(en) France, Alternative Libertaire12th Congress AL
(Castillon-du-Gard, 2015) - Feminists as it takes, everywhere, all the
time, in a revolutionary and emancipatory perspective (fr, it, pt)
[machine translation]
State of current feminism places and debates ---- The feminist movement is currently very
disparate, divided or in a logic of confrontation. It should then talk about feminism
feminism rather than to highlight the diversity of currents of thought within the feminist
movement.The law on the veil of 2004 (law banning the wearing of religious symbols in
public schools) and Law for "the fight against the prostitution system" (particularly the
provisions on criminalization of clients) cleave feminists, significantly affecting the
visibility and credibility of the movement. ---- Local initiatives ---- Locally,
Alternative Libertaire invests in various feminist struggles such as: participation in
walking at night in Orleans, federal distribution equipment in connection with the
antipatriarcat before a vocational school in Grenoble, participation in various events of
8 March in Paris, Lyon, Toulouse and the protests against violence against women (25
November) or defense of abortion... in February while the right to abortion was threatened
comrades in Spain participated in demonstrations of support in a number of cities where Al
is present.
In some cities there are more sustainable initiatives, such as grrrève women in Toulouse
collective or equal to equal to Angers. If in Toulouse, AL is not at the initiative of the
grrrève women and is therefore in a minority position, Angers is the CAL that participated
in the founding of the group, one of the key actions is annual organization of the days of
"equal to equal".
It is clear that participation in the feminist initiatives is highly dependent on the
existence of a feminist dynamic already in place or strong political will of organizations
and associations which Al shares ideas. The divisions outlined above suggest that
everything is (re) done to achieve satisfactory feminist dynamics that exceed the
framework of a weak consensus not allowing forward feminist claims other than "basic"
(equal wages, fight against violence...) which are certainly necessary and should be worn
but are far from sufficient for AL.
LDCs, GPA, liberalism and eugenics not confuse everything...
PMA: Equal rights against the traditionalist ecology
The initial version of the bill on marriage for all included provisions to provide access
to the PMA (medically assisted procreation, which notably includes in vitro fertilization,
artificial insemination but not Surrogacy - GPA) couples with lesbians couples. Because of
the incredible reactionary circus at the idea of the single opening of marriage to same
sex couples, the government relented and chose the path of "compromise". Nearly a year
after this concession to fundamentalists, the debate on LDCs has moved in some
environmental community, and anti-capitalist libertarians among other around a book (The
artificial reproduction of the human, Alexis Escudero, 2014 The World upside down)
acclaimed by both the mid 'demonstration for all "and some environmentalists environments
including the Grenoble group Parts and Labor (PMO). This large gap is possible through a
naturalizing discourse both regarding reproduction and sexual difference (I like to
reactionaries) and very critical of the development of assisted reproductive techniques (I
like the traditionalists environmentalists). The debate can seem anecdotal yet it is not:
some environmentalists currents can, for excessive radicalism fall into anti-feminism
negligent of the reality of inequality between men and women or by exploiting "return to
nature" which would supposedly different for one and for the other.
As anti-capitalist and anti patriarchal organization, we can get out of the false dilemma
that we put these anti-LDCs about, namely the injunction to choose between opposition to
the LDCs in the name of opposition to a lucrative business reproduction, and the fight for
real equality between women and men, homosexual and heterosexual them them. We can on the
one hand, cast a critical eye on LDCs at least on two levels: the heterosexist nature of a
hand because it is reserved only for heterosexual couples. Furthermore it helps to base
fertility of the couple on the only woman who suffers the consequences. On the physical
plane (injections of hormones at high doses), psychological (liability / guilt) and social
life as the protocols are often difficult to reconcile with traditional employed (in vitro
fertilization). We therefore demand that women following this type of medical protocol
benefit from improvements in working time as well as pregnant women.
Finally it does not raise the issue of the overvaluation of biological parentage in our
society, which probably leads many couples to go to the LDCs rather than adoption, both
the biological relationship between parents and children is thought to be essential in
building the emotional connection. But this is not the only reason: the adoption process
(which is the rest open to single women) is very long, the subject of extensive social
surveys and interviews on networks implemented abroad. The choice of the potential speed
of the PMA and its administrative simplicity must not remain the privilege of the only
heterosexual couples
We can then, like some anti-capitalist environmentalists denounce the liberal aspect of
the LDCs: it is a real market, though profit and whose protagonists often seem far removed
from the ideal of altruistic doctor who will "give "to an infertile couple the baby of his
dreams. One can also wonder about the possible eugenic excesses of practice (selection of
the most "competitive" embryos) while remaining cautious es for at least two reasons.
