison afterwards, http://www.pacifict.com/ ron / Emma.html accessed
January 26, 2016.
[2] Martha A. Ackelsberg. Free Women of Spain . AK Press, p.117.
[3] https://phierda.wordpress.com/2012/12/18/perempuan-gender-dan-budaya-patriark/
[4] Mansour Fakih. 2008. Analysis of Gender and Social Transformation . Insist Press. P. 81
[5]
https://beritagar.id/artikel/berita/netizen-kecam-aksi-mengarak-remaja-putri-tanpa-busana-di-sragen,
accessed 30 January 2016.
[6] Olivera, Mercedes (2006). "Violencia Femicida: Violence Against Women and Mexico's
Structural Crisis". Latin American Perspectives 33, Hal.114.
[7] Soe Hok Gie. 1997. People Left at the Crossroads Road . Bantang Culture. Hal.136.
[8] http://civiroglu.net/the-constitution-of-the-rojava-cantons/ , accessed on 30 jaunari
2016.
[9] http://www.marieclaire.com/culture/news/a6643/these-are-the-women-battling-isis/ ,
accessed on January 30, 2016.
[10] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anarcha-feminism, accessed on January 31, 2016.
http://anarkis.org/kesetaraan-gender-manifestasi-dan-perspektifnya-dalam-anarkisme/
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Message: 4
[Audio and Photos] A hundred people attended, in Paris, anti-racist rally co-organized by
the Jewish revolutionaries and Jews (JJR) and the Union of Jews for resistance and mutual
aid (UJRE) in memory of Ilan Halimi was murdered ten years ago. AL are taking part. ----
Teeth clenched, fists in pockets in the drizzle before the Saint-Michel fountain: Ten
years after the affair of the "gang of barbarians" and the martyrdom of Ilan Halimi, a
hundred people gathered in a atmosphere of contemplation, but also determination.
Determination in the fight against racism. Determination as to not give the denunciation
of anti-Semitism to the conservative forces that are the CRIF and the republican State.
---- Several organizations had assisted in this initiative, including Act Up, Alternative
Libertaire, the FA, the CGA-Solidaires Students and Voice of Roma.
Ulcerated, Zionist thugs of the Jewish Defense League had copiously threatened to attack
the event. They remained invisible.
"We do not fight racism with racism. We fight racism with solidarity", as recalled by the
expanded banner, taking up a phrase of Bobby Seale of the Black Panthers.
A minute of silence honored the memory of all victims of racist crimes since 2000,
including the long list was read in public. Three speeches of (JJR, and UJRE AL)
facilitated the gathering, which was dispersed after an hour.
https://soundcloud.com/alternative-libertaire/ujre
https://soundcloud.com/alternative-libertaire/jjr
https://soundcloud.com/alternative-libertaire
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Revolutionnaires-en-memoire-d-Ilan
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Message: 5
Our solidarity today to the LUAS workers striking for decent pay rates. The crisis was
used by the government and capitalist class to drive down wages and ensure that a bigger
share of profits went to shareholders. The LUAS fight is a fight for all of us as a
victory should be a green light to all workers to demand pay rises, including the recovery
of the money lost in the cuts imposed under the crisis. Across the world the share of
income that goes to the richest 1% has soared while that going tooth rest of us has been
slashed, we need to fight to reverse this. ---- We also want to see well organised and
powerful public transport workers because this isn’t simply a questions of wages but also
of defence of the environment. As we wrote a few months back ““The provision of public
transport on a not-for-profit basis is also vital to reducing carbon-emissions and to
creating an ecologically sustainable society. In a recent Environmental Protection Agency
report, 100% of respondents to a survey of local authorities felt that local public
transport services were inadequate in their local areas; an estimated 380,000 people
living in rural areas do not have access to the transport services they require. Climate
change provides us with compelling reasons not just for the defence of public transport
services but for their radical re-imagination, reconstruction and expansion.”
Public transport workers and their unions are well placed to lead the fight for decent
public transport and in particular to argue that the social good provided by public
transport is such that profit making provides no test at all of its usefulness. The
influence of neoliberal ideology and the individualised nature of transport needs means
its a hard issue to build a movement around but transport workers already form a
substantial core for such a movement.
