Today's Topics:
1. WSM.ie: Feminists Say No To Pegida by Fionnghuala Nic
Roibeaird (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. TRAVELS IN ROJAVA (PART 1): CIZÎRÊ CANTON (Anarchism &
Activism, Kurdistan, Syria) (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. US, Statement from Black Rose North Georgia on “Rock Stone
Mountain” White Power Rally by Jeremy GLeave (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. France, Alternative Libertaire AL - fascism, Against Pegida
in Paris on February 6 (fr, it, pt) [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
The Neo-Nazi group Pegida is attempting to establish a branch in Ireland this Saturday in
Dublin. Pegida, the "anti-Islamifacation" group that is attempting to hijack
anti-establishment politics by placing the blame of the current global capitalist crisis
on the shoulders of refugees and migrants: those with no systemic or economic power in our
society. ---- Pegida Ireland is trying to mask their vitriolic racism as concern against
rape amongst other things. This feminist group says stuff your concern. ---- After the New
Year's Eve attacks in Cologne the term "Rapefugees" exploded even though it was already in
use beforehand due to the Islamophobic and racist idea that all Muslim women are victims
in need of a white knight in shining armour. Racists are now parading a faux concern of
violence against women as an attempt to justify their unjustifiable racism.
The attacks in Cologne were deplorable to say the least. We must be clear on this; just
because the perpetrators of violence against women belong to a vulnerable group does not
mean that we absolve them of their crimes. Any man who is abusive and/or physically
violent to a woman is deserving of the finest treatment the likes of the Gulabi Gang has
to offer.
We must reinforce this message alongside the message that violence against women can never
be an excuse for racism. The Cologne Attacks does not automatically make all refugees
rapists. When white men rape mass condemnation such as what we have seen here is virtually
non-existent.
If the Cologne Attacks had been perpetrated by white men this contrived concern of
violence against women would not be seen. If white men had been responsible for this we
would have - at best - been met with a wall of silence by these fascists. At worst we
would have been treated to the finest examples of rape culture; the occurrence of every
individual attack would have been questioned, outright denial would be flashing across our
internet feeds as well as insistence that the victims "should not have been dressed" in
whatever way they were dressed, or "should not have been drinking" or any other way that a
victim can be blamed for something that they did not cause.
These people do not actually care about rape, violence against women or feminism. In fact,
these people have web pages dedicated to exposing them as rapists, pedophiles and members
of pedophilia rings. Tommy Robinson, co-founder of the fascist English Defence League and
the man responsible for darkening Ireland's doorstep with Pegida was himself arrested for
attacking an off-duty cop, who happened to be a neighbour, when the cop intervened in a
domestic issue. It’s not clear what the domestic issue was but I doubt it was a heated
debate on the best ways to advance feminism.
This is not a case of "you cannot come here for fear that you will rape women", on the
contrary, it is a case of "if anyone is going to rape our women it will be us". Being a
refugee, otherwise known as someone fleeing a desperate situation, does not make you a
rapist by default and going by the webpages to be found when googling "EDL rapist" (or
anything similar) it could be easily thought that most fascists are rapists.
A strong feminist presence is needed on Saturday to make sure that these fascists know, in
no uncertain terms, that they do not act in our interests. They spout the same ideology
that led to 115 recorded attacks against Muslim women the week after the Paris Attacks in
the UK alone. The UK charity, Tell Mama, a helpline for Muslims who receive physical or
verbal abuse recorded these attacks as a 300% rise.
Most of those who were attacked were women and girls aged between 14 to 45 and most of the
attacks were at the hands of white males between the ages of 15 and 35 whose names are
probably to be found on the membership list of the EDL or Pegida. They have no concern for
ending violence against women.
Most of those who were attacked were recorded by the charity as being in traditional
Islamic dress. Should a woman wish to dress in accordance with her faith she should be
able to do so without fear of attack. No matter what women wear we never deserve abuse -
physical or verbal - and we should target those who target women for wearing the hijab,
burqa or any other Islamic dress.
Feminism has a shameful history of leaving women of colour behind; of ignoring how sexism
and racism intersect to make life even worse for women of colour and throwing them under
the bus to further a white feminist agenda. We have a duty to stand up to these fascists
this Saturday.