First of these abuses are still of the order of fantasy now because the LDCs is framed
legally and it is not possible to choose the future babies eye color. And secondly we must
be careful that the fight against eugenics does not conflict with the right to abortion by
stigmatizing women who have abortions when they learn that the fetus is carrying a handicap.
Taking into account the health and economic challenges of LDCs, Alternative Libertaire is
still favor it opened to same-sex couples. Indeed it is currently reserved for
heterosexual couples, which is more discriminating against homosexuals and reinforces the
idea that the only legitimate family form is heterosexual patriarchal family, namely a
mother and a father their biological children.
The GPA, the peak of the patriarchal and capitalist exploitation of women?
Finally, we often mix the LDCs and Surrogacy (GPA). The GPA is an illegal practice in
France, but legal in other states (Great Britain, India...) or only not prohibited
(Greece, Ukraine...) that is to pay a woman to "gate" the future child of infertile
couples (a variety of techniques exists but it is not necessary to develop here since we
are talking of the principle of GPA regardless of the method used). The majority figure of
the surrogate mother is that of the Indian and Ukrainian woman, poor and without reduced
employment the obligation to "rent" her uterus to meet his needs and those of his family
and supported in a "factory babies.
It is difficult to know the reality of a clandestine activity, it is certain that the
angelic theory of "self-giving" of surrogate mothers who would be happy to come to the aid
of infertile couples, seems highly problematic in several respects. On the one hand the
extent to which this "gift of self" is it not controlled by economic imperatives? If for
some women to be surrogate mothers may be better to work in the factory where he must
undergo sexual harassment and Business, exposure to hazardous working conditions, etc.,
this fact remains a "choice" rather than forced.
One can even question this preference when you know that the surrogate mothers also
experience the practices of the LDCs (hormonal stimulation, in vitro fertilization,
replantation, surveillance and multiple exams...). Although there was no one might still
wonder about the character "free" economic challenge since becoming surrogate mother when
you see how motherhood is more expensive for women. Not to mention the consequences for
the health, social and professional life, surrogate mothers become pregnant... is a
full-time job where there is no break times or leave and RTT or where the body is that a
tool of production, it is production.
Alternative Libertaire is fighting for the abolition of capitalist exploitation of all and
all, and the patriarchal exploitation of women's bodies. With this in mind we can only
oppose the gestation practices for others that strengthen class domination (and race) for
women, and that return certain categories of women to a role of progenitor couples to
service better endowed economically.
Antipatriarcat, anti-capitalism and anti-racism
No liberal feminism in our
Although that Alternative Libertaire does not adhere to the notion that the oppression of
women stems from the capitalist system (and therefore sufficient to fight capitalism to
fight sexism and patriarchy), it does not prevent link antipatriarcales claims and
anti-capitalist. Indeed some feminist claims that could be called "reformist" do not
include the question of capitalism or rather not criticize the capitalist system. The
feminist action group "The Beard" illustrates this non-critical feminism institutions
since their mode of action focuses on the bodies of power (political, economic,
cultural...) in which they demand parity or at least mixed. Chanting "more women in cac40"
it's not like that considering that Al feminism; we do not think that replacing oppression
by another is a worthwhile goal, nor do we think that women would be able to soften
capitalist exploitation.
However, although fighting for the abolition of wage labor, Al joined the professional
equality claims including wage to concretely improve the lives of employees, as we are
well aware of the glaring inequalities between women and men on the market labor (sexual
division of labor, unequal pay, sexual harassment, discrimination due to maternity...).
Anti-Racism and antipatriarcat: we do not want to choose
Our feminism would be incomplete if we do not intégrions a good dose of anti-racism.
Indeed, as the women's group is not homogenous in terms of social class, it is also
diverse in terms of "races" (as a socially constructed groups, not organic). Being a woman
means undergo a number of discrimination, be from a disadvantaged social class brings a
different type of discrimination being a woman racialized (ie be perceived as foreign, not
French, this is true of an administrative point of view or not) still requires further
discrimination. As an African woman she will be discriminated against as a woman and as
than African, which leads to a different discrimination than that to which a white woman
is facing. And this will be especially true if it is paperless, exposing to constant
institutional and police violence.
In the past two years, several attacks on women wearing headscarves were publicized
(Roubaix in 2014, Argenteuil in 2013). These spectacular violence facts are the most
radical expression of exclusion and violence (legal, institutional, physical) which are
subject women wearing the veil in France. In addition to banning the full veil in public
space (which has not resulted in many convictions, admittedly) one can think the dismissal
of the employee of the nursery Baby Loup in the Yvelines (2014 ) or the recommendation not
to accept veiled mothers accompanying school trips (circular Chatel).