Author: Andrew N Flood
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Message: 6
After a few days we look back at events that are in the Saturday, February 6th place in
Prague in connection with a European action day for Europe as a fortress, which no one
gets outside and inside whose walls will be duly curled with traitors, just all those, who
do not want this idea. ---- Xenophobic big feast ---- Saturday, February 6 should be
xenophobes, opponents of Islam and the reception of refugees and different sorts of
fascist and fascist enthusiasts a great holiday. D-Day, when they laid the foundations of
the color of Fortress Europe, revived ideals from the time of the Third Reich. And now
comes the main initiative materialized in the form of a movement Patriotic Europeans
against the Islamization of the West (Pegida) from Germany. In the context of the whole of
Europe but it is evident that it is not for any "natural character of the nation." The
greatest support is in fact Pegida in the former eastern part of the Land, and it has
similar symptoms as other former Eastern Bloc countries, which could be summed up in the
phrase "the immigrants have no experience, the more they are not afraid." "And we hate
them," fit might add.
International day of demonstrations against refugees in the Czech Republic was preceded by
a meeting organized ideologically allied groups that are associated around memorandum "We
Fortress Europe". Besides Pegida shown here as representatives of the Polish organization
Ruch Narodowy, which has ties to neo-Nazis. Czech side represented the block against Islam
and Dawn - The National Coalition. The culmination of their organizational daughter-in-law
were to become coordinated demonstrations on February 6.
In the day was the biggest event Pegida demonstration in Dresden. Expectations of the
organizers but have not been fulfilled, as they failed to repeat a year old record
attendance, and had to settle for less than half, about six to eight thousand
participants, even though it was the day the only event Pegida throughout Germany. Became
popular fitting commentary local newspaper Sächsische Zeitung : "Instead, Fortress Europe
', which Pegida planned, was extremely family house. And it stands on shaky foundations. "
Other comments attributed to the decline of interest in the event Pegida hardening
behavior of its leaders and supporters and open disposition to the right-wing Alternative
for Germany, like the NPD, which is rightly considered a tenant of neo-Nazis. Moreover, it
shows that the various local leaders Pegida have links to the perpetrators of the attacks
against immigrants, politicians or journalists.
In Western Europe, the participation was negligible and in addition have islamofobové face
their opponents in Calais gathered 150 people in Montpellier 200, Amsterdam 200,
Copenhagen 100 smaller event was held in Birmingham and Dublin chased the fascists gang
demonstrating neo-Nazis in the nearby pub. In Warsaw, for action against the alleged
Islamisation of Europe demonstrated from 1500 to 2000 people, of which a considerable part
consisted of neo-Nazis. Demonstrations in the Polish city of Wroclaw has been revoked. In
Bratislava, brought together dozens of people. Outside primarily Islamophobic actions by
neo-Nazis surrendered in the Hungarian city of Szekesfehervar honor Waffen SS units, those
at the head of the march even in SS uniforms.
Fundamentals' family house Europe "was considered also in the Czech Republic, which are
distinguished after Saxony's second largest attendance xenophobes, and on several events,
which did not leave cold local anti-fascists and antifašistky.
Against a controlled invasion and traitors
In the Czech Republic demonstrated in two cities. In Brno, about 500 people gathered under
the baton of DSSS, which is traditionally staffed linked to neo-Nazis. Much more
attention, however, attracted Assembly in Prague. At the bridge to his supporters spoke
Tomio Okamura, who was originally attracted to the presence of Marine Le Pen, but the
audience had to settle unless a representative of the Austrian Freedom Party, Zemanovci
Jan Veleba or vyvanulými celebrities such as actor Ivan Vyskocil, singer Aleš Brichta and
songwriter Pepa Nos. Hackneyed political spinning wheel he heard demands for the
government's resignation, early elections, withdrawal from the EU and the rejection of
refugees. Grand present but thinned when participants began to move to another Prague events.
