France, Alternative Libertaire AL - Interview, On
self-organization by December 95 by Redac (fr, it, pt) [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
"It is also necessary to agree on what an AG strikers. This is not an information meeting
organized by the unions, this is a time when each one should be able to feel comfortable
enough to talk, to propose, to criticize, to decide. "Twenty years later, the view of two
witnesses strikes December 95. ---- Alternative Libertaire publishes an excerpt from a
long interview published on Critique-sociale.info ---- It was twenty years ago took place
one of the most powerful social struggles that took place in France during the last
decades. In November and December 1995, millions of strikers and protesters mobilized
against the project including the Prime Minister Alain Juppe of cons-pension reform. [...]
---- Social criticism: What were the practices of self-organization where you were, which
you participated?
Christian Mahieux
Christian Mahieux: In 1995, I was at the railway station in Lyon, where I worked then for
19 years. I was one of the leaders of regional CFDT union majority in the Gare de Lyon. I
give these few elements, to locate where I talk about the ongoing strike of
November-December 1995.
At the station, not 1995 which marked the appearance (or return) to practices of
self-organization of the struggle. Nine years earlier, the three weeks of December
1986-January 1987 strike had led to impose a clear break with a system where the strike
was long since become a matter for the unions or even the only trade union federations
therefore that there was talk of national movement.
1986-1987 The strike is in a period of strong social tension: high school student and
student movement against the Devaquet law assassination of Malik Oussekine by the police
strike of commercial agents and the SNCF train drivers' strike, which turn
intercatégorielle strike quickly throughout the company.
The important achievement of 1986
Its preparation for its conclusion, this movement is under the responsibility of the
general assemblies of strikers; This is an important achievement that is found "naturally"
when starting the strike in 1995, with one important difference: in 1986, though the
CFDT-class railway are often at the initiative of the movement, the CGT activists fighting
the strike in its early days can very fit so clumsy it vis-à-vis the general meetings; in
1995, the side of the CGT lesson was retained.
This practice of general meetings is of course essential. It is also necessary to agree on
what an AG strikers. This is not an information meeting organized by the unions, this is a
time when each one should be able to feel comfortable enough to talk, to propose, to
criticize, to decide.
In 1986-1987 as in 1995, almost all of the AG within SNCF are based on the collective
work: filing, workshop, station, site sales or maneuver when s 'These are big
establishments. It is at this scale that has really AG. It is not a question of "meetings"
where spokespersons of unions, be they local officials or representatives, provide new,
renew the call for moving or stopping, before democracy is limited to up hand to endorse
what has been said.
Multiple self-managed initiatives
It is this practice of true general assemblies where every striker can easily find a place
that allows ownership of the strike by the strikers; where multiple self-managed
initiatives, sometimes formalized as "commissions" for the daily press review, for meals,
for proposals for actions, for links with other AG, etc. It is from there that will
"naturally" local occupations during the time of the strike: it is then collectively to
reappropriate the strike premises, which are also those that match the scope of the GA,
known in part because frequented daily for years.
Thus, in November-December 1995, the SNCF, many local managements were either deported, or
set aside, during the entire movement; strategic locations (control of train crews, signal
boxes, counters, etc.) have been occupied from the first days of the strike. All this is
organized from the work collective, became collective strike! It seems important to me to
stress this point: in 1986 and 1995, there is no question that trade unions calling the
strike to fight, at least overtly, the existence of general meetings; but too often they
turn into caricature AG strikers, GA workers and workers deciding and coordinating their
struggle.
"The animation of self-management involves organizing struggles that workers' democracy,
to defend"
Whatever the political organization to which they and they refer, those who believe that
the working class is not in capacity to define and implement policies and autonomous
struggles, do not support real AG, representative, democratic, decision. In contrast, the
self-management of struggles entertainment is to organize the workers' democracy, to
defend: the practice of the daily General Assembly is one of the bases. It does not solve
all other issues deserve particular attention, including coordination of the movement
nationally, locally interprofessional relationships, etc.
One of the new 1995 is the generalization of direct links between wage earners from
different sectors: Common pickets reciprocal delegations in the AG, common departures for
events, had become common practice among railworkers, postman-es, teacher -es, students
with ...