The debates on this subject are heated, and we are often called upon to decide es between
two positions that do not seem satisfactory. We can not, on one hand, condone certain
statements from such members of PIR (the party of the natives of the Republic) that
prioritize the struggles and pose as anti-racism before the anti-sexist struggle. But we
must not ally ourselves with provided some feminist currents that only offer naturalisants
and racist speech on "sexism suburbs", which would be more severe than elsewhere and
especially to be linked to the cultural origins of individual- es and not the fact that
they and were socialized-es in a patriarchal society. The most emblematic Association on
this subject is "neither whores nor submissive" but unfortunately we can find this type of
discourse among many feminists.
Alternative Libertaire defends atheism and fight all religious fanaticism. As feminists,
we can ask ourselves about the reasons why women wear the veil. This does not allow us,
firstly, to lend them particular antifeminists without exchanging opinions with them. This
does not prevent us on the other, to be in solidarity with those women who face
discrimination produced by both sexism and racism by.
So feminists against homophobia and transphobia
Finally, we know that all women are heterosexual: the lesbians live other forms of stigma
as heterosexuals, as women and as lesbians. The discrimination faced by lesbians and gays
overlaps in many places but each has special characteristics that need to be aware.
Discrimination against transsexuals s often revolves with homophobia and the most basic
anti-feminism, as though we do not necessarily grasp all the issues and all the problems
transsexuals face -s we can only support them and condemn attacks against them.
We must therefore keep in mind all these parameters of patriarchy, while refusing to
prioritize the oppression. This prevents us, for example, falling into the trap of racism
angel who refuses to see the oppressors in the group of racialized men (and thus
discriminated against). This also prevents us to provide claims and a feminism which would
take into account the experience of a group of women (in this case, ours rather white,
heterosexual and feature some education). It is being aware of the heterogeneity of the
group of women that we can ask truly transformative feminist; otherwise we risk always let
a whole group of women pan aside. Alternative Libertaire therefore carries an
anticapitalist feminism, anti-racism and fighting the oppression of individuals because of
their sex, gender and sexual orientation.
The reactionary offensive
We keep hammering us that "feminism is has-been", the equal rights and equality is in fact
approach is only a matter of patience. Yet the last two years have witnessed a wave of
considerable anti-feminist mobilizations.
The reactionaries of the demo for all
In November 2012, opening marriage bill to same-sex couples is tabled in Parliament, along
with an association called The Manif for All expresses prefecture. This group is made up
of activists from es reactionary Catholic groups like Alliance VITA, anti choice
combination of the infamous Christine Boutin. Homophobic collective brings in its wake
political figures, including the UMP and the FN but also members of splinter groups fascists.
In April 2013, the law was finally passed with a huge movement of the plane on the issue
of LDCs, first concession to the reactionaries and cathos. That's when the offensive
against an alleged "gender theory" came from the United States and propagated in schools
and universities, began to grow and become visible.
During the school year 2013-2014, the program "ABCD of equality" to help teachers and
primary teachers to reflect on sexism children, the place of women and men in society was
experienced. All this time, the demonstration for all and others (including: gender
lookout, Homens, Antigones, school withdrawal Day...) have continued to attack and they
see what they as a violation sexual otherness, a dangerous experiment for children and the
imposition of feminism and homosexuality at all.
These unfounded delusions were not without effect: in addition to the harassment of
teachers may have suffered, the government has once again backtracked and stopped the
program "ABCD of equality", replacing it with a training module for teachers, more
consensual. What you need to remember is that once they and they take to the streets,
activists and right-wing extremists and fundamentalist Catholicism are successful. As to
the question of whether or not there is a "gender theory" it is a false debate semantics
to look away what the reactionaries' anti gender "fighting: displayed the will to
deconstruct gender stereotypes and the promotion of a society where social roles of
"women" and "men" no longer exist. Thus these people argue not for the rights of children
but for the restoration of a patriarchal order.
We need to be very vigilant about the nuisance capacity of these anti-feminist factions.
Marginally, some and some have managed to infiltrate parents' associations and even to
create their own, which shows a certain desire to harm every day to those who attempt to
reverse sexism from an early age by equal education.
The abortion a "right" still threatened
December 2013, astonishment and concern in Spain, where a bill to restrict access to
abortion to the most "serious" cases (rape "proven" and danger to the life of the woman)
feminist mobilizing in Spain in France. Meanwhile in January 2014 an amendment to French
law the decriminalization of abortion is controversial: it is to remove the concept of
"distress" of the law, to finally register the use of abortion as a right in itself and
not a concession to women who were not able to manage their contraception. If the
amendment is finally adopted, the Catholics' anti choice "took the opportunity to bring
together about 20 000 people in Paris who marched against both the famous amendment that"
support "in Spain that show us" the right way ". Feminist pro-choice demonstrations held
throughout France in early February brought together between 30,000 and 40,000 protesters
and demonstrators.
