Today's Topics:
1. France, Alternative Libertaire AL #255 (Nov) - Days of
Action: For another manual (fr, it, pt) [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. Greece, Comunicate: About the Tripartite Summit of Greece,
Cyprus, and Egypt on 9 December in Athens (gr) [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. France, CLAF Communique: solidarity with local activists
faceing the fascist attacks (fr, it, pt) [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. southern africa, Tokologo #5/6 - Editorial - No Justice, No
Peace: A Year of Struggle by Tokologo African Anarchist
Collective - TAAC (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. Southern Africa, ZABALAZA #14 - Anarchism and
Counter-Culture: The Centrality of Ideas by Warren McGregor
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
On April 9, 300 000 wage earners were demonstrating throughout France to the call for an
inter-CGT-FO-FSU-Solidarity. This October 8th, is three times less than that dénombrait
protesters in the street. Assessment and lessons for the future. ---- Building on the
April 9, CGT, FSU and Solidaires late June called for a new day of action on October 8.
The call was extremely vague, probably because the CGT was still hoping to associate the
"reformist" pole around the CFDT a new call in vain. FO procrastinated time before
declining in mid-September, probably as a result of debates in several regions [1], its
structures have joined the mobilization. FSU has set his side on the priority dates
"corpo" (Saturday, 10 against the reform of colleges, Friday 16 in higher education and
research).
A call for mobilization CGT-FSU-Solidarity confederal plan is unprecedented, the CGT has
always denied this configuration. However, it is clear that he did not allow enlargement
of mobilization.
It has not helped to achieve a more biting protest content. While such calls should be
used to go beyond basic claims, there was no word on the Macron law, the first orders came
out, or on the Combrexelle report. And one wonders if specific claims (32 hours, 300 euros
wage increase for all, etc.) would not be more motivating for employees that work tote
employment-wage eternal.
Linking local and national mobilisations
So much for the national context, not surprisingly. The general signal thus not really
encouraged to strike. But it goes without saying that any combative union structure can
seize such a convergence time to build the mobilization in the community. This is for
example what did the CGT cleaning of Paris, with a strike starting on Monday 5 [2]
prepared by many hours of information, tours and distributions. The strike was renewed the
following day by 39% of agents and held until Friday, with locking four processing plants.
There are two ways to view these action days. Either we simply want to make that trade
union bureaucracies days without day around national demands often weaklings, to exert
pressure wave on discussions between "social partners" (social conference and negotiations
on supplementary pensions in the present case).
Either one considers that the strong convergence time is needed to avoid that everyone
does not fold on the box. But then, who said said convergence in each specific
construction company, with local demands and actions articulated nationally. Too many
union teams, including combative, still hope to mobilize only on national slogans, and so
discuss the radical nature of this or that slogan but the problem of how to put them into
debate among the wage earners. Moreover, it does not prevent in any way to criticize the
days without a future and demand a timetable of actions over time, in an attempt to raise
all together the conflict. Because today no new date has been set ...
Gregory (AL Orléans)
[1] Paris region, Brittany where the mobilization has also been stronger.
[2] Initially for the entire City of Paris, but only the cleaning and, to a lesser extent
infancy followed.
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Journees-d-action-Pour-un-autre
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Message: 2
The mnimoniaki coalition still causes a time in an effort to serve the interests of the
domestic bourgeoisie and the Euro-Atlantic imperialism, particularly the American factor.
- This time greets prices dictator of Egypt Abdel Fatah al-Sisi on 8 December, following
an official invitation of the President Pr. Pavlopoulos. - The next day the Trilateral
Summit Meeting Greece Cyprus Egypt will take place. - This is a particularly important
meeting (which takes place a few days after visiting Tsipras in Israel and visiting Kerry
in Athens) considering that the promotion of Greece in energy transportation hub to the
EU, ensuring a share in the pooling of rich underwater energy resources from Greek
companies, the attempt to upgrade the Greek monopolies in the global division of labor,
and the overall effort to upgrade the country's negotiating position in the EU and NATO
are key priorities of urban policy.
