(en) France, Alternative Libertaire 12th Congress AL
(Castillon-du-Gard, 2015) - Motion overall guidance (fr, it, pt)
[machine translation]
"For G, this is to fight" in "capitalism to snatch victories, but victories that can only
be provisional if they do not lead, in time, a revolutionary rupture and social
transformation. U do not bear the idea of a new social compromise between workers and
capitalists based on a better distribution of wealth but its activists are choosing to
register with determination in the struggle for the establishment of a company free from
all forms of exploitation and domination, which is the struggle of all, the expression and
the responsibility of the individual and collective emancipation." ---- Summary ---- The
situation: a system in crisis and warring classes ---- The capitalist crisis management
---- The reactionary temptation and danger of the extreme right ---- Overcoming the crisis
of revolutionary organizations ---- For an offensive social movement
Renewal and Reform Project impasses
The intervention of Alternative Libertaire
An internationalist strategy
The situation: a system in crisis and warring classes
Another crisis of capitalist mode of production!
The dynamics of the capitalist mode of production can be seen in the frantic search for
short-term profit and permanent accumulation of capital increasingly concentrated in a few
hands. The concentration, permanent phenomenon accelerated sharply during the crises that
disrupt the regular course of business by eliminating ruthlessly race bosses and
shareholders of which the return on capital has become too low, or even negative. When the
exchanges or banks collapse, it is not the capitalist system falls but some capitalists.
We do not mourn the losers of the race but the employees who suddenly pay the price of
economic turmoil.
Thus each crisis is historic, unique, and allows the production method to regenerate. No
"final crisis" is to wait. Only the struggle between antagonistic classes, the class of
those who own the means of production and the class of those who have only their labor to
sell, can allow a saving end if victorious proletarian. Meanwhile, the capitalists will
use all the weapons at their disposal to maintain their domination and their production.
They will stop at any social barbarism, ecological or political.
The current crisis has the particularity to accompany, through globalization desired by
the dominant fraction of the Western bourgeoisie, of a possible tilt in favor of the
dominant imperialism especially in a country like China. This produces an impoverishment
of part of the masses. The massive relocations of production and development of production
technologies (which should enable massive reductions in working time) hit with full force
the old Western labor movement and pave the road to retreat into nationalism or fascism,
the Western masses.
In a logic of global competition, we can predict that a new balance will be found when the
operating conditions of workers in low-cost countries will be harmonized with the old OECD
countries. For workers here and there, the whole point is that this balance is at the
highest possible level. In contrast to the decline is therefore an internationalist
response we constantly aim to improve the daily conditions of workers with the prospect
that the social struggles "globalized" lead to a social revolution also globalized.
An ecological crisis
Productivism is inherent to capitalism because maintaining the rate of profit through
growth and thus productivism. Yet the ecological consequences of this mode of production
are known. In response, the response of politicians are, for the speeches, international
environmental protocols and agreements, to give the illusion of action while the economy
is never in question. The relocation of production and therefore also pollution to
convince some that real ecological transition costs is implemented.
The radical ecology must be to say that the solution to the problems will not come from
international conferences under the aegis of the G20 but critically in words and deeds of
the capitalist system. Unfortunately, organizations that carry this speech did little
weight due to their limited capacity to act. At the same time, international summits, even
if they do not lead to anything, continue to represent a hope for a portion of the
population that relies instead on an intense lobbying institutions as calling into
question the overall system.
Finally, part of the reformist organizations argues that Keynesian it would be possible to
restart the economic machine by a massive public investment in energy conversion. Besides
that such a solution, even implemented globally will not produce anything more than
short-term effects in terms of renewed growth, it has the disadvantage of leaving aside
the question of private property the means of production and democratic control of production.
Articulate and defensive struggles rupture claims
AL, it is to fight "in" capitalism to snatch victories, but victories that can only be
provisional if they do not lead, in time, a revolutionary rupture and social
transformation. U do not bear the idea of a new social compromise between workers and
capitalists based on a better distribution of wealth but its activists are choosing to
register with determination in the struggle for the establishment of a company free from
all forms of exploitation and domination, which is the struggle of all, the expression and
the responsibility of the individual and collective emancipation. The character of the
revolutionary solved commitment does not consist of a hard-line principle, that it would
be opposed to reformism judged "moderate" and "unclean". If we reject reformism
theoretically, it is because he is profoundly illusory and that his apparently realistic
goals because of their "reasonableness" are not. But that does not prevent us from
conducting struggles alongside forces that we consider reformists.
The speech and the intervention of G therefore to articulate these struggles "in"
capitalism (which are now often the aspect of defensive struggles) and the breaking
perspectives (which are in the form of claims transient in connection with the draft
libertarian communist society).
Propaganda AL must take on both feet: analysis of the political situation and support the
struggles on the one hand; put in debate the other breaking claims.
