(en) France, Alternative Libertaire AL dossier spécial sur
l'éducation populaire - Social workers: between conscience and
political action (fr, it, pt) [machine translation]
In popular education practices, there are good and less good. So much so that we sometimes
question the motives of some and some: shine? if lather? believe above the fray? At the
risk of offending, it must be remembered here: Popular Education is acting as equals, with
humility, and to advance our class consciousness. ------------ Whether you are a social
worker or teacher, have a political look at what we do - and what we do we do - is
fundamental. Many youth educator training vaguely imagine they will do selfless work,
which will help to make society better. ---- But once the initial excitement fell,
suffered the tensions and pressures make you vulnerable. On the one hand, the social
groups to which you are confronted-e you consider, rightly, as a collaborator of the
system. Many seek the flaw to make you crack. Furthermore, the hierarchy of your
structure, appendix of the state, using you as a firewall. Once your depleted energy,
increases the risk of sinking into resignation, j'm'en-care attitude, opportunism to "save
his skin" or even depression.
In the afternoon, May 68, many activists and activists involved es in creating
associations of immediate demands and active neighborhood. But after 1981, the
institutional left in power has professionalized social intervention through subsidies. It
thus created a small army of "mediators" supposed to defend the social peace, while in
parallel neoliberalism began to take their toll in terms of unemployment and misery.
Act in parallel and independently
Have a political vision allows you to understand this and to step back. You come in so
quickly to the conclusion that - with few exceptions - not with the structure of which you
are an employee-you gonna change the world, while its primary mission is to regulate
social tensions. ..
It is possible however to use his experience to develop in parallel and independently,
political action on the scale of the neighborhood. Obviously, this is not easy. On the one
hand your hierarchy requires a duty of confidentiality; the other people concerned can,
for a while, not really knowing where you situate ...
How to characterize these social workers who have not renounced to act politically on
their own? We can attach them to the "social left" search theorized by Alternative
Libertaire there is a twenty year to oppose the "government left". The social left, these
are all and all those activists and grassroots activists - unionists, anti-racist,
feminist, anti-fascists ... - es focused on the logic of demands, citizen speech and
against-power. Election issues do not structure their business even if they sometimes or
they can even feed illusions about the benefits of a leftist government.
The "social left" neighborhoods
Where can this social action left? A host of associations operating in urban areas, but
their goals and missions are varied and sometimes antagonistic .... We can distinguish
four types:
lobbies. Merchants, friendly sport, cultural, elderly ... Often apolitical - or considered
as such by the elected representatives - their associations defend their own interests.
charitable and humanitarian organizations. Secours Catholique, Secours Populaire, Eating
the heart, etc. primarily offer products and emergency first aid.
associations of social ties. The social and solidarity economy, social enterprises, the
regulated area, popular education or training associations are part of this category. They
have invested the cultural, economic or social.
the authorities against militants. Feminist groups, unions, tenants associations,
neighborhood committees, political organizations, anti-racist and anti-fascist activists
... Mounted on dynamic, they are independent institutions, except those that are
subservient to the government parties or are subsidized.
Activists and advocates of social change left especially in the last two categories. If
the power-cons allows complete freedom of action, it is not the same for the association
of the social bond that forces its dependence on subsidies to the reserve.
Gather a militant network
At the border of business and politics, activism can become a real obstacle course, and
the balance between militant and private life a complicated exercise. The energy and time
spent often go far beyond business hours. Many are exhausted by the magnitude of a
militant unrewarding task.
Not to remain isolated-e, it is vital to collect a militant network capacity to boost
collective dynamics. We must look around to flush out the "social left" in the
neighborhood, and try to aggregate the people who feel concerned. Also tenuous, this
network will be an essential resource in the mobilizations that may arise - against police
violence, in defense of public services threatened. The great difficulty will be to
initiate collective dynamics in the most self-managing as possible: without monopolizing
speech or decision making.
However, there are not only inhabitants and residents need to go far from it. To raise
awareness among the people, there is also ... his own colleagues. Many have no political
consciousness, just a humanitarian conception of their work, with the satisfaction of duty
done to "the poor". If popular movement in the area, rather than in solidarity, they and
can stick away by suspicion or misunderstanding. The fear of being slapped on the wrist by
the hierarchy, linked to the government also comes into play. In short, we quickly
realized that we must also work for the union, to raise the level of consciousness and
solidarity among colleagues.
In the neighborhoods there is another category of workers who have a position of their
own: teachers. Nursery and primary schools are often located near or in the heart of
neighborhoods. The problem is that teachers are struggling to "get out" of the school,
whose centrality is the basis of their commitment. With some exceptions, when they open
onto an area that is primarily related to the school.
Between autonomy and dialogue with the State
Within the social left, institutionalization creates a recurring discomfort, that the
government is right or left. The outposts to see the human consequences of neoliberal
policies, social sector are often the professional minimum defiant vis-à-vis the state and
functioning for some radical critics. The authorities are aware of, and some fear the
confrontation with these activists and the activists who have a solid knowledge of the
terrain, and can occasionally tell them their four truths.
This dichotomy induced divergent democratic aspirations. Social support can be left for
direct democratic practices, because beyond its diversity, it is attached to the idea that
we give a voice to the inhabitants and residents, and to circulate. The freedom of speech,
though it is still far from the development and collective decision making, is a first
step toward direct democracy. And nothing that often paralyzes the elected officials who
fear for their privileges.
Biquet (AL Toulouse)
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Les-travailleurs-sociaux-entre