The right to abortion does not seem genuine threat in France (for now!! 1) but its
application is indeed and for several decades. To mark the 40th anniversary of the Veil
law, the health minister has split declarations of intent on access to abortion in
particular by ensuring free devices to abortion acts (consultations, ultrasounds...). But
do not be fooled, it is no display that because planning centers, centers dedicated to the
few remaining abortion and feminist organizations struggling to secure access and
information on these issues, are killed slowly by the logic of cost rationalization and
dismantling of public service. And all this, not to mention the reception of women from
abortion by a staff sometimes opposed to abortion or at least not favorable to its
trivialization. Thus abortion, not inherently traumatic for many women, remains for many a
very bad memory because of a hostile medical staff, blaming, condescending, etc. Having an
abortion in France is far from being "comfortable" and easy especially for minor,
precarious, foreign...
As for contraception, it is still far from a real accessibility particularly for minor
women and precarious, as the information on the structures dedicated to the spread of
contraception is partial. Moreover, the choice of contraception remains a battle to lead:
between prescription of the pill as first-line and lack of access to sterilization if we
did not at least 45 years and three children, there is still work. Alternative Libertaire
claims freedom to have an abortion, free at any time, without having to justify. We also
want the establishment of a real sex education, which includes the dimensions as
"technical" and procreative than promoting free emotional, consensual, non-violent.
Masculinists: the name of the father and anti-feminism
Some context elements on the "fathers' rights"
The maculinistes are obviously not appeared in 2013, but their strategy and become more
perched visible.mais this date marks their entry in the French media landscape. In
February 2013, in Nantes, a man perches on a crane to protest against a court decision
granting her former spouse primary custody of their child. Following this first stroke of
brilliance other fathers "fallen" will climb cranes, cathedrals and other phallic
monuments to demand "equal rights" and automation of joint custody after divorce or
separation.
It is difficult to contradict the discourse of men who present themselves as loving
fathers without going to a caricature of anti-feminist men. Yet if those perched fathers
enjoy such side that's in part because the numbers they advance are truncated, and because
they fail to tell the whole truth about their judicial unraveled: and the father perched
Nantes Serge Charnay tried twice to remove his son and was violent towards his ex wife.
Nicolas Moreno, member of the association "Never without Dad" and support Serge Charnay,
was prosecuted for domestic violence.
As for the alleged discrimination against men are victims in the family courts, it is an
illusion: the "perched fathers" claim that 80% of fathers are excluded from the education
of their children, as can be read on the association website "Please Dad". If in 80% of
cases, the principal residence of the child is secured in the mother, it is because in
most cases the parents agree on the way home. The study of the files of family judges show
that only 2% of divorces are the subject of a dispute for custody of the child. And when
there is litigation, fathers more often get residence when there is an agreement. The
judges choose alternating residence for about 10% of the impugned proceedings. This is far
the two million children without their father that highlight the fathers of Defence
Associations.
In reality, according to the figures, some fathers are concerned by the situation wrongly,
but this minority of men has more audience than the thousands of women victims of domestic
violence. Moreover, there is already a law (of March 4, 2002) which establishes joint
custody as the best solution in case of divorce.
When masculinists act
Masculinists tried in November 2014 to pass a law making automatic joint custody after a
separation, even in cases of domestic violence (which would have dramatic consequences for
women victims of violence). Thanks to the mobilization of feminist associations fighting
against violence and in defense of single mothers, this has not been adopted.
However, this idea that men are socially dominated by women today is strongly relayed in
the media, including usernames and reactionary media intellectuals like Eric Zemmour,
Finkielfraut Alain, Alain Soral. In addition, groups of militants rights of men as SOS
Papa (networks but also men, the study group on sexism (Lyon) to give a "scientific"
caution based on the writings of psychoanalysts (Guy Corneau), psychiatrists (Richard
Gardner) or psychologists (Yvon Dallaire), whose theories on the role of the father, the
male-female communication...
Witnessing one then the emergence of a movement of the same magnitude as the one who knows
the Canada and Quebec, where groups of fathers are more virulent (threats towards workers'
associations fight against violence, disruption of feminist events, moral harassment
against activists and feminist activists...)?
We can not talk about (yet) for France a masculinist movement in the same way as in Quebec
or Canada where militants are highly structured and claim rights for men and fathers in
several instances of power. In France there are many SOS Papa association has delegations
in forty cities and has 15,000 members. However, if the militant base of the association
defends well the claims that can be described as masculinist (secure parental authority to
both parents, impose joint custody, recognize parentale2 alienation syndrome), their power
action remains rather limited as well than integrated into national networks of family
associations SOS Papa is only advisory.