The capitalist crisis management
In France and in Europe: austerity dogma
The management of the economic crisis is, for most European states to enforce a policy of
wage and fiscal austerity (implying a high of structural unemployment, widespread
insecurity, declining real wages, creeping dismantling of the social protection) to fund a
"supply-side policy", that is to say, to allow an intensification of capitalist
exploitation and exacerbation of competition between capitalists. It is in the States who
had to call the Troika (made by the European Commission, the European Central Bank and
International Monetary Fund) that these austerity policies have been implemented with more
violence and had the social consequences (loss, destruction of public services, increased
inequalities) and policies (crisis of the traditional parties, creation of vast popular
movements, growth in new reformist parties but also of the extreme nationalist right) more
visible.
In France, even though the political choices of Francois Hollande clearly go in the
direction of Employers (CICE end of 2012 pension reform in 2013, early responsibility pact
2014 Macron law beginning in 2015), and although insecurity increased alarmingly. The
question is whether the fragmented struggles that seek to challenge these policies can
lead to more global confrontation, the government is working to defuse by repression.
Maintaining internal order
More than ever, the capitalist social order prevails by maintaining a high unemployment
rate and a growing and multifaceted casualization of wage condition. The daily threat,
deaf and silent, that is one and one for employees largely explains the resignation of the
vast majority of them to the worsening of their working conditions, employment and
livelihood, synonymous with their more intensive exploitation, as well as the quantitative
and qualitative weakness of the struggles against it. The intensification of exploitation
in turn helps to maintain a high level of unemployment, that is to inflate the "industrial
reserve army". The assembly thus provides a framework to make audible and credible
nationalist and racist discourse designating "abroad" in "our" walls (the immigrant North
African or South Sahara) as out of "our" walls (Chinese proletarian ) as responsible for
evils that "we" afflict. More than ever, capital reigns through all these divisions it
creates within the wage labor.
Facing the challenge and more or less massive resistance among countries, governments
respond with repression, criminalization of social movements, limiting public freedoms and
authoritarian discourse. The challenge is to stifle all aspirations for change, to padlock
the company and ensure at all costs the stability of the capitalist order.
This desire to maintain the established order is manifested in part by extremely normative
discourse on values and on the other by a tightening of criminal policy and a
strengthening of police responses. Thus, the "Organic Law of Protection of the Citizen
Security" or "gag law" passed in Spain in December 2014 suggests the repressive arsenal
that States are willing to use to deter protest and collective action.
In France, while the government claims to left, we see bans demonstrations (in solidarity
with the Palestinian people and against police violence), preventive arrests, lawsuits
against representatives of organizations-es policies, and to intense police repression of
social movements, which cost the life of an environmental activist in Sivens. This state
violence also comes in the form of trade union repression, which notably led to a notice
of revocation of a trade unionist of Post, now fully controlled by the state where union
rights are constantly violated.
This trend except the trivialization of justice is reinforced in France by the beginning
of January attacks, which will certainly lead to the adoption of new security measures
while an anti-terrorism law had already been passed beginning in November 2014. If the
answer is not up to scratch, we might witness a marginalization of the most combative
tendencies of movement and crushing of dissent in a Republican wall of silence
neutralizing any critical thinking.
Faced with this risk, we must continue to act to bring about a popular movement against
repressive responses and affirmation of the legitimacy of the protest.
International: behind postures and speech realpolitik and imperialism
Internationally, state violence is becoming more the pretext of the fight against
terrorism, which is primarily used to stabilize favorable regional balance to the Western
powers and thus to secure the supply of raw materials for multinationals.
The wars and conducted in Africa or Asia dress in hypocritical discourse on values, which
are intended to cover a pragmatic foreign policy at the service of the capitalist order,
which is in line with the neocolonial and clientelist policies conducted until then.
While France claims to fight terrorism and defend democracy by increasing military
operations, it does nothing to support the Kurdish fighter-es Rojava and meets very well
trade relations with Saudi Arabia, which has nothing of a democracy and direct funding
radical Islamist groups.
This doublespeak also led the government to defend a Palestinian resolution in the UN
Security Council on behalf of international justice while continuing to protect Israeli
interests, including the criminalization of boycott-divestment-sanctions conducted against
the State of Israel.
The reactionary temptation and danger of the extreme right
The rise of the extreme right in Europe
In a context of massive abstention, the European elections in May 2014 confirmed the
growth of the extreme right in France, Denmark, England, Finland and its anchoring in
Hungary, Austria, Latvia, the Netherlands -Bas and Greece. Despite the different forms,
these parties have common invariants: racism, nationalism and authoritarianism.
Moreover, whether in France with Manifs for All and Germany with pegida, the extreme right
has demonstrated its ability to massively occupy the street.