We must send Pegida and those of a similar mindset packing, we cannot allow them a
platform, or give them any opportunity to imitate the actions of their UK counterparts
through attacking our sisters.
We say no to violence against women. We say no to Pegida. We say no to fascism in all of
its ugly forms.
WORDS: Fionnghuala Nic Roibeaird
http://www.wsm.ie/c/feminists-no-pegida
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Message: 2
Walking to a commune meeting in Amûdê with friends ---- “We’re solidarity activists,” we
say to a man who greets us as we cross the border into Rojava. ---- “You’ve come too
late!” he replies. ---- Nevertheless, he smiles widely, welcomes us and shakes our hands.
In a way, I agree with him. We have come too late. We are only visiting Rojava when there
has been a revolution; only after the people have successfully formed their own autonomous
region. Where were we when the Kurdish population of Syria were fighting for their rights,
for their own self-determination, under Assad? ---- As we drive from the border, I’m
surprised to see small oil rigs everywhere on the landscape, some functioning, some not.
But why am I surprised when I’m in the oil rich Middle East?
An oil rig in Rojava, on the road from the border
A view of Amûdê. In the distance (on the right of the photo), the city of Mardin, over the
border in Turkey, sits on the mountain
In Amûdê
Rojava, which means ‘west’ in Kurdish, is a region in the north of Syria. Rojava bases its
politics and principles on a system of collectivism and grassroots organising, known as
democratic confederalism, heavily influenced by the writings of imprisoned PKK leader
Abdullah Öcalan, who in turn has been influenced by anarchist principles and the writings
of Murray Bookchin.
The Rojava Revolution began in July 2012 when the People’s Protection Units (the YPG and
YPJ) took control of the predominantly Kurdish towns from the Assad regime, starting with
Kobanê. In January 2014, the constitution of Rojava – and the declaration of the autonomy
of the three cantons of Cizîrê, Kobanê and Afrin – was announced. In 2014, Kobanê was
attacked and beseiged by ISIS, but I’ll talk more about that in my next blog post.
Although the majority of Rojava’s population is Kurdish, there is a large Arabic
population, especially in Cizîrê canton, as well as numbers of Syriacs, Turkmens,
Armenians and Circassians. The autonomous region of Rojava is multi-ethnic, multi-religion
and multi-lingual, and everyone now has the right to be taught in their own language, and
a new curriculum is in the process of being implemented. (But as one anarchist comrade
critically points out, it’s hardly a radical step to be switching one compulsory
curriculum under Assad for another compulsory one). We speak to members of the Education
Body of the legislative council, who tell us that “we are against discrimination. We
accept the rights of everyone to live in peace.”
There are strong movements for the equality for women, as well as for youths. “Youths take
part in society and improve things themselves,” says Bedran Gia Kurd of TEV-DEM (the
political coalition governing Rojava). I’ll talk more about the women and youth movements
in my next blog post.
a beautiful church in Amûdê
My travel companion Martin!
On the streets of Amûdê
Chris with our lovely translator
An aim of the Rojava administration is to ensure that everyone is involved in the politics
of the region, and to give all citizens a say in how their neighourhood is run. We are
lucky enough to visit a ‘People’s House’ in the town of Amûdê, where locals meet weekly to
discuss and make decisions. We’re told that the functions of this commune are to:
* resolve conflicts within the neighbourhood
* teach Kurdish to Kurds who never had the opportunity to learn
* support people by distributing clothing and food
* make economic decisions
* organise an armed defence unit, and to train people to protect themselves.
Locals from 400 households participate in this particular commune. In Rojava, decision
making happens on four levels, in an attempt to enable all citizens to participate. These
four levels are:
1st level: The commune (as described above), which can include a whole village or up to
about 400 households.
2nd level: The neighbourhood council, consisting of representatives from the communes.
3rd level: The district council, which includes the whole city and its surroundings, and
where boards from the second level represent at the district level.
4th level: the People’s Council, made up of all district councils.
This method of organising started taking place before the Rojava Revolution of 2012. Back
in 2011, the structure of councils and assemblies was set up in Rojava and in
neighbourhoods in Aleppo. These movements in Rojava were directly influenced by Kurds over
the Turkey border, who, despite being oppressed by the state of Turkey, had been setting
up council systems of democratic autonomy since 2007.
