US, First of May Anarchist Alliance - The Charleston SC Massacre & Beyond: anti-fascist notes from an anarchist perspective

US, First of May Anarchist Alliance - The Charleston SC
Massacre & Beyond: anti-fascist notes from an anarchist
perspective (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)

The following is a discussion document first drafted in June 2015 and discussed, amended, 
edited over the course of a couple months, and approved by the First of May Anarchist 
Alliance in September 2015. ---- We welcome discussion and debate of this document in 
order to help build a stronger and more sophisticated revolutionary anti-fascist movement.
---- This statement is dedicated to the martyrs of the "Mother Emanuel" massacre and all 
victims of racist and fascist violence. We dedicate our lives to ending these attacks, and 
the system that perpetuates them. ---- - First of May Anarchist Alliance, September 2015 
---- I. On June 17, 2015 a young white fascist carried out a vicious and hateful mass 
murder against 9 parishioners and clergy of the historic Emanuel African Methodist 
Episcopal Church in Charleston, South Carolina.

"Mother" Emanuel is the oldest Black congregation in the American South. It was the center 
of planning for a great slave rebellion in 1822 that was suppressed with the execution of 
Denmark Vesey and 34 others and the burning of the church building. The re-built "Mother" 
Emanuel has been at the center of Black Charleston ever since.

Dylann Storm Roof, the white supremacist that carried out the massacre must have known the 
symbolic power of his act of terror. It seems to have been designed to respond to the mass
movements of the last year, that "No, Black lives do not matter."

Roof is said to have drifted into fascist politics as part of the sizable right-wing and 
racist support for George Zimmerman, the vigilante killer of Trayvon Martin in Florida. 
Roof said that Zimmerman was right, and so did the courts and many others. Roof went on to 
make contact with neo-nazis, the KKK, and the racist Council of Conservative Citizens. He 
publicly identified with the old apartheid regimes in Southern Africa. It would be a 
mistake to see his radicalization and activation as an isolated incident - more likely 
Roof represents the tip of an iceberg.

II. South Carolina was the heart of the Confederacy, the state most dependent on slave 
labor and where the first shots of the US Civil War were fired. Since the defeat of 
post-Civil War Reconstruction, the racist white power structure has ruled the state, 
openly flying the Confederate flag as their symbol.

But it would be a mistake to view this massacre or American racism as only a southern 
phenomenon. The United States is built on stolen Indigenous land and African slavery was 
integral to the economy of the entire United States. The government and economy are 
structurally racist with communities of color permanently disempowered and thus heavily 
policed and imprisoned.

While Southern politicians and historical markers can be brazenly white supremacist, it is 
in Minnesota, the North Star State, where the greatest racial economic inequity occurs. 
"As long as you south of the Canadian border, you South." - Malcolm X

III. The attack in Charleston SC is seen and felt by many as a continuation of the series 
of high profile murders of Black people, mainly by the police including that of Walter 
Scott, killed by the cops in North Charleston in April.

What has come to be called the Black Lives Matter movement arose around protests of the
2012 racist vigilante murder of Trayvon Martin, an African-American teenager in Florida 
and erupted in rebellion in Ferguson, MO and Baltimore MD in response to police murders
there. A wave of militant protests followed in many cities across the country. Students 
walked out of school, highways were blocked, and the Mall of America was shut down. These 
actions directly impaired "business as usual" and inflicted a cost on the system for these 
racist murders that the courts would not deliver.

Black Lives Matter has galvanized a new generation of activists into the streets and 
organizations, and in many places has asserted an inspiring example of radical direct 
action, rejection of the old reformist leaders, and independence from the establishment.

Overall though, on a national scale, the official "movement" has been mainly co-opted and
put under the control of traditional civil rights groups and new professional non-profits 
- all with close ties to the Democratic Party. Demands pushed by the reformists like more 
cops of color or data-collecting body-cameras on the police are wrong not because they are 
inadequate, but because they are actually harmful in that they make the repressive 
apparatus stronger and more resilient.

The need to cohere an anti-authoritarian revolutionary current remains. Anarchists do not 
seek to take over or control mass movements. Instead we honestly and openly share our 
revolutionary perspective on how to move forward and we look to collaborate with others on 
common projects. We defend the autonomy of movements from political parties, politicians, 
paid professional organizers and other authoritarian "leaders". Our aim is to promote and 
defend the liberating self-activity of the Black community and the broad working-classes 
against all oppression and exploitation.

IV. We should welcome, encourage, and participate in the new efforts to confront and 
remove official symbols of white supremacy like the Confederate flag. These symbols are 
designed to promote domination and control of the Black community and other people of 
color, to exalt the white ruling class's supposed greatness and superiority, and to bind 
working-class whites to the system.