Expressive radical demonstrations was the one he called "židobijec" Adam Bartos. The head
of five hundred people passed out on the Victorious Loreta Square. He talked about
traitors and what such people await the nation and the armed police on his side, only to
add. Call for rebellion Blanik Knights emotionally kidnap one of the young holohlavcu as a
modern-day knight began firing gas gun into the air (which earned him a ride home in a
police car).
And this crowd eventually merged with the Assembly on Hradcany Square, convened Konvickuv
block against Islam and who could surpass 4,000 heads. He met with a varied mix of people,
from children to pensioners, from nazichuligánu after elderly agroskíny, from an
apparently intoxicated after completely normal-looking people. Some came with crosses and
banners "This is Jesus," while police drained man with satanic cross he arrived straight
ax. These people, of whom could be a good half unhesitatingly designated by the term
"white trash", then the pot talking about controlled invasion and threat to civilization.
Additionally, he commented that Europe does not need to be happy that he managed to ours
small pond: "If you can not be a fortress Europe, we have the strength Czech." And whoever
is not with us, is a collaborator. It gave way to several speakers, most of whom took the
founder of the Swiss side for direct democracy (DPS) Ignaz Bearth directly with Hitler's
German diction of his speech.
It is undeniable that many of these congregations are denied the feeling of solidarity
with like-minded, but unity in such a diverse crowd has its flaws. While some are labeling
racists proud and easily identifiable youngsters are aware of their sympathies for fascist
regimes of the past, there is still enough of those such names were considered a slur
without thought about their actual content and whether it pretty verity. Write to sign "I
refuse migrants! Do not call me a racist "is nice, but it's like a dogged opponent of meat
prevents marking vegetarian. For people willing to believe hoaxum But such thought
processes can not be surprised. A shouting at their opponents, they are left-wing
fascists, is already an expression of despair and loss of judgment.
When the sun shines
Into all three were summoned xenophobic actions. This latest to support Prime Minister
Sobotka, attracted about 80 people and the general worth mentioning. Let's get to
popolední Pohorelec where the platform left against xenophobia and hate speech convened
the Assembly "Towards a Europe free of fear and hatred." Here in sunny weather were about
300 "sluníckáru", a blend of human rights activists, old and young green, socdemáckých
idealists, Marxists, anarchists and people who just feel the need to express that refugees
need our help and xenophobia should not be abandoned space .
The main part of the event took place at Hrzánský Palace, Hradcany Square in sight. At
this stage, prepared speeches speakers alternated swinging music, and nobody certainly
could not complain that it was too quiet. He spoke briefly girlfriend stabbed a Muslim
volunteer Eva Zahradnícková. Michael Meisner said it was important to show concrete true
stories of refugees and face a wave of manipulation and hoaxes. Art historian Milena
Bartlová recalled an abundant migratory history of their own families and noted that "in
just a few months we are terribly slid slippery slope to the new fascism" and the need "to
promote equitable economic policy, and help those who want rich successful company excrete
and it does not matter if you were born here, or do they want to look for salvation " .
Documentary filmmaker Tomas Kratochvil learned about the need for discussions with
Islamophobes and spared the railway showcase his unique kind of paternalism. Green Party
chairman Matthew Stropnický regretted his vote for the presidential elections Zeman and
his address said that "the president is not weak, but the weak" . The EU said that it is a
political project for peace, and the government that should come with a clear plan of
integration. Marie Lukácová the Socialist Solidarity, not very successfully demonstrated a
boring speech about globalized capitalism and economic problems in the world and added
hackneyed quote , "... and then there was no one who would have said" . Pastor of the
Evangelical Church Tomáš Trusina posed the question of whether too Lord love is such a
naive sluníckár, whereupon he joined singer-songwriter James Cermak sluníckovým appeal, it
is necessary to "overcome the fear of tolerance and love" .
After the program, and some waiting time is here, people went Neruda Street to Klárov.
Not pass!
Bojovnejšího spirit and enthusiasm and more energy offered antifascist demonstration
"Solidarity without Borders" Initiative convened No Racism! ( INR ), to which also joined
the Anarchist Federation in the framework of " Action Day against Fortress Europe ". The
event began at half past one in the Lesser Town Square, where she spoke deputy INR, voiced
criticism of the efforts to build a Fortress Europe, commented negatively on the role of
political parties and recalled the miserable fate of people fleeing to Europe. Andrew also
spoke Slacálek, who recalled the recent stabbing of a Muslim in Prague, denounced failing
media and political establishment, especially politicians such as President or Secretary.