We can add that some of those perched fathers claiming the right to oppose the abortion of
an embryo they have designed, or the right not to participate in the maintenance of a
child they have made "unintentionally". Recently there has been media coverage of cases of
some men become "fathers against their" martyrs presented as an alleged omnipotence of
women in the reproductive process (see articles by Mary Plard lawyer who defends these men
and fired in a book, paternity imposed (2013)).
As in the case of fathers hilltop is a sham because firstly rises hairpin very marginal
cases that fall outside of a social phenomenon of oppression of men by women, on the other
hand because it ignores the passivity vis-à-vis male contraception. Indeed most of the men
saying-be dispossessed of their reproductive rights simply did not use a condom, even with
women they barely knew. It is not a question of saying that they had it coming, just to
deconstruct the misconception that men are powerless to control their fertility. They just
prefer to leave women the care of this task.
It is urgent now to deny all the claims of these fathers supposedly deprived of their
parental rights by judges sexist Family Affairs and involved a justice "matriarchal".
Indeed their anti-feminism advance masked and is not detectable at first glance who is not
a minimum E-informed on the issues around domestic violence and joint custody. These
fathers enjoy an aura of respectability even strong enough sympathy, which makes them more
difficult to challenge.
Prostitution
The subject of prostitution divides among both feminists than libertarians and
anti-capitalist. The break seems consumed between abolitionist and retentionist as
demonstrated among others, the events of March 8 in Paris and Toulouse, where several
small processions were provided instead of a single one who could have given the
impression of an event mass.
AL is both against prohibitionist policies that treat the activity as a crime, leading to
repression, including prostitutes, and against regulationism that takes the existence of
this activity and recognizes him for granted an unchanging and timeless social utility.
Instead, we place ourselves in the abolitionist society because our current project aims
at the development of the sexuality of each dealer outside any report or any domination,
while recognizing the diversity of positions within this current.
Part of LGBTI struggles solidarity with struggles for regulation of prostitution and
surrogacy, as evidenced by the call for the march of the pride of Lyon in 2014, whose
motto was "Rights of trans LDCs IVG, GPA, prostitution: our bodies, our choice! ".
Although prostitution as a livelihood is a reality for some of transsexuals s, it is
problematic to defend a "right" to prostitution, instead of claiming the release of
capitalist and patriarchal systems that organize prostitution. In addition, the GPA falls
for us exploitation of women's bodies, and not the "right to have children."
Prostitution and patriarchy
Prostitution: Women serving people
It should not be forgotten, despite the recovery of the issue by LGBTI groups that
prostitution is a gendered phenomenon. The overwhelming majority of prostitutes are women,
and almost all of the customers are men. It is indeed a male prostitution but rather to
other men.
For some, like the signatories of the manifesto of the 343 bastards, prostitution is a
"necessary evil". This idea that prostitution without explode the number of rapes is
linked with that of the existence of "sexual needs" irrepressible in men, they would be
unable to control. If we find clients of prostitution and virtually no clients, it is
because men are socialized to express or show their sexual desire, while women are instead
encouraged to shut theirs.
Prostitution is the worst outcome of both capitalism that seeks to commodify individuals
and relationships, and patriarchy. Fight against patriarchy and male domination implies to
fight against prostitution and the reverse is true.
The struggles of prostitute-es and AL
Today, the issue of prostitution and GPA (which can be likened since it also involves the
exploitation of women's bodies) have become central in feminist struggles due to the
spread of some very liberal view of freedom that is absolutely not the libertarians, such
as being able to sell her body and her sexuality was a freedom, by denying the realities
of most prostitute-es. For us, prostitution is part and pushes to the extreme patriarchal
and capitalist system of exploitation.
Whether or not we digest the fact of putting his body at the disposal of others and that
of selling his labor power, this is by no means a freedom but a constraint either physical
(pimping, processes...) or financial (precariousness) which often endangers the
prostitute-es and marginalizes. Organizations like STRASS want prostitution to be
recognized as a job like any other, and speaks prostitution consumers as "clients",
considering as normal that a man pays to have access to the body of a woman. In this,
their speech is similar to that of any corporation. And the consequences of this are
serious not only for all women who are victims of trafficking, but also for all other
women. Reducing the body of a woman to a legitimate object of consumption the publisexisme
and sexual harassment of street.
Unfortunately the only audible speech from the prostitute-es is that of "cadres" of STRASS
representing only a minority of prostitute-es. Little is understood the word of those that
are outputs and which are critical with respect to prostitution. Moreover, when laws are
passed on those who practice prostitution in the most precarious conditions and are the
first affected are never heard apart by community health associations. The stigma that
hangs over the prostitutes, the competitive relationships which may exist between them and
the monitoring of pimps and police, prevented the organization of the most precarious of
them, hence the success of rhinestones, which suddenly, passes for the only mouthpiece of
prostitute-es.