Individual accountability in the defense of acquired
I do not know if one can speak of self-organization in this regard, but the 1995
achievement among railway workers and railway workers, the massive rejection of the
retirement age of decline, also relied on the fact that we had been able to live a
tradition enshrined in the CHEMINOTE working class culture: the rejection of colleagues
not leaving the "normal" age of retirement (50 years for the conduct of agents, 55 for
others). This individual responsibility in defending the achievements and the fight
against youth unemployment was a key element of a collective defense.
The bursting of the CFDT during the strike can not be ignored when it comes to
self-organization. Nevermind the majority line (slightly) in the confederation which leads
to support Juppe plan in mid-November; but in the CFDT opposition at the time, two trends
have rapidly emerged: one has privileged instrument of battle, the other has chosen to
support the basis of union members who, massively, now rejected this mark and this
betrayal synonyms organization.
And it is no coincidence that in the newly created SUD unions in January 1996, the
disaffiliation of the CFDT were the most massive of the fact that unions in years of
disagreements with confederal line were openly discussed and shared with all union
members, not treated with the only "leaders" of the union ...
Social criticism: In your opinion, what has been missing in the movement?
Christian: From day one, the railway and railway workers lived movement as a struggle open
to others. All the better if others joined them, otherwise it should at least earn our
goals. The "State-SNCF plan contract" was the question of public service, the fight for
jobs, desertification of the territory; defense of pensions and social protection referred
to the refusal of social regression, what is more, in a country which is enriched.
The expansion could be done in two ways:
The interprofessional and associative fabric in the departments, regions, through the
planning contract; it was not long.
Workers in other sectors, for the defense of pensions and social welfare. The extension
was made, but limited to wage earners in shift work and traveling public sector. The role
of trade union confederations is no stranger to this weakness, the trivialization of
"strike by proxy" and the use of only manifestations without organizing an inter general
strike, weighed.
And as often, some of the leaders and strike leaders did not want to take a further
course, that of the political break with the system in place under the pretext of a lack
of credible political alternative in the short term ... " political alternative "being
designed as the only form of electoral victory in the framework of the institutions of the
bourgeoisie. Yet the question of the autonomy of the working class, on its own ability to
build its future, the political outlet to the struggles they carry themselves ...
But as always, the responsibilities are not just "out there". The balance of power created
by the three-week strike had allowed local negotiations on the number of unpaid strike
days, but sometimes the most important achievements: it is thus that a few days after the
end of the strike by the mere threatening to do it again in Lyon Station, we got the
hiring of 10 young whose union has forwarded the files directly. The bosses were afraid we
have not been able to keep that advantage over time ...
Social criticism: What lessons from November to December 1995 for the struggles of today
and tomorrow?
Christian: Recurrent lessons: the need for workers 'unity, the need for a struggle
unionism, independent, inter-professional, internationalist, anti-capitalist, mass, the
battle for autonomy and workers' democracy in the struggles but not only ... But more than
lessons, learn to rely on our experiences, memories and collective achievements, while
remaining open to the unexpected!
ANTOINE: FALL 1995
AT THE UNIVERSITY OF PAU,
A SUCCESS BUILT AGAINST TIME
During the social movement of autumn 1995, I am a student at the University of Pau.
(Still) not unionized, yet I have actively participated in previous years, two significant
mobilizations: the rejection of CIP project (employability contract, soon renamed
"SMIC-jeunes") Balladur government, in February / March 1994; then the student strikes
against the Laurent report in March 1995.
These two important student movements (several weeks to strike every time, almost half of
students in protest) will have a crucial influence on the movement of autumn 1995 in Pau.
For many students, this strike which runs from late October to early December will be
mostly perceived as the third act of the same university protest movement. A continuity
that will enable a rapid and effective mobilization while away perhaps students
interprofessional national issues.
The experience of struggles
When the first general meetings are convened in the corridors of the faculty of letters of
Pau in late October 1995, they hardly surprising that the "new" arrived in the lecture
halls for several days. For those who have already attended the college rather restless,
surprising: posters, AG and protests have marked the two previous academic years. And from
the first general assemblies, the students are numerous.
It must be said that the Pau context is very favorable. The campus has already lived two
festive and victorious movements early 1994, the SMIC-young had been abandoned by the
Balladur government, and a little later, the Laurent report stored in closets ministry.