He noted that not all opponents of the refugees are fascists, some are simply afraid and
therefore not good "morally nadrazovat, we have to talk to them and separating them from
the fascist core" .
The speeches were very good to hear, but most people just came mainly so that has
expressed opposition to the xenophobic feast. There were plenty of banners, pickets
anarchist flag. Assembly later added a mobile sound system. Since the beginning, there
were sporadic provocations passing fascists, limited usually to vulgarity safe policing.
Shortly after the rally marched to the Castle, has proven a group of about twenty neo-Nazi
thugs in balaclavas, which, despite scant police presence at a given time at a given
location dared to anything other than porvávání and throwing of stones, bottles and rubber
mats . The crowd chanted anti-fascist slogans and after a while the Nazis drove into an
alley. The procession continued down the castle steps to the lookout at Hradcany Square.
There riot took several participants in the demonstration and some others tried
chandelier. This required a human chain and blocking these cops. The chain got hit by cops
a few rounds and after a minute he was pushed off robocopy.
Further action took place in a relatively calm and managed to block access to
demonstration Islamophobe, under the mighty chant and a very lively atmosphere. Sounded a
few more speeches, eg. From feminist society at Charles University , where among other
things he said: "Ideal for the right nationalist-fighters embodies grouping Angry mothers
who declares literally as antifeminist and trying to, quote, a return to nature and common
sense. She naturalness and sanity in their submission, however, more reminiscent of a
popular Nazi slogan Kinder, Küche, Kirche. "
At a quarter to five antifascist demonstration was put in motion again Neruda street back
to the Lesser Town Square. For deliveries it sounded lively rap, chanting with. After a
while the continued toward Klárov. Here combined residues of both xenophobic congregation,
numbering several hundred people. The path to the Cabinet Office was closed at that moment
the police. There were also several conflicts in which they are involved undercover with
telescopic batons, and some people were detained.
At the time, the bridge was approaching a large group of nationalists, anti-fascist
blockade of them made it impossible to achieve a goal - the building of the government. It
was clear that the great triumphal march of 17 November repeatable. Chanted mainly
internationalist: "they shall not pass!" The human chain at one point unsuccessfully tried
to break a few cops. But it was seen that really know what to do. After a while they came
up with a challenge to blocking people dispersed, or will be scattered violence. The
intention was fulfilled, so there was no reason to give fízlum opportunity for a rich
harvest, and around half past six in the present split in groups.
From words to deeds
All xenophobic events of February 6 have common verbal violence on their stage and in the
crowd. Deny refugees humanity, and thus help make them a threat to close the borders,
fight against internal enemies, collaborators and traitors. Trying to satisfy their own
weakness by calling for a hard hand that crushes enemies, was palpable. But not only that,
in many places even he materialized.
The very fact that the demonstration went Konvicková conjunction ultra-right wing football
hooligans, where violence is always the first place, foreshadowed further development.
Those of Slavic walkway just did not show when trying to challenge the anti-fascist
demonstration. They attacked at least a few random hippies and other people, who were
ranked as their ideology unsatisfactory, they tried to attack the main train station and
eventually ended his campaign by throwing stones at the Autonomous Social Center Clinic
and attempted to ignite it vhozenými flares.
Another large group of neo-Nazis was determined after the rally at Hradcany Square lead to
the building of the Government, on which stones were also prepared. Eventually, the police
ran away through the Old Town. At the demonstration itself, there was an assault
transmission vehicle employees of Czech Radio. Besides the standing police have responded
only with words: "You can make it for yourself, because you're lying. Recruit your own
security. " Sympathy considerable portion of policemen have no illusions about doing that.
Are reported cases of assault in the morning.
Self-proclaimed "Blanictí Knight" has far more embarrassing impression, but the danger of
creating death squads, which will no longer overlap only with a bunch of neo-Nazi
hooligans can not be underestimated. Characteristic is the fact that none of Islamophobic
speakers did not need to distance themselves from such crimes, as was the recent stabbing
of a Muslim in Prague, where police also assessed as a hate crime, which is not entirely
normal practice.
