(en) France, Alternative Libertaire AL (September) - 120
years ago, September 1895: Buoyed by the strike-generalism, CGT is
based in Limoges (fr, it, pt) [machine translation]
Many false pretenses, skilful maneuvers, including police, unifying a great idea - a
general strike - a foil - the Guesdism - and finally, a sincere desire to workers' unity:
it's the whole story the birth of the General Confederation of Labour (CGT). The famous
founding congress of Limoges, in September 1895, is in fact the epilogue of a whole
process. ---- Everything begins nine years earlier with the creation of the National Trade
Union Federation (NSF). This first combination was wanted by the government, which hoped
to earn a moderate labor organization and legalistic ... but nothing happened as planned!
At the founding congress in October 1886 in Lyon, revolutionaries overran the moderates
and turns the debate to their advantage. Tricolor flags decorating the room were slashed
to keep only the color red, and it is with cries of "Long live the social revolution" that
was founded NSF[1].
This proto-union confederation is then quickly fell under the control of the French
Workers Party (POF) Jules Guesde - probably because its activists were the best organized.
Their domination of the NSF nevertheless remained fairly superficial. The Guesdists,
intransigent revolutionary Marxists in words, electioneering and very legalistic in
practice hardly believe in the virtues of direct action. They do not seek to stimulate
ideas, a dynamic, clean life to the SNSF, seeing that in the unions' primary school of
socialism ", a recruitment pool[2]. Result: despite the hundreds of affiliated unions
there, NSF will never have an existence ectoplasmic[3].
A mobilizing idea
Guardianship the POF exerted on the SNSF will, however, be undermined by the rise of a new
phenomenon in the labor movement of the time, a powerfully motivating idea: the general
strike. To its defenders, it is quintessential modern tactics that will enable the
proletariat to paralyze and overthrow capitalism.
But at the third congress of the NSF, in 1888, the idea of a general strike is being
debated and approved. Undecided, Guesdists are not opposed to it. It was only after the
fact that they understand the threat for them to strike-generalism, stating implicitly
useless parliamentarians and politicians for social emancipation. Also, at the next
congress in 1890 Guesdists are to adopt a resolution against NSF general strike. They
think they have curbed the risk. It is not.
The General Strike
Detail of an illustration for the song Debock, The General Strike (1901), to the tune of
The Internationale, "It is not with blows of grapeshot / That the Capital conquer you. /
No, because to win the battle, / All you have to cross your arms! "
The same public, both directions
From 1892, a new organization is going to cause a lot of trouble to them, the National
Labour Federation scholarships (FNBT).
Since 1887 labor scholarships have multiplied in France. Created with the consent of
employers, funded by municipalities, they are supposed to regulate the labor market. In
reality, they are often distorted by the unions in installing them, turn them into red
bastions.
The labor exchange in Paris in particular is dominated by Allemanists. It was under their
leadership and that of the Blanquists what FNBT founded in February 1892. Since then, the
NSF is destabilized. De facto, dozens of its unions are also affiliated through their
labor exchange, to FNBT. The same public, two competing directions.
Fernand Pelloutier (1867-1901)
Ex-Guesdist became anarchist, he was elected secretary of the National Federation of labor
exchanges in June 1895. Ardent strike-general, it helps to empower the labor movement from
the tutelage of political parties.
While management will Guesdist nose against the "usurpation"[4], FNBT will play skillfully
hand outstretched, protesting his good intentions and advocate unity. Irresistibly, the
base of the NSF will undergo this attraction and come off the POF.
In September 1892, the SNSF Marseille Congress approves new general strike, despite
resistance from Guesdists[5]. Feeling his time comes, FNBT proposes a unitary congress in
Paris in July 1893. premature attempt. The vehement protests of Guesdists against this
coup deter many unions to come.
The blow finally succeeded the following year, and Guesdist management can prevent[6] the
holding of a conference unit FNS-FNBT in Nantes, in 1894. It is the hour of confrontation.
Held from 17 to 22 September 1894, the Nantes congress is of exceptional importance.
1662 not only trade unions are represented - the never-seen - but the top names are there
and will compete at the podium. Having failed to prevent the congress Guesdists are out in
force: they weigh almost a third of the 143 delegates, many of who attended the conference
convened just before the POF in the same city, Nantes, and strongly condemned the general
strike. Facing them: a coalition of Allemanists of Blanquists and moderate - these,
willing to vote for a general strike if the price to beat Guesdists.