But we must not allow these actions to be used as an "anti-racist" cover for those that 
continue to rule over a structurally white supremacist society, but now are finding the 
open celebration of racism and racists distasteful and inconvenient.

It would also be a serious error to repeat their narrative that the "dumb, uneducated 
redneck" is the source of white supremacy in this country.

V. Comrades within First of May have been active in combating the KKK and neo-nazis like 
Roof and his kind for over 4 decades and have been instrumental in the anti-fascist 
movement in the U.S. The Charleston massacre and other recent developments forces us to 
update our assessment of the threat of a fascist movement in the US and its relationship 
and conflict with the ruling class and official culture.

The most useful way to understand fascism is that of an independent reactionary movement 
that seeks to impose its authoritarian solutions on all of society - including the ruling 
class - by any means necessary. Historically fascist movements have been based on extreme 
nationalist, racist and anti-Semitic, and patriarchal (sexist and homophobic) ideologies. 
They have typically sought to rally the excluded against the "betrayal" or "incompetence" 
of the present rulers - which means a certain competition for hearts and minds of the 
revolutionary minded with anarchists and others - while remaining open to partnering with
the bosses to attack working-class movements and oppressed communities. That familiar 
framework will continue as the major thrust of fascist politics and activity, but we 
shouldn't be caught off guard by fascist-like movements that emerge in unfamiliar garb 
(including led by those from traditionally oppressed communities, or mouthing rhetoric 
usually associated with the Left).

It has been striking that in an era of a limping recovery, stagnant wages and continued 
imperial military adventures - all ruled over by a liberal Black President - that the 
fascists have failed to grow and their organizing capacity has actually declined. The 
lone-wolf terrorist attacks like in Charleston, Milwaukee (at the Sikh temple), and Kansas 
City (at a Jewish community center) actually reveal the flailing around of fascists 
without a serious movement to plug into. There is still certainly a base for hard-core 
racist, patriarchal, authoritarian ideas as any internet comments section is likely to 
show. So why have the fascists been so poorly organized?

Reasons include changes in society and culture (can future fascist movements really expect
to recruit poor and alienated white youth if hip-hop is prohibited?), internal divisions 
amongst the fascists, some state repression, and a tenacious and militant anti-fascist 
opposition.

The best explanation may be the incorporation of the Tea Party and various similar groups 
and individuals into the GOP. The Republican Party has often seemed off its rocker in 
recent years in a way that seemed counter-intuitive to winning elections. But just as the 
Democrats have the responsibility of incorporating autonomous and radical movements of the 
Left, so too does the GOP for forces on the Right. This co-option has meant the energies 
and resources of the grassroots Right have been largely absorbed into legal electoral 
politics.

It appears that the post-massacre backlash against Confederate symbols has presented an 
opportunity to those in the Republican Party who, with a national election on the horizon, 
feel it is time to shed some of the most explicit white-supremacist, fascistic elements 
within their base that exclude the Party's growth and support among other communities.

At the same time the growing alienation of working-class and middle-class whites from the
establishment is continuing. While this presents opportunities for revolutionary 
anti-racists and anti-fascists, it likely also means a return to right-wing movements 
outside of the control of mainstream politics, ones with strong fascist tendencies and 
momentum towards extra-legal clashes with both the state and popular movements of the
oppressed communities and the Left.

Fascism is not presently in any way close to seizing power, nor is there any substantial 
base for fascism presently within the ruling class. While the fascist movements are 
currently small and scattered, as we've said, it is likely that this will begin to change. 
Things could develop quickly and polarize communities, cities, and society as a whole. The 
recent confrontations in Olympia WA where pro-police nazis fought Black Lives Matter and
anarchist activists shows the volatile direction things could take.

VI. Racists are organizing more openly and actively in response to the movement against 
police brutality and police violence and police attacks on the Black community. Donald 
Trump is attempting to ride this racist wave, focusing on immigrants, undocumented 
workers, Latinos and people of color. His rhetoric is openly racist and reactionary, 
calling for mass round ups and mass deportations of millions of undocumented workers.

Young racists in Boston recently attacked a homeless Latino man saying they were following 
the call of Trump. At a recent New Hampshire townhall meeting, Trump listed "Ferguson and 
Baltimore" as examples of areas where criminal gangs must be fought.