An international meeting which serves (but is also part of international competitions)
fully the interests of imperialism in the region. Both economically, since the largest
share of the plunder of the undersea wealth will have American, Israeli, French, and
Russian capital. And geopolitical, since the start of drilling delimitation of the EEZ of
Cyprus in agreement with Egypt and Israel, creates faits accomplis negative for countries
Cypriot EEZ touches. Palestine and Lebanon, which Israel has canceled the Cyprus agreement
at the UN.
Greek Prime Minister believes that "the partnership will act as a catalyst in a region
destabilized enough", while Egyptian President said that "our cooperation expect many,
many." The importance of the international meeting did not hide nor the Greek press: "The
visit is part of the effort to strengthen the triangle of Athens, Cairo, Nicosia is fully
consistent with the strategic US designs in the region. In this triangle is the active
presence of Israelis who together with Egypt and Cyprus control their large undersea gas
deposits in the Eastern Mediterranean. Besides, one of the projects under consideration is
the creation of a gas liquefaction plant in Egypt, where he discovered the largest
deposits, to transfer there or Cyprus stocks Israelis to then shipped to other markets by
pipelines or LNG ships. "
The 3rd Trilateral still proves once again that "the state will then have" as had assured
the leadership of the Armed Forces in October 2014 Tsipras. Why is a follow and supplement
the previous corresponding. Foreign Ministers meeting in Greece, Cyprus and Egypt on the
sidelines of the UN General Assembly in 2013, 2014 and 2015. Her first Tripartite Summit
in Cairo on November 8, 2014, the visit of the President of the Republic in Egypt on 23
and 24 April of 2015 and the 2nd Tripartite Summit in Nicosia on 29 April.
Multilevel alliance with Egypt is a strategic alliance for the Greek state capital, which
constantly assisted by the military cooperation between the two countries. The Joint Air
Exercise Greece Egypt «Houras 2015" launched on May 29, the visit of the Chief of General
Staff in Egypt in June, the meeting of the Chief of Staff to the Ambassador of Egypt in
the Pentagon in November, a visit to Cairo from 30 November to 2 December, the Governor of
the Multidisciplinary Special Operations Command under the "Military Cooperation Program
Year 2015".
To organize and resist with all our strength in the domestic bourgeoisie and its plans.
Resist without setbacks, the Euro-Atlantic imperialism and its interests. As the end.
Anarchist-communists in the class counter-offensive against the EU Assembly
December 8th, 2015
http://syneleusi-enantiastin-ee.espivblogs.net/
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Message: 3
Fascist attacks ... basta! ---- After the aggression against the GUD local CNT Metz, in
March 2015, the library is the self-taught bookstore Anarchist Federation in Besancon, who
suffered the assault fascist thugs in the night of October 17 to 18, around 2am. ----
Carrier a popular alternative culture, combative and libertarian, it is obviously for
these reasons she was attacked by fascists who have constantly pick on culture and spaces
freedom. ---- The attack took place on the sidelines of meetings Alternatiba, and the
presence of many people enabled a rapid response to avoid the worst. Only protective
shutters and glass door were broken but no damage has damaged the interior of the library.
To prevent fascism ever to win the land and that such acts do not remain unanswered, the
call Claf all libertarian and progressive forces to show their support for the self-taught
and comrades of the CNT Metz of all possible ways. Metz The comrades have also called for
financial solidarity.
Because Fascism is gangrene, better to eliminate than to die!
Libertarian Coordination antifascist:
Alternative Libertaire, Coordination of Anarchist Groups, National Confederation of
Labour, Anarchist Federation, Anarchist Group Puig Antich
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Message: 4
Welcome to the first double issue of Tokologo, combining issues 5 and 6. This marks our
third year of publishing by the Tokologo African Anarchist Collective and its study
circles. ---- 2015 has been a turbulent year. On the one side, the horrors of attacks on
immigrants and foreigners continue. In April, attacks broke out, mainly in KwaZulu-Natal,
spurred directly by Zulu King Goodwill Zwelithini's inflammatory statements. One of the
big failures of the 1994 transition was that much of the old Bantustan/ homeland apparatus
remained in place, with the continuing power of chiefs and kings. Again, in October, this
time spurred by rumours and the taxi associations, there were riots in the Eastern Cape.