Police maneuvers
Aristide Briand (1862-1932)
Socialist lawyer, he defends, from 1892 to 1900, the idea of a general strike. There
abandon socialism in 1906 to a government career. Farm Social opponent claims he will
become one of the most hated by the labor movement renegades.
A trio of speakers in particular will stand up to them: a socialist lawyer, Aristide
Briand (32 years); a journalist anarchist, just elected deputy secretary of FNBT, Fernand
Pelloutier (27 years); a turner allemaniste metals, Henri Girard (44) is actually in the
police department.
The Interior Ministry, in effect, seeking to maintain divisions between socialists and he
thinks he has found with the general strike, the apple of discord ideal. So he pushes
Girard on this strategy and is even considering using Briand, including a police report
emphasizes the need for money[7].
The government does not suspect that by helping to eliminate Guesdists the game, it will
promote the birth of revolutionary syndicalism - that will prove, for capitalism, a far
more dangerous threat.
After the Congress of Nantes, the verdict is clear: the general strike strategy was
approved by 65 votes against 37 and 9 abstentions. For the POF is a debacle: only part of
its activists following the instructions to vote against, and they are even less - 16 - to
then walk out of the conference.
Beaten in Nantes, the POF sees the labor movement to escape him definitely. For another
four years, he arm tips to maintain a FNS-rump. It was not until August 1901 that the only
professional federation held by Guesdists - Textile - resigned to join the CGT[8].
In Limoges, political independence is voted
At Limoges, from September 23 to 28 1895, finally, stands the Congress must realize that
workers' unity by founding the CGT, expected to exceed the NSF and FNBT.
In Nantes, the strike-generalism triumphed. At Limoges, the principle of vis-à-vis
independence of political parties that will be voted. The thing, in fact, does not happen
by itself. It is not uncommon for such animated by unions Allemanists send delegates in
the congress of their party, the POSR. At Limoges, the Allemanists a good eye would see
that things go well. But the Blanquists, supported by the reformists, opposed. And we vote
an amendment to Article 1 of the Statutes, which states that "the elements constituting
the CGT will be held outside all political schools".
Finally - the unit is the price - the moderates accept, against the heart, integration,
within the CGT, the Committee of the general strike which is the secretary Henri
Girard[9]. Clever maneuver to dissuade a number of unions to join the CGT, wrote it to his
superiors at Place Beauvau[10].
Conspicuously absent from Limoges, in fact, is Pelloutier. After Nantes, he hoped to see
FNBT absorb the NSF, but his hopes were dashed. What was the obstacle? Professional
federations. Some, such as metals, Clothing, the building, the Tobacco, starting from
1892-1893, to operate regularly. In full structuring, they are not ready to autodissoudre
in FNBT. For its part, refuses to dissolve Pelloutier FNBT in a new organization where
federations have primacy. This is the reason for its decline after Nantes: he campaigned
for workers' unity, but not this way.
During the next seven years, the CGT and FNBT often walk together, but maintaining their
autonomy. FNBT and will prove even more defiant than the CGT until 1900 will be dominated
by reformists Federations (Railwaymen, Book, municipal workers).
It was not until the death of Pelloutier in 1901, and the conquest of the CGT at the same
time by the revolutionaries, so that the game is changing.
In September 1902, the Congress of Montpellier integrate FNBT the CGT. The confederation
will gain final morphology: both vertical (structuring professional federations) and
horizontal (structuring local unions and labor exchanges). She will also gain enhanced
revolutionary majority, with much voluntarism and a tactical genius, will bring
revolutionary syndicalism in its "heroic period".
Guillaume Davranche (AL Montreuil)
FORCES PRESENT
Held from 23 to 28 September 1895 at the Cafe de Paris, 6, Boulevard Victor Hugo, Limoges
congress brings together 75 delegates from 28 trade associations, labor exchanges 18 and
126 directly represented unions. What are the trends in the presence?
The Allemanists are there in force. Workerists, general strike-happy and unparliamentary,
they meet in the Revolutionary Socialist Workers Party (POSR) of former communard Jean
Allemane. Between 1893 and 1899, they allied with the anarchists to counteract the rise of
parliamentarism in socialism, syndicalism and will be the essential vehicle of this
strategy[11]. At Limoges, they have to key representatives Jean Allemane itself (under two
unions, paint brush makers and cartstacks of the Seine) Besombes (Paris labor exchange);
Lhermite (Railwaymen); Braun (Federation of Metallurgy); Riom (Building Federation); Henri
Girard (Committee of the general strike and police informant).