Trump regularly uses the most retrograde chauvanistic slurs against female adversaries. 
Trump is not a fascist; he is an opportunist. But he has tapped into a mass base of people 
in this country who are openly racist, sexist, anti-immigrant, anti-Black, and 
anti-feminist. This is a dangerous development and makes clear that there is a base for 
right-wing violence and a potential base for fascism in this country. As anti-racists and 
anti-fascists we have our work cut out for us.

The racists who are supporting Trump do not appear to be from the most excluded. They are 
mainly middle class and working class whites that likely are feeling threatened and 
alienated from mainstream politics. It may be that they have been laid off or had their 
wages or benefits cut. They may not be able to find good jobs or their children may not be
able to find decent jobs or afford college. The ruling class and the capitalist system are 
responsible for these attacks, but these white folks are refusing to join with the rest of 
the working class and people of color to fight the system. Instead they are looking for 
scapegoats to blame. The reactionaries point to undocumented workers and families, the 
Black community, GLBT community and feminists, as the source of the problem in order to 
deflect people's anger from the billionaires and the corporations and their government and 
police who are the true source of the attacks. Workers must decide which side are they on.

VII. Developing somewhat independently, but swimming in the same sea is the anti-feminist 
so-called "Men's Rights" movement. Sexism and male violence against women is widespread in 
this society and still fundamental to the system's rule, despite the advances women have 
fought for and won. Men's Rights Activists (MRA's) are trying to politically represent and 
organize the backlash to any anti-sexist progress - and just like the white supremacists 
they have trends that are willing to carry out vicious acts of violence against women and 
symbols of anti-sexism - including recent mass shootings in Louisiana (June 2015) and 
California (May 2014).

The immediate threat of the fascists is threefold:
1. The violence and damage they inflict on people, like the Charleston massacre.
2. The promotion of policies and strategies into the mainstream, such as a militarized 
border fence or criminalizing abortion.
3. The space they occupy as an apparent radical alternative to the status quo, recruiting 
alienated white workers and youth and defining the Left as aligned with the system.
We need to be prepared.

VIII. Program for action

1. Advocate and build for independent community self-defense against racist and fascist 
violence whether from police, vigilante, religious fundamentalist or KKK/neo-nazi attacks. 
These could grow out of Cop-Watch, Defense Committees, tenant unions, union shop stewards, 
music scenes, women and queer self-defense, anti-fascist sports teams & supporters groups 
and other formations.

2. Support, promote and participate in efforts to confront, take down and dismantle 
official and public symbols of white supremacy. But underscore the systemic and structural 
racism in this country and the need to challenge not only symbols of the past but the 
current racist, sexist capitalist order we live under today. Both the philosophy AND the 
structure of white supremacy must be overthrown.

3. Work to cohere a revolutionary anti-authoritarian wing of the Black Lives Matter 
movement and future movements against police brutality and for Black Liberation. Oppose
the attempts to turn these insurgent movements into vehicles for politicians and other 
reformists.

4. Within antifa and the broader radical movement, encourage the development of 
anti-fascist theory and approaches to counter the misogynist "Men's Rights Movement" and 
patriarchal relationships and structures generally.

5. Support demands (backed up by direct action) including an end to police brutality, 
immigration raids, and deportations; defend Native sovereignty; full access and equality 
in housing, education, healthcare - including full reproductive rights; living wage union 
jobs; community controlled reparations to rebuild communities devastated by capitalist 
exploitation and neglect. Raise the necessity of anarchist revolution to achieve real 
freedom and equality.

6. Encourage activists and organizers - and the broader community we interact with to be 
aware of, pay attention to, and prepare to deal with the potential of a re-emergent 
fascist movement. Offer to do presentations and one-on-ones with various community, union, 
and movement groups on the threat of the fascists and some history and lessons from the 
resistance.

7. Make an effort to speak and organize around these issues not just with activist circles 
but also within our workplaces, unions, neighborhoods and schools. We cannot write off 
everyone
amongst the fascists' constituency. We should compete to win white workers and youth, 
including those from rightwing, conservative, and Libertarian backgrounds to anti-racist 
and ultimately revolutionary anarchist stances. "White heritage", "southern blood", "white 
pride" and the rest is just a cover for white supremacy. In order to bring together the 
unity that is needed, white workers must decide if they stand with the whole working class 
against racist violence, white supremacy and capitalism or if they stand with the white 
supremacists in defense of the capitalist system (or fascist barbarism) and against their 
own class.

8. Elaborate more fully the anarchist vision of an egalitarian, anti-racist, 
anti-patriarchal, communal society and the revolutionary means needed to achieve it.

First of May Anarchist Alliance welcomes discussion and debate of this document in order 
to help build a stronger and more sophisticated revolutionary anti-fascist movement.

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