---- We disagree with the idea that the attacks are simply a matter of hate and fear
("phobia"). Working class and poor people get drawn into these attacks because they are
desperate for jobs, money and housing, and because they are told, day in and day out, that
the "foreigners" are taking these from them. This is clear from the articles in this
issue. Of course, riots allow looting and venting of frustration, an illusion of power.
The idea that the attacks are just criminal activities is too simple. They clearly target
certain groups. And the idea that the attacks are some "Afrophobia" coming from a bad
attitude is also mistaken. Asians like Bangladeshis are also attacked.
It is the ruling class that misleads poor people into these attacks: it's divide-and-rule
and must be stopped. On the other side, great displays of the power and potential of the
working class. In Grahamstown, the Unemployed Peoples Movement tried to stop the violence.
Meanwhile, many neighbourhood-based struggles continue, including this year in many
Coloured townships. The National Union of Metalworkers of SA (NUMSA) is now expelled from
the Congress of SA Trade Unions (COSATU), and is looking at building an alternative that
will help link these up. But how and for what? NUMSA is divided, sometimes speaking of a
movement for socialism, sometimes a new union federation of "rebel" unions - and moderate
non-COSATU unions, like the Federation of Unions of SA (FEDUSA). And sometimes NUMSA hints
of forming a new workers party.
The NUMSA-initiated United Front is growing. It has at least 300 affiliates. It has
approached the university and technikon student movements to propose a national student
summit. But it is not simply a NUMSA front, it has its own dynamics, and has not adopted
NUMSA's Marxism- Leninism. And privately, militants in the UF complain of NUMSA not
providing the support people hoped.
Meanwhile the clock is ticking. Hard choices need to be made.
As will be clear from articles, we are completely opposed to the idea of forming a new
workers party, whether on a radical or a moderate ticket. Elections and state power cannot
free the working class. Only direct struggle, self-managed bottom- up movements, and
direct worker-community control of the means of production and force, and
self-administration, can change society - rather than lead to a new elite taking power.
This is the lesson of South Africa since 1994, and of Ghana in 1957, when it became the
first independent state in West Africa, as our articles show: don't vote, organise
counter-power from below!
We are for the UF, we are for NUMSA, but we call for a programme of working class autonomy
and anarchist- communism. Because there is no way Africa can recover from its bleeding
state, and be a place of dignity and equality and development for its working class, poor
and peasant masses, without a radical break with the post-colonial state, the political
and economic ruling class, and imperialism.
And let us be clear: fighting for working class/peasant power does not mean ignoring
issues like women's oppression, imperialism or racism. As we explain in the article on
women's oppression: you can only unite the masses to change society by fighting all forms
of oppression and division; but you can only end all forms of oppression and division by
building working class/peasant counter-power and counter-culture to make a real revolution
that changes society completely.
In October, COSATU, then NUMSA, held mass political strikes against "corruption." This is
a worthwhile demand, but corruption is built into the system. The system needs to go. The
problem is not a few corrupt politicians and capitalists. It is a system built on the
theft of the means of life, land, time, raw materials and equipment from the working
class, of daily theft by exploitation, of endless attacks on the people by the blue-garbed
army of the rich (police), and of attacks through unemployment, bad services and misery.
Even if every politician and capitalist was "honest," these basic crimes remain. So to end
corruption, end the corrupt capitalist/ state system!
The student movement also showed massive power. Earlier this year, the movement was quite
a small one, centred on issues of racism and transformation at a few elite universities:
UCT, Rhodes, Stellenbosch, the University of the Witwatersrand. The demands were a mixed
bag, as were the movements, and the focus was on (the very important) issues of
affirmative action, symbols and language. Left currents pushed for inclusion of workers'
issues like outsourcing - the reality is the vast majority of our people will never, in
the current system, go near a university except as a cleaner or a driver. But government
budget cuts to universities, which cause rising fees, provoked an explosion bringing in
tens of thousands.
New layers came in, blacks and whites joined together, there were massive confrontations
and showdowns with police. For much of 2014 and 2015, media coverage has focused on the
elite universities, on groups like the Black Students Movement at Rhodes and Rhodes Must
Fall at UCT. These campuses and groups are very important. But what became clear in 2015
was the historically dominant student formation, the left-wing SA Students Congress
(SASCO), remains central. And that black working class students, poorer campuses, and
campus workers, were setting the pace.