The last motion, abolitionist, AL had avoided the question of whether prostitution was a
violence against women because the debate was not ripe. It is a violence, and violence in
the usual sense of the term, physical violence consisting in subjecting women from
unwanted sex, relationships often violent in nature in addition to being undesirable.
Once this is installed we need to think of solutions to improve as soon as the conditions
of life and work of sex workers because if we can fight for the abolition of prostitution,
we must also remain pragmatic and take account the reality of the existence of
prostitution as a means of survival for women precarious without paper, without diplomas
etc... To this we must promote access and extension of social rights for all women:
housing, minimum income, health coverage... It would be important to overcome this impasse
to be able to discuss these issues calmly and in particular with the first concerned ie
prostitutes and particularly those working in the street.
Sexual accompanying
Based on the finding of a real sexual misery of aging people with disabilities or simply
an offensive exists to recognize the accompanying sex trade that would drop the charge of
pimping for the organizers of this "new profession of health".
We do not have a moralistic view of these issues. But the supposed altruism of this
proposal actually mask a different side of the offensive to the commodification of bodies
and human relations.
It is not difficult to imagine what high school population would be facing such studies
sanctioned diploma. And what of the unemployed-or if that would cut benefits for its
refusal job proposals?
Penalizing customers
If the subject of prostitution has been widely debated in recent times is largely due to
the emergence of a bill called "clients penalty" but which actually covers more dimensions
than this alone. The Act provides several measures to help prostitutes to "get out" of
their situation, against pimps, promising temporary residence permits to those who start
rehabilitation approaches and are followed by associations approved by the state,
developing training etc. However, one can only question the feasibility of this law as the
budgets allocated to social rights in general and women in particular are reduced to a
trickle. We can then assume that what is available to advance the cause of women will not
put priority on women service, often undocumented and not speaking, few graduates...
The most controversial provision is that of penalizing clients, hailed by some of the left
and feminist associations, and criticized by other feminist or human rights associations.
Those who advocate for the ban to resort to prostitution.
Sixty associations and collectives (including Amicale du Nid, the World March of Women,
Dare Feminism, Zéromacho, Bitches guard, the National Women's Rights Collective, the
Mouvement du Nid, Family Planning... 75) together in the collective "Abolition 2012"
support the bill that includes the prohibition to resort to prostitution.
The idea is to reduce demand, show that this is not "normal" to buy sexual services.
Prostitution is considered as violence against women. Now, if there is violence, there
perpetrator. The penalty should help show that the customer is the center of the
prostitution system, he is the one who commits an act of violence and domination over a
woman who did not to have pleasure or desire.
Penalizing customers must be accompanied by affirmative action and equipped with means to
help women in prostitution situation and get out of education and prevention measures. We
should also speak more precisely prohibition to resort to prostitution, the question of
the proposed penalties (fines proportional to income, TIG with prostitutes trying to
escape, training...) being away from criminalization.
The use of the term "penalty" is intended to scare antirépression progressives. Moreover,
to change the weight of the shoulders ban can only encourage compliance with conditions
set by prostitutes. Balance sheets made by countries which have introduced the measure,
shows the effectiveness of the measure in terms of the number of prostitutes down because
the asking prohibited deters customers "unconvinced".
Those against the criminalization of clients.
Several community associations (Grisélidis in Toulouse, Lyon Cabiria) or NGOs (Doctors of
the World), feminist associations (Family Planning) or unions (Solidaires-Etudiant.es)
denounced the fact that criminalization of customers of risks marginalizing even more
prostitutes and particularly the most vulnerable of them namely those who work in the
street, usually under the auspices of a mac or another prostitute.
Indeed, they continue to exercise their activity but will be forced to do much more
discreetly in isolation and not to lose their customers. Why is this dangerous? First,
because they are less accessible for associations working to reduce the risks from them
(the bus of women friends in Paris, Grisélidis in Toulouse, Nantes Doctor of the world...)
second, because the fear of being verbalized leads to reducing the pass negotiation time,
which is often to the disadvantage of the prostitutes who can less easily impose condom,
price, terms of the pass etc.
In addition, having to be discreet involves working in isolation. If the measures
concerning the criminalization of clients were excluded from the law passed in July 2014,
some mayors (Toulouse, Lyon, Limoges...) took the arrested anti prostitution that remain
in the same spirit and have the same consequences (eviction prostitutes from downtown,
fragility and insecurity, denial of access to care...).
Of Alternative libertarian perspective.