Whilst in Rojava, we meet members of the legislative and executive councils, or
government, so to speak. But Rojava is supposedly democratic, and decisions should come
from the very base, grassroots levels of the communes. So where does this government fit
in? My travel companion Chris says:
“Since 2014, legislative and executive councils have been added to the system in Rojava.
In the theory of democratic confederalism, these government bodies should only carry out
administrative tasks on behalf of the councils. It remains to be seen who will really have
the power – the government or the people.”
We’re told that this graffiti says “don’t migrate from Kobane!”
Whilst in Cizîrê canton, we also attend a neighbourhood meeting in Amûdê, where a man
gives a speech (in Kurdish, which is translated into Arabic) to members of the community
about anti-capitalism, slavery and imperialism. He says:
“The ruling class enforce decisions on others. The democratic self administration of
Rojava is different: decisions are made by people and for people.”
But mostly he speaks about the role of women in society. It’s amusing, but very refreshing
to see a man lecturing both women and men of the community about feminism!
In a neighbourhood meeting about anti-capitalism and feminism
The man on the left lectures in Kurdish about feminism and anti-capitalism, whilst the
older man translates into Arabic
At the People’s House, a student stands with his certificate for learning Kurdish. His
teacher (our translator) stands next to him
Currently the Rojava region has its own police force called the Asayîs. We want to set up
a meeting to talk to them, to try to understand whether this police force is different to
other police forces, which are inherently violent against those who don’t abide by the
rules of the state. Unfortunately we don’t have enough time to make the meeting happen.
Asayîs are everywhere, guarding buildings and checking vehicles on checkpoints all over
Rojava. The YPG and YPJ are still fighting ISIS just one hour south of us, and many of the
areas that we travel to have only recently been liberated from ISIS control, so we’re
actually very grateful for these numerous checkpoints.
Me and Martin meet the female members of Asayis, probably the only police that I will ever
pose for a photo with!
An Asayis man, complete with his Abdullah Öcalan patch!
As anti-capitalist activists, my friends and I are concerned about possible US imperialist
plans in the region. So we ask Bedran Gia Kurd of TEV-DEM whether the Rojava coordination
with the US will continue (the US work together with the YPG and YPJ against ISIS). He
tells us:
“There is daily coordination with the US military as our enemy is the same, but there is
no longterm agreement. There is no guarantee that this coordination will continue.
Cooperation in the future will be on the basis of how to protect our principles. So if
cooperation compromises our project, we will not agree to it…We will not accept any
pressure on us to change our projects. We have our own will and determination.”
Obviously, we leave the TEV-DEM meeting with big smiles on our faces, hopeful that this
beautiful people’s movement won’t be destroyed by the US and other imperialist states.
http://libcom.org/library/our-attitude-towards-rojava-must-be-critical-solidarity
But my friend and comrade Zaher Baher issues a few words of caution in his latest article
about Rojava.
He says of the US and western powers:
“The best way to defeat [Rojava] is to support it, and thereby to contain it and tame it,
without sacrificing any of their soldiers. Once this has been done, they can occupy it
economically.”
He also quotes politician Salih Muslim, the Democratic Union Party (PYD) co-leader in
Rojava. In a September 2015 interview Muslim says:
“We seek to expand our relations with the US politically and diplomatically, and we hope
that we will succeed in doing so…America is a superpower that fosters democracy globally,
and tries to develop and disseminate it throughout the world, and the American people have
their own standards and fundamental principles for democracy.”
As Chris says, it remains to be seen where the power will lie, and whether democratic
confederalism will become corrupted.
Our visit to Rojava is very brief – ten days in total – and is far too short to fully
understand the structures and movements in this society. However, I’m inspired by the
organising of what seems to be the best large-scale attempt at a democratic society that
I’ve seen.
However, the only thing that makes me feel uncomfortable in Cizîrê is the amount of
militarist propaganda that’s everywhere, often portraying hundreds of soldiers standing to
attention in lines. These posters remind me of the militarist propaganda of oppressive
states that I’ve seen on my other travels. I wonder whether the Rojava administration
really needs this propaganda. “It’s understandable – they’re in a war right now,” Martin
says. Indeed, there are enemies all around: Turkey a couple of miles to the north, ISIS to
the south, as well as pockets of Assad troops in Qamislo. And the Iraqi Kurdistan
government to the east places a strict embargo on the border, barely letting anyone or
anything of use through to Rojava.