We did antimilitarism, but not zastydlí hippies, who set the other cheek and go against
gun with a flower. Fascist threat is sometimes necessary to build and violence, and even
with arms in hand, as we have learned a very tragic history of the last century. Even so,
it was good that day showed violent manifestations only those whose mental world is
violence and oppression directly connected.
Wasted opportunity and small successes
Despite the eeriness that Prague was the second largest meeting place xenophobes that day
across Europe, we can speak of partial successes.
Despite the fact that fascist demonstration reached a lot of people, an increase compared
to a similar meeting about a year ago it is not extreme, even given how actively
organizing body mobilize their supporters and sympathizers. Across Europe, you can even
talk about the fiasco that had to rescue former Eastern Bloc countries. And even in the
very bastion Pegida in Dresden, were the organizers of participation very disappointed.
Czech nationalists, moreover, failed to repeat the march to the seat of government to
which they enjoyed. Largely contributed to this counter-demonstrations, which xenophobes
miserable as the advent of their action, and in particular the departure of her. Directly
konvickovcu demonstration to disrupt failed, it would need a more powerful sound system.
Related to this is a small complaint towards the organizers of the "Solidarity without
Borders" that even speeches were not very good sounding. But all this was replaced by the
incessant chanting.
As a very good strategy proved two decentralized counteractions, when managed miserable
islamofobum access from several sides. Additionally, avoid ideological frictions when one
of the events was character rather left-liberal and anti-capitalist second anti-system,
although in practice it really does not matter which of these counteractions are
participating. A great move was to prepare maps with the location of various
demonstrations and preparatory meetings, such as the practice of chanting February 4. The
progress of events organized INR showed how important it is not to panic, which was
confirmed both in managing the attempted neo-Nazi attack, and otherwise in the chaos
caused by a secret group of telescopes Klar.
The attempt by some Islamophobe reject the label of fascist and Konvicková comparing Islam
to Nazism as their own, because unity with old acquaintances neo-Nazis, holding racist
generalizations and invoking de facto fascist demonstration of their solutions deployed a
crown, or rather a brown shirt.
Then the media was the jug and Okamura day big flop, because all the attention they
gathered a group of rampaging Nazi hooligans, on which was written a few days. In
addition, the Islamophobic conspirators managed to underline their engagement when the
Nazis labeled as police agents, in order to fit it yourself in the role ublížených
victims. This desperate uncovering of an alleged plot made on one side of the Nazis
complete nerd and the other uncovered deranged nature multipliers "truths" about managed
invasion of Islam. Additionally, the attack on the clinic involuntarily aroused the
interest of the autonomous area and thanks to expressions of solidarity and strengthened
commitment to hold firm positions and hold firm pressure mongering xenophobes. He could be
handed a clear message: "Thank you for your support. We will not be intimidated. The
department is stronger than before the attack. " It is also necessary to mention a great
job of Antifascist Action in the rapid disclosure of the identity of the attacking neo-Nazis.
February sixth islamofobové wasted their big chance. Its Fortress Europe already felt over
the horizon, but so far, fortunately, although this horizon tried to approach, there would
still stuck to their vision. It is up to us, never to resurface. Antifascists shown that
it is necessary to count them, although their numbers are not staggering. Xenophobes are
not so coherent and unified group, as they want to look like, and some due to the absence
of any strategic thinking had made their camp more harm than good. Their inability to
interim and politováníhodnost but not demotivate us to inaction. Resistance lives, the
struggle continues! You shall not pass!
Related Links:
We are with the Department!
Support Clinic and fascist disgrace
Declaration Alliance "Solidarity without Borders" (to the Action Day against Fortress
Europe, 6. 2. 2016)
when they feast xenophobes
Pegida cracked and he does not draw much, agree observers
demonstration in Prague culminated in the attack on the clinic
Strength Czech or Where among Arab Christians from Israel
http://www.afed.cz/text/6363/pevnost-evropa-za-obzorem
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