The problem for us is in the tension between a revolutionary long-term perspective and the
need to put short-term claims. Indeed if we are each and all agree on our desire to see
the emergence of a society where prostitution would not exist, there are strong
differences about what we could or should do today.
The problem is that the positions opposing the criminalization of customers do not offer
solution in the long term to abolish prostitution. For the AL, it is important to consider
the practical conditions of prostitute-es, and to ensure that the rights of prostitute-es
are recognized. However, it is not necessary that the solutions in conflict and we go away
from our end goals by legitimizing prostitution. We are not, by itself, against a
protective legal framework vis-à-vis women, for example, despite the big failures in its
application, criminalizes rape. Customers are active actors of patriarchy and must be
recognized as such.
However, we believe that the fight against prostitution, first and foremost in the fight
against insecurity, main origin of prostitution, for the regularization of undocumented
es, against discrimination against LGBTI and against the patriarchy in general. It is also
essential to generalize the prevention and awareness of the issue at an early age.
Education is central to the fight against prostitution and patriarchal system. Apart from
that, any measure to prohibit prostitution, such as the criminalization of clients is
doomed to failure.
A libertarian feminism?
At libertarians, pro-prostitution theories are spreading. Notably through the queer
movement that seduces with its radical and offers a way of living and being alternative.
However, it is not a collective struggle theory but a process of questioning of identity
which omits the importance of social pressure on the construction of individuals and thus
the existence of a group "women" oppressed. It also provides the background analysis of
the patriarchal operating system, since according to their theories, anyone can, if
desired, to overcome its kind.
The queer community has great affinity with lobbyists from LGBTI struggles like Act-up,
which are based on Anglo-Saxon lobbies methods, with high-profile actions knuckle-fist.
STRASS also happens to be distilled his pro-prostitution discourses by playing the
anti-cop sentiment, anti-laws, and the fascination for this marginality among anarchists.
In October 2014, it is this current that has been most visible in the appeal to the
international feminist anarcha London meeting, organized by the Anarchist Federation of
Britain. This shows that it takes place within the libertarian movement. It also questions
the reality of what they call anarcha-feminism.
If at one time, the link between feminism and anarchist principles on certain themes such
as birth control, abortion, free love, opposition to marriage equality existed, today,
most of these are times much more widely. The development of current queer parallel to the
persistence of radical feminism among libertarians created a particular diversity in terms
of tactics and priorities that we do not think that the libertarian movement has
sufficient unity on the issue to justify the existence of a "Anarcha-Feminism". Thus, we
believe that the struggle against patriarchy should be more broadly, anchored in the
social movement, and that it is not appropriate to be limited to working with groups
called "radicals" which can sometimes wonder on what basis they are built unit.
Share outlook
We must develop a dual strategy.
Firstly within libertarian circles. In Toulouse, the CNT marched alongside the Rhinestones
on 1 May 2014 in the anti-capitalist procession. It is therefore absolutely understanding
that prostitution is the enemy of the free union of people, free and based on desire and
mutual pleasure, equally and freedom advocated by the libertarian ideology. However,
today, only the AL has a firm and official position on it. We can offer a text for
signature of all the libertarian organizations that is clear on this. Whether it succeeds
or not, the idea is primarily to launch the debate in these organizations to ask them to
clarify their position.
Then it comes to building an alternative route in feminist struggles, detached
institutional feminist and pro-prostitution. This would be a truly radical feminism,
capable of marginalizing pro-prostitution groups by proposing strong actions and revive
the struggles. Thereupon, it is very important that the Al adopts a strategy that afford
not to be in the position of 8 March 2014 in Paris, where we had to choose between, on the
one hand a pseudo-radical demonstration led by pro-prostitution 8 March for tou-te-s, and
on the other hand an institutional event led by a dying CNDF. There is actually a place
for it, yet it has to be organized with the NPA, Mix-Cité), Solidarity...
The women strike project allowed us to test the waters to see who can raise an offensive
feminism. So far, the project is struggling to take off. Yet today, it is mainly the
unions who have the capacity to make his offensive aspect to the struggle against
patriarchy while anchoring it in the social reality, with particular addressing the
workers on their workplace. We must especially rely on the activists working in education
because it is fundamental to allow a change of mentality.
To change attitudes and practices internally
Findings
There are 21% women in Al. This is a stable figure. There is a great heterogeneity of
CALs, many CALs are exclusively male, two are joint.
Involvement in federal bodies is less than the 20%. As against the secretarial and
treasury functions are in mixed CALs rather easily handled by women.
The explanations for this deficit of women and the gendered distribution of mandates are
social and political. First, women are more often than men under social conditions
unfavorable to commitment (especially family life, but also to any socialization of women
political struggles). As for the mandates, we know, women are less encouraged to think of
responsibilities and able to push forward to take.