Our hosts in Amûdê constantly watch the propaganda on Rojava TV, so we find ourselves
watching YPG and YPJ music videos, which usually involve more dancing than shooting. And
damn it, those songs are catchy! As Martin and I walk down the street, we sing YPG songs
that are lodged in our brains! Chris points out that the music feels different to the
propaganda posters. He says:
“Understandably, people want to celebrate the sacrifice made by those who volunteer to
fight for the YPJ and YPG and commemorate those who have died fighting ISIS.”
Indeed. Every day, young, beautiful people are sacrificing their lives on the frontlines.
Military propaganda of the YPG
Propaganda roundabout in Qamislo
Back in England, anarchists often debate whether Rojava is ‘truly anarchist’, whether it
matches our ideals, or whether we should support Rojava at all. There are arguments as to
whether Rojava fits in with our ideas of an anarchist utopia (whilst we do barely anything
to organise society differently ourselves, other than running a handful social centres
across the country). These debates frustrate me a lot. As activists on the Rojava Plan
website say,
“Don’t expect things here to go your way. It is important to understand the culture and
philosophy behind this new emerging society. Things here might be done differently from
the way you’re used to.”
And then there are those activists in Europe who place Rojava on a pedestal. Writer Joris
Leverink states:
“The radical left needs its own mythology as much as everybody else, and in this sense
Rojava, Barcelona and Chiapas serve as hopeful reminders that there is an alternative;
that it is possible to organize society in a different way.
However, by merely placing these instances of radical organization on a pedestal, as a
beacon of hope to be revered when times get rough, our support for these struggles is
often not very different from the support we display when we cheer on our favorite
football team on TV. The Zapatistas in the jungles of Chiapas and the Kurds on the
Mesopotamian plains have come a long way by relying on nothing but their own strength and
determination. Their relative isolation has allowed for the development of their radical
alternatives, but for these experiments to survive in the long run they need more than
supporters and sympathizers. They need partners.”
After five days in Cizîrê canton, we are driven for five hours to Kobanê. It’s incredible
to be doing this journey. Only four months before, ISIS controlled the area between Cizîrê
and Kobanê, and the two cantons were separate. Now, because of the actions of the YPG and
YPJ, we can move freely. Of course, songs of the YPG are playing on the car stereo!
As we drive parallel with the border of Turkey, a Turkish army tank points its gun just
metres from our car.
On our journey, we stop in Girê Spî for falafel, and we ask our driver if we can use the
toilet.
“There’s only a toilet in the mosque, but you can’t go because we have no security for
you,” he says.
“He’s being far too cautious,” I whisper to Chris as I roll my eyes.
But because of all of the checkpoints and because of the kind people who have been looking
after us, I’ve been lulled into a false sense of security. As usual the locals know best,
and just one week later there’s an ISIS attack close to the town.
We visited Rojava in November 2015
https://anaimlesshitchhiker.wordpress.com/2016/02/05/travels-in-rojava-part-1-cizire-canton/#more-2803
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Message: 3
The legacy of slavery, racial discrimination, racism, and institutional white supremacy
are inescapable aspects of life in the US South. In the gap since the Civil Rights and
Black Power movements we’ve spent a generation failing to critically examine or confront
how these issues continue to manifest themselves in our society–not only in the South, but
across the United States. ---- Since the 2015 Charleston Church Massacre, we’ve seen
supporters trot out the Confederate Battle Flag as a symbol of some imagined Southern
heritage, proudly waving it and proclaiming their support for what they presume the
Confederate State of America (CSA) to represent. ---- Black Lives Matter protesters taking
to the streets on May Day, 2015. The recent surge in pro-Confederate and white power
sentiments is a direct result of the response to police violence against people of color
and the Charleston Church Massacre, during which a white supremacist murdered 9 black
people in a church basement.
The United States was built on the back of human slavery and racial genocide, but the
South is by no means unique in that regard. The CSA, however, and all its symbols,
represent an explicit effort to retain the right to enslave black Americans in the
economic interests of an elite planter class.
Regional support for the Confederacy was not universal. In North Georgia, Eastern
Tennessee, and Northern Alabama, most counties voted against secession. North Georgia
counties like Lumpkin, Fannin, and Gilmer were known hideouts for Confederate draft
dodgers and deserters–and many locals paid the price for opposing the war.