A small victory: a fees freeze nationally. On some campuses: workers will be insourced.
But the crisis is not over. To win free education requires confronting the state. To fund
it: R70 billion at least, because the rising fees are driven by neo-liberal budget cuts.
In the early 1990s, R8 of R10 spent at "Rhodes" University came from the state, and today
it is R5. Meanwhile numbers have doubled. The lost R3 is made up with spending cuts,
rising fees and low wages. The problem is not, as some student movements think, a few bad
VCs running the varsities and techs, but is part of neo-liberal crisis-ridden capitalism,
based on pay-more- get-less, promote-the-rich and loot-the-public. So the fight is a fight
against the state and the capitalist class.
But it is more than fees. Driving the pressure for getting into university is mass youth
unemployment, driving the fear of rising fees is the growing difficulty accessing
university. SA's problems will not be solved with bursaries, but with mass job creation
for useful work, a massive overhaul of the failed schools system in the townships, a
massive increase in access to techs, and more universities, more techs, training people to
reconstruct the country on the lines of socialism-from-below, giving everyone what they
need, as human beings - not wages based on the job you do or don't do. For now: we fight
for free education for the working class and poor and for a Workers' and People's
Scientific University, not a "world-class university" or an "African university."
This means fighting for a new society: anarchist-communism, which rips up the apartheid
legacy, the state and capital, and puts power in the hands of the working class and poor.
We stand in a long tradition, and our heroes come from all places: see the article on cde
Bill Andrews, previous issues having looked at comrades like Bernard Sigamoney and T.W.
Thibedi. This is what we stand for: please see our documents in several languages, African
as well as English, and if you agree, JOIN WITH US. CONTACT US. ATTEND OUR POLITICAL
SCHOOLS. READ OUR MATERIALS.
Related Link:
http://zabalaza.net/2015/11/25/double-issue-5-6-of-tokologo-the-newsletter-of-the-taac-now-available/
http://www.anarkismo.net/article/28867
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Message: 5
A Presentation at the Johannesburg leg of the Afrikan HipHop Caravan, Goethe Institute, 20
February 2013, ---- INTRODUCTION ---- One may ask what a presentation on anarchism has to
do with hiphop. I contend that within these two movements exist shared ideas and
sentiments, building blocks of a deeply critical and self-conscious political culture.
Both share a deep anti-establishment ethos; a mistrust of established institutions of
social and political control. Both come from and are based amongst the oppressed.1 At its
core, hip-hop shares with anarchism its desire for political and social change via
people’s movements and expression. A fuller discussion and appreciation of anarchist
culture, however, and its message of grassroots community and individual empowerment, can,
I think, serve to broaden the already rich tapestry of hip-hop culture and its impact on
those it serves to educate.
DRAWING A SKETCH
All forms of society, or social organisation,
have their own ideological cultural sets:
the main ideas that build and maintain
the structure of that society. In the
modern age of neo-liberal capitalist and
state control, some key ideas dominate;
you might have heard these before:
* Margaret Thatcher’s “there is no
alternative” (as regards neo-liberal
social spending cuts and privatisation)
* Francis Fukuyama’s – “the end of
history;” that with the collapse of the
Soviet Union in the early 1990s, capitalism had
defeated socialism
*That democracy equates to voting into power
those who rule you
* Men bring home the bacon; boys will be boys;
women look after the kids and clean the house
*Black people can’t govern themselves
*All whites are oppressors
*God is forgiving and solves all problems if you
pray
*The ANC’s slogan “A Better Life For All”
*Africa Unite! (which presupposes a singular
African identity)
I WANT TO TALK ABOUT THE ROLE OF IDEAS…
In a variety of areas and in many people’s minds,
these are some of the dominant social ideas. In
fact, many people accept these not as ideas but
social realities set in stone. However, they are
just that: ideas that we make and remake. Ideas
determine how we think and how we act. Ideas
determine how we socialise and how we relate
to societal organisation – political and economic.