The memory of that success is still very present in many students are back on campus in
autumn 1995.
From the first AG, many left with pleasure the same atmosphere, the same faces and the
same control practices: daily and sovereign general assemblies, no strike committee, no
permanent spokesman little or no union leaflets during movement. The few delegates who are
sometimes appointed by the general meeting (to go negotiate with the Department, or to
speak in the media) have a specific and very short term. There are not, at least formally,
two categories of strikers. The General Assembly is perceived as a homogenous and united
group.
Democratic practices
Habits acquired during movements of March 1994 and March 1995, led the students of the
Libertarian Student Coordination (CLE, affiliated to the CNT-AIT). Very active at the
University of Pau, libertarians are not very numerous: some thirty regular activists at
most. But in 1994 and the movement against the SMIC-jeunes, they will succeed in
convincing the strikers of the need to operate under their direct democratic principles.
Some methods that will cringe in the ranks of other student organizations (UNEF-ID and the
UNEF-SE mainly), but given the success of these practices, we will have to do a bad job
against heart!
These direct democratic practices largely explain the success and cohesion of the two
previous movements. And in October 1995, no one in the lecture halls would dream of
challenging. With an established operation, very activist and involved hundreds of
students already well established, the challenge is organized very quickly. Claims are
essentially local: Pau University is experiencing a crisis of growth in recent years and
the resources allocated do not follow. The first general meeting therefore require
teaching positions, positions IATOSS (non-teaching staff), and the necessary grants for
the expansion of the premises.
Local success, difficult national coordination
The claims are based on established facts (lack of resources, teachers, local) that hardly
anyone disputes in Pau. Students feel involved and functioning in general meeting, if not
always fluid, gives them a sense of ownership of the movement. Several national claims
quickly add local requirements, including the elimination of circular to prefects to
control the attendance of foreign students. National coordination attempts with other
universities on strike (including Rouen, very mobilized) lead more or less, but local
mobilization is not weakening.
In mid-November, just when the first protests against the Juppé reforms are organized, the
conflict in Pau University is at its peak. The Minister François Bayrou dispatch a
mediator, Gérard Binder, to find solutions. After days of palaver, it will eventually
"drop" the promise of an additional allocation of 100 teaching positions and 50 IATOSS
positions over four years. On 29 November, a protocol agreement was even signed between
Gérard Binder and the general assembly (represented by 14 delegates who sign any document!).
Pau The striking students vote still further movement. Both to maintain pressure on the
Ministry (which has yet to confirm the creation of posts and allocation for the work), and
to obtain successful on the national claims. There is also the will, more or less
expressed in general meeting, to participate in the inter-movement against the Juppé
government.
Students and employees solidarity
Leave the university, it is neither taboo nor new to Pau students. During the movement
against the Laurent report, in March 1995, a hundred of them had taken the road to
Toulouse to interrupt a meeting of the prime minister (and presidential candidate) Edouard
Balladur.
In November-December 1995, the convergence of struggles was also on the agenda: the
students organized free toll operations, but mostly occupied the postal sorting center or
the ways of the station. These last two actions were carried out in consultation with the
employees of the Post Office or from the train, some representatives had come to student
general assemblies. Solidarity was very present and also policy concerns. But they were
not the heart of discussions at a general meeting or the engine of the mobilization of the
majority of students.
The student movement in Pau stopped just before Christmas, like most social protests of
autumn. Its local balance sheet remains very strong with exceptional mobilization of
students (up to 5,000 of them in demonstration for 10,000 enrolled on campus!). Its
results are also remarkable, with obtaining 150 jobs and significant funds for the
functioning of the university. Its links with the national student movement, as with the
inter national movement were real even though they remained modest, probably due to an
unfavorable calendar. The beginning of large protests against the Juppé reform has indeed
coincided with the end of most university movements.
Of all the student mobilizations of the 1990s, yet it is one that is nearest the struggles
of workers, through joint actions or general events. Each strike university has operated
more or less independently, experience is likely very different. Twenty years later,
despite this slight delay with the "big strikes" of 1995, the student movement remains an
exciting struggle, especially victorious trainer. For many strikers, this fighting in the
fall of 1995 Pau was one of the first steps of a long journey activist.
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