Modern white supremacist groups, including the Ku Klux Klan and National Socialist
Movement have adopted the Confederate Battle Flag as a symbol of their movements. These
groups have multiplied many times over since the election of the nation’s first black
president and are more well-organized than at any time since the Jim Crow era. There are
at least 3 active Klan groups in North Georgia, 5 in other parts of the state. The
Southern Poverty Law Center lists 784 hate groups in the US, including 72 KKK and 142
neo-Nazi groups. This is unacceptable.
On April 23rd, white supremacists plan a “Rock Stone Mountain” event, which they describe
as an “openly white power March up Stone Mountain”, followed by a concert at an
undisclosed location. The Facebook event page, which lists 200+ planned attendees,
prominently displays the Confederate Battle Flag.
Confederate Battle Flag in front of Stone Mountain with the hashtag #RockStoneMountain at
the top. This image was taken from the “Rock Stone Mountain” event page.
Stone Mountain, which features an enormous memorial to Confederate leaders Robert E. Lee,
Jefferson Davis, and CSA President Jefferson Davis, and Stonewall Jackson etched into its
side, is hallowed ground for white supremacists. It was the birthplace of the 2nd
incarnation of the Klan and meetings there were common until the park was purchased by the
state in 1960. Stone Mountain is also mentioned in Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.’s famous “I
Have a Dream” speech.
Several anti-racist groups and individuals have organized All Out ATL, a counter rally and
effort to disrupt the “Rock Stone Mountain” event. Black Rose North Georgia acknowledges
that not only must we resist organizing efforts by white supremacists, we must push
forward in confronting institutional oppression of people of color and members of other
marginalized groups.
Black Rose North Georgia endorses and supports the All Out Atlanta event. We will have an
active presence and look forward to collaborating with like-minded groups on anti-racist
and anti-fascist organizing in North Georgia in the future.
–Black Rose North Georgia membership
Related
http://makingnoiseinthesouth.com/index.php/2016/02/05/statement-from-black-rose-north-georgia-on-rock-stone-mountain-event-at-stone-mountain/
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Message: 4
Date: Tue, 9 Feb 2016 15:56:45 +0200
From: a-infos-en@ainfos.ca
To: en <a-infos-en@ainfos.ca>
Subject: (en) France, Alternative Libertaire AL - fascism, Against
Pegida in Paris on February 6 (fr, it, pt) [machine translation]
Message-ID: <mailman.149.1455026191.27433.a-infos-en@ainfos.ca>
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="windows-1252"; Format="flowed"
There are some days, "Europeans Patriots against the Islamization of the West" (Pegida,
German extreme right movement) launched a call echoed by a number of French fascist
splinter groups to take action and "save our country from immigration invasion" the
weekend of 6 and 7 February. ---- This call coincides with the anniversary of the uprising
of February 6, 1934, when the fascist leagues had tried to take power in France. It is
therefore clearly in history and political affiliation of the extreme right. ---- But
today as 80 years ago, the far right threat, in the streets and at the polls. It employs
the same methods of division, instrumentalization of social fears. ---- She surfs | a
stigmatization of Muslim-es-es or considered as such-the-s by exploiting the fear of
terrorism and feminism.
It advocates the rejection of immigration and border closures as a solution by appointing
the migrants as responsible for all ills.
She welcomed the police violence against the popular districts and condemnation of
anti-imperialist activists. Finally, without the need to win elections, it sets the
political agenda and ideas are taken up by the entire political spectrum and the media.
Faced with this, stay in solidarity with tou-te-s the migrants, with all victims of
Islamophobia and all forms of racism and all forms of discrimination and defend the
project of a society free of the extreme right and reactionary ideas.
Do not leave them on the street, even a day.
Premièr es signatories:
Antifascist Action-Paris suburbs, Alternative Libertaire, Association of North African
Workers in France, Coordination of anarchist groups - Paris region, Generation Palestine
Paris, La Horde, New Anti-Capitalist Party, Solidarity, Solidarity Student-es, out of
colonialism.
RDV in Paris 14 hours
Innocents fountain of
Chatelet-Les Halles metro
Photo: Protest in London September 12, 2015. cc Ilias Bartolini
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Contre-Pegida-a-Paris-le-6-fevrier
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