THE WORLD TODAY
We exist in a world that is fundamentally
unjust and unequal. The dominant economic
ideology is capitalism in its neo-liberal form,
and the dominant
ideologies of
social and political
organisation in
many parts of
the world are the
nation state and
representative
democracy
respectively.
These systems
establish class rule
of the few over the
majority.
Class rule
promotes
competition,
greed, individualism; only those with money and
power are counted as people of value. If you’re
poor, well that’s your fault – you’re lazy. Get a job,
contribute!
In southern Africa, our shared histories have also
meant rampant racism, sexism, homophobia,
xenophobia and other such forms of oppression.
HUMAN NATURE
Both ideologies of capitalism and the state are
promoted as either inevitable, part of human
nature, or the best we have. However, we exist in a
world with massive poverty and huge disparities
in terms of access to power and wealth. Rampant
political and economic corruption, waste,
inef?iciency and ecological destruction are just
some other terrible features of this particular
global society. However, if the state and capitalism
are inevitable and immovable, this then must
mean that suffering, poverty and domination are
natural to the human condition.
I DISAGREE!
Human nature (and the way we organise
ourselves) is neither ?ixed nor inevitable. We
are born into societies and all societies have
dominant ideas. These ideas and the alternatives
offered from within those societies are what
determine who we are and how we think. If
we are born into a society that valorises greed,
surely we should expect many to be greedy. What
about promoting social values that are entirely
different?
PROTEST AND THE POVERTY OF ALTERNATIVES
These last few decades have seen tremendous
upsurges of protest against inequality and
powerlessness. All these have risen within
local contexts
either of failed
statist projects
(Marxist
Communism,
the Keynesian
Welfare State
and Social
Democracy,
African Socialism,
etc.) or in the
context of posti
ndependence
structural
adjustment
programmes
and neo-liberal
capitalism. From Latin American indigenous
struggles, to the community struggles and
uprisings in southern and northern Africa,
to austerity protests in Europe and worker
struggles in East Asia, many seek not only
slow, piecemeal reform, but also substantial
social change.
Many ideas in?luence these struggles, but do many
of them actually question the dominant forms
of economic and social organisation:
capitalism and the state?
Here, within a global context of
perpetual protest with little reward,
the ideas of anarchism and its culture of
direct democracy, can exist as vital tools
of analysis of past and current struggles.
Anarchists imagine a new world – it’s
easy if you try – and seek to organise for
that vision.
So, if ideas are central to the way the
world is structured now, the only way to
change the world is to mobilise others to
do so using different ideas.
WHAT IS ANARCHISM?
It is often misunderstood – by opponents
and by those claiming the title – as chaos,
disorder, lawlessness, etc. Also many
associate it with veganism, dumpsterdiving,
white punk-rockers, animal
rights activists, etc.
Anarchism is not a matter
of self-identity – although
many claim the title, but
have divergent ideas for
understanding society
and social change. It is a
clear, coherent political
ideology born out of the
struggles of workers and
their organisations and
communities in the mid-tolate
1800s, even if many don’t
realise this. It is revolutionary
libertarian socialism that
seeks mass working class
and peasant organisation
to revolutionise social and
economic control by dismantling the
state and capitalism; to run society
via federations of directly democratic
work and community councils and the
economy to meet people’s needs.
Anarchism is against:
* economic exploitation, i.e. bosses and
landlords
* domination between classes and
between individuals (sex/gender
oppression, ageism, racism, etc.)
* political subordination, particularly
in the form of the state and other
such hierarchical institutions which
centralise power in the hands of a few
by affording them control over the
means of administration and coercion
Anarchism is for:
* a world of individual freedom –
an organised emancipation from
exploitation and domination
* societies and economies based on
self-management by worker and
community councils federated
internationally.
This individual freedom can only be
realised within a context of social
freedom – this social freedom can
only be realised through mass-based
working class revolution. We see mass
organisations of counter-power –
revolutionary syndicalist trade unions
linked to revolutionary community
organisations – as the lever of revolution
and reconstruction. Anarchists work
with and in working class communities
and organisations, spreading the ideas
and principles of anarchism, to achieve a
leadership of ideas, not individuals.