The issue at hand is twofold: it is to increase the number of women in G one hand, to
encourage participation in federal political tasks on the other.
How to bring more women to the AL?
The question is recurrent. Everyone deplores the lack of women but few reflections are
committed to fight against male hegemony within the organization.
The issue of children...
It would initially take practical measures against patriarchal social conditions, namely
that in heterosexual couples, even activists, women provide the bulk of parental work.
In the long term we can think of the abolition of the family in its hetero normative form
namely the coexistence of joint-es with their children. It is not to remove the children
of authoritarian parents to place them in camps, but to initiate a true reflection on
other modes of care and education of children. Why should rest exclusively on parents
(biological or not) children? (see section 1.2)
In the shorter term and more achievable optical (because we know that it is hard not to
conform to social norms, conjugal and parental, etc.) should consider any action, any
meeting as to include women with children even if no one claims the measure. This means
being proactive and consider such meetings to the homes of one-es and others rather than
in cafés or for CAL who are lucky to have a local, create in that space a children's area
(with games, books and a few cushions... not very difficult or very expensive.
And finally, we should try to understand how the living conditions of each and every one
can prevent participation in more actions, meetings etc. This may seem trivial and
irrelevant, but the personal is political and when the private to the policy prevents this
problem and must be discussed. Moreover, Al continues to advocate direct solidarity and
practical, as it starts us. It is not to do social misery or turn into specialized
educators and educators-are but just remember that the activists are not detached es pure
spirits from material stress, family, economic... Moreover, custody of children activists
must become systematic in all federal political time (CF, congress, federal training...)
but also local. It is not enough to ask if there are children to keep, hoping no one say
yes, but while this opportunity allows systematic investment-e each.
Working to be a welcoming environment
Working to be a welcoming environment is not a crazy idea or auxiliary but is the very
condition of our expansion and our consolidation. For this it should be ensured that
minority women do not tap domestic or administrative tasks, it is also the responsibility
of men. And as the subway benches, men also have a responsibility not to take any physical
space. Finally we must ban "requires a woman...." if we failed to create the conditions
for, we must accept it and try to fix it. Al women are not feminists guarantees that would
not raise the question of internally sexism. Promote speaking shy, women, hesitant-es is a
necessity. If we manage the distribution of requested words taken, it remains to reduce
the speaking of big mouths usual (limit the number of interventions), repetitions ("thingy
has said but I'll say it again") and to create a climate of confidence favorable to the
expression of more hesitant-es (smaller groups?) It is also necessary to prohibit any
paternalism, especially old militant youth activist. It is unbearable to see or explain
the Marxist theories of authority against arguments such as "it's been ten years since I
militates AL". Young activists are also confronted with this form of paternalism, but it
is clear that the young activists are usually fresh. More women in federal responsibilities
This should logically flow of more women to Al but to deconstruct the masculine image of
the anarchist milieu, we may consider proposing more systematic women to take on
responsibilities within the organization. However, some important mandates (in the 20%
limit) should be joint RE, RI, corporate secretarial, youth secretariat. Again, parity is
not the responsibility of women alone, but also for men to consider including their peers,
not just because they are women but because they are just as competent as men. In a
similar context, the signatures of the monthly articles are sometimes almost exclusively
male, with the exception of anti patriarchy pages that they are almost always signed by
women. Just as we must consider making write a maximum of activists of the organization
(not only those who have an easy pen and are often expressed) be careful that a
significant part of the articles are written by women. To allow a greater diversity of
writers and editors, one might consider that in the CAL activists raise their particular
areas of knowledge and that it be sent to the newspaper commission.
Deal with possible sexual violence in militant circles
It takes that AL has a procedure in cases of sexual violence charges against one of its
members. This is something that can happen in any environment (professional, sporting,
associative...) and the revolutionary milieu is not exempt. When this happens, if no
proceedings were scheduled to face it, this can have hateful consequences: omerta, sterile
psychodrama, leaving the attacked and keeping the aggressor... The AL twelfth congress
decides the following: If it happens that one or more of AL members are accused of sexual
assault, SF must be seized of the matter and implement a procedure. Under the control of a
federal coordination, this procedure shall respect the following principles: the militants
or the accused are suspended from the organization for the duration of the investigation,
the victim (which is not a permanent state but situation at a given moment) is listened
to, supported, surrounded encouraged (no more) to complain; a committee of non-joint
investigation, independent of the parties involved, is formed within the AL to interview
each other; on report of this commission, the Federal Coordination decides on the
follow-up to the suspension of the accused activists: expulsion, reinstatement or
reinstatement after probation.
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Feministes-tant-qu-il-le-faudra