The reformists are also a significant force. Only by antiguesdisme they vote resolutions
strike-general and political independence. Thereafter, they will sabotage all attempts to
general strike, but will accept government outstretched hands. Their main spokesman in
Limoges are Keufer Auguste, the immovable secretary of the federation of the Book, and
Victor Dalle (Federation of Employees), which will write the statutes of the CGT. It also
belongs to the Federation of the Socialist Workers of France (FTSF), the small party
called "possibilistic" directed by Paul Brousse.
The Blanquists can count, in Limoges, on capable people like Leon Martin, the ceramists of
the Seine, and Majot, Metalworkers of Oise. It is the latter that makes vote the amendment
obliging the CGT unions to "stand outside all political schools". Members of the Central
Revolutionary Committee (CRC), fire successor Auguste Blanqui, Blanquists defend the
strict mutual independence of the party and the union, which also distinguishes many
Guesdists, who advocate the subordination of the union to the party, as Allemanists that
by workerism, tend to advocate the opposite.
A handful of Guesdists unruly as Désiré Colombe (labor exchange Nantes) or Edward Treich
(union of unions Limoges) are also present at the founding congress of the CGT. They are
not necessarily strike-general but the previous year, the Nantes Congress, they preferred
to show true to the workers' unity rather than following the split fomented by the French
Workers Party (POF) Jules Guesde.
The anarchists, finally, are missing from Limoges. Certainly Fernand Pelloutier it does
not, the Federation grants preferring not to enter Confederation. More importantly,
anarchists are recovering just the great repression in 1894, which dismantled the
movement. In 1895, the exiles gradually returning from exile and rebuild their bases.
Their investment in the unions will become visible only from 1897 - when the first
concerted anarchist intervention in a confederal Congress, led by Emile Pouget and Paul
Delesalle. Subsequently, in a few years, they will be found at all levels of the CGT. They
will then have taken over the sting of allemanisme as revolutionary syndicalism.
SIXTEEN YEARS WORKING TO ACHIEVE UNITY
1884 The Waldeck law legalizing trade unions, hoping to settle down the labor movement.
1886 The revolutionary muft the labor congress of Lyon orchestrated by the government.
Foundation of the National Trade Union Federation (NSF), which quickly came under Guesdist
domination.
1892 In February, foundation, Saint-Etienne, the National Federation of labor exchanges
(FNBT), dominated by Allemanists and Blanquists, destabilizing the NSF.
In September, the Marseille congress NSF surprises his Guesdist direction by approving the
principle of the general strike.
1893 In July, attempted unitary trade union congress at the invitation of FNBT: semi-failure.
1894 The anarchist movement was dismantled by the anti-terrorist repression.
1894 In September, the unitary trade union congress in Nantes approves the general strike.
Beaten, some of Guesdists are split.
1895 The Congress of the CGT Limoges founded on bases and general-strike vote his
vis-à-vis independence of political parties. FNBT ultimately not enter.
1896-1899 Under the leadership of reformist CGT floundering. FNBT, she is struggling to grow.
1897 In Toulouse, the first concerted intervention by anarchists in a confederal congress:
CGT adopted the tactic of boycott and sabotage.
1900-1901 Struggle trends within the CGT. While the reformist leadership is willing to
work with the government Waldeck, revolutionaries oppose, under the leadership of
Griffuelhes-Pouget duo. Winners, they are elected by the CGT secretariat in March 1901.
1902 In September in Montpellier, FNBT merges within the CGT workers' unity is completed.
[1] Léon de Seilhac, The Congress workers of France 1876-1897, Armand Colin, 1899, p. 194.
[2] Claude Willard, Guesdists, Social Publishing, 1965, p. 355.
[3] Fernand Pelloutier, History of labor exchanges, Schleicher brothers, in 1902.
[4] Willard, op. cit., p. 357.
[5] The Socialist, October 10, 1892, quoted in Robert Brécy, The Trade Union Movement in
France from 1871 to 1921, Sheep & co., 1963
[6] Willard, op. cit., p. 358.
[7] Robert Brécy, op. cit. Briand is "dominated by appetites of rare moral inconsistency,"
the report said.
[8] CGT Congress in Lyon (1901), Proceedings, p. 30.
[9] The Committee of the general strike, responsible for making the permanent propaganda
that idea had been designated at the unit missed congress in Paris in July 1893
[10] Robert Brécy, The General Strike in France, EDI, 1969, p. 57.
[11] Read about it "September 1900: The merger between anarchism and the left of socialism
fails", Alternative Libertaire, in October 2010.
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Septembre-1895-Portee-par-le-greve