Anarchism insists on building tomorrow
today. These organisations of counterpower,
built within the shell of this
rotten world, will function as the
worker and community councils of
the future society. Anarchism, thus, is
a pre?igurative politics. This politics
determines anarchist practice today for
tomorrow. It argues that the counterpower
we build must re?lect and have as
its principles those of the future society.
ANARCHIST COUNTER-CULTURE
We seek to foster a counter-culture – a
culture of ideas, debate and discussion
– opposed to the dominant ideas of
capitalism, the state and hierarchy. We
build a counter-culture that promotes
working class pride and rejects the
culture of the ruling class.
As such, these organisations of counterpower
must be based on and continue
to develop a counter-culture that meets
emancipatory desires.
ANARCHIST PRINCIPLES 2
? Direct democracy
Decisions in movements should be made
to ensure everyone has an equal say and
that power is located with all members,
not a few of?icials. This empowers
people; it enables them to have a voice
and builds people’s con?idence; and only
a con?ident working class can end all
forms of oppression.
? Direct action
These include protests, strikes,
occupations, etc. against
capitalist and state bosses.
The reforms won through
such actions build counterpower
and the working
class’s con?idence – in itself
and its organisations.
? Self-management
We ?ight for true worker
control and people’s power
over their organisations. If
based on direct democracy
and with the con?idence of
direct action, workers and
people control their own
organisations and are not
beholden to a middle class,
more educated stratum
that dominates people’s struggles and
determine their campaigns.
We aim for respect, mutual aid and
solidarity as the basis of organisation.
We should also ?ight oppression within
our organisations and in the working
class to build relations of solidarity in
our movements today.
HISTORY AND EXAMPLES OF ANARCHIST COUNTER-CULTURE
Anarchist working class organisations
have used a variety of cultural tools
such as music, poetry, art, selfeducation,
organising and drama to
build this counter-culture. These promoted not
only anarchism and struggle, but important
philosophical and social questions related
to their communities. They used a variety of
means, like radio stations, plays, spoken and
written word, to build a revolutionary counterculture
amongst the working poor. They built
cultural centres, schools and took over urban
spaces that regularly hosted counter-cultural
picnics, discussion sessions, parades, carnivals
even! Counter-culture laid the basis for
anarchist revolutions in Spain, Manchuria and
Ukraine which were built over many decades
of education, direct action and organisation.
Anarchist slogans and songs persist even today:
e.g. the popular Cosatu slogan, “An Injury To One
Is An Injury To All” is the original slogan of the
syndicalist (anarchist trade union) Industrial
Workers of the World (IWW). Migrant workers,
exiles and publications helped spread anarchist
and syndicalist ideas globally.
RECENT COUNTER-CULTURE IN SA
The 1970s and 80s particularly offer us clear
lessons to be studied. Mass organisational
counter-power to capitalism and apartheid was
built and produced a mass working class counterculture.
This spread through not just protest, but
pamphlets, newsletters, struggle songs, plays
and magni?icent posters.
ART, COUNTERgCULTURE AND CHANGE
Art continues to play a vital role in spreading
ideas, whether progressive or not. A consumerist
pop and rap culture exists as a strong pole of
attraction to many young people globally. It
in?luences the way we talk, what we wear, what
we want to do with our lives and how we view
the world.
However, a revolutionary counter-culture on its
own does not make revolution. Ideas must be
applied and these ideas need to serve to empower
people to contribute to creating change with
others. If artists really want to change the world,
this desire and their art must be linked with and
to working class struggles and organisations (in
SA this means the black and African working
class in particular).
With that, we also need to move from re?lection
to active contribution.
Not only could our artists and the culture they
promote re?lect society, it could contribute to
an understanding of the issues that affect the
majority of human kind and offer a coherent way
forward out of misery and domination.
We need a large scale working class counterculture
based on principles of direct democracy,
self-management and revolution; history has
shown this as the only ways to ?ight against the
impact of dominant ideas on all our lives. Our art
needs to inspire, re?lect and direct. To show that
not only is there an alternative and what that is,
but also that we are building and mobilising, with
song and dance, word and movement, towards
creating that future now!
Anarchism has the tools for this.
Ideas can empower!
Ideas can emancipate!
Forward to the anarchist
social revolution!
https://zabnew.files.wordpress.com/2015/08/zabalaza14.pdf
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