However, in European countries hardest hit by the crisis of capitalism, such as Spain,
Portugal and Ireland, the far-right parties fail to break through, with the notable
exception of Greece with Golden Dawn, supported by the shipowners.
The rise of reactionary ideas and racism in France
Since the safe voted following the attacks of September 11th arsenal, attacks against
Charlie Hebdo and the grocery store are used to hide in Paris excuse back to the political
leadership to further restrict civil liberties more by targeting new "dangerous classes"
Popular neighborhoods.
Furthermore, the moral and homophobia manifested themselves massively during Manifs
gathering for all the reactionary fringe around the Civitas networks.
Finally, racism in all its forms (Islamophobia, anti-Semitism, anti-Roma racism) wreaks
havoc, conveyed both by the ruling classes (Marine Le Pen to Manuel Valls) as by-Dieudonné
Soral networks.
Ambient political confusion not only the expansion of these reactionary ideas by
designating scapegoats (the "Jews", the "Muslims" or "Roma" as so many 'dangerous entities
fantasized...) but also, complotistes with the development of theories to discredit the
radical social critique, to divide the working class, to divert social problems and
discourage any progressive collective action.
The extreme right in order of battle for the conquest of power
These different underlying trends in a context of economic crisis, political and social,
favor the continued rise of the National Front since the presidential elections of 2012.
The FN, led by Marine Le Pen, has adopted a (im) posture social to expand its electoral
base in the direction of the working classes and relatively effective
demonization-commoditization strategy. Moreover, his work of local presence and
programmatic inflections are paying off to replenish its militant unit.
So, this party, which also features a sympathetic media coverage, stands as the last
resort and only alternative to the horizon of the presidential elections of 2017. The risk
of a rise to power of the FN, which whether by presidential in 2017 or through other local
election victories, should be considered, and lead us to anticipate various
reconfigurations of our means of action, of struggle and political alliances axes.
But the rise of the far right is also due to the absence of any credible anti-capitalist
alternative, the absence of a perspective of social emancipation carried by social
struggles able to influence the balance of power in the immediate for the masses. It is
also a consequence and a symptom of a crisis of the revolutionary organizations.
Overcoming the crisis of revolutionary organizations
The rise of the extreme right in France and in a number of European countries is a
reflection of the weakening of collective movements of the worker-his camp. In France it
seems that the revolutionary left is going through a real crisis. This is far from
insurmountable but for that we need from certain observations.
In recent years almost all of the extreme left organizations have experienced serious
internal crises amid differences of analysis and tactics. These crises have led either to
splits, or to activists departures in other organizations but more broadly we can say that
there was no effect of "communicating vessels" the majority of departures were made in
nature, contributing to the general weakening of the revolutionary left.
Another observation that goes beyond the question of the revolutionary left, is that of a
difficulty in mobilizing outside activist circles, including wide unitary initiatives. All
indications are that the area of influence (ideological, social) progressive movements was
significantly reduced.
Finally, a third element is the lack of "central conflict" to unify the camp of the
s-es-worker in its diversity and to lead the "masses" in the class struggle. The 2010
pensions movement seems far today. Unlike the right-wing movements have managed in recent
years to mobilize massively beyond their circles activists especially around the law
"marriage for all".
Fourth element of the crisis of the revolutionary left: his loss of visibility, with the
notable exception of the ZAD. The speech anticapitalist struggles to assert itself, caught
between the neo-reformism of the Left Front and the confusionism "anti-system" of
soralo-dieudonniste nebula. This loss of visibility is one of the causes of the difficulty
of the revolutionary press to remain in kiosks, and the weakness of the extreme left on
the web, in relation to other political currents.
A surmountable crisis
These difficulties in mobilizing allied to the lack of central conflict largely explain
the crises traversed by revolutionary organizations which then locked in ideological
conflicts of the second order, conflict of principles and people who are normally
overwhelmed by the concrete practice of the struggles and mobilizations.
These problems are far from insoluble. First, it should be noted that if the far right
seems electorally strong position and ideologically, his strength is not based on mass
organization. This is a key element of the current situation, for where the fascist or
Nazi organizations in the 30s were built on organizational link on mass practices
resulting share of the population in fascism.
We can not, however we rely on this unique perspective, very random and must instead
determine the elements on which we have taken and on which we can rely. The economic and
social crisis and the insecurity that accompanies it play a clear role in the difficulties
in mobilizing today. This places reflect internally prioritizing mobilizations, according
to activists means at our disposal.
Our strategy in this negative context, should be based on short-term priorities and
medium-term priorities (the long term is the revolution).
Short-term priorities
It is fundamental in the struggles reflux period to maintain its investment in the social
movement, whether union or association. But not on any practical: it is good to return to
the field, closer to the operated-es.
Building links, lead discussions, press contradictions and organize collective defense of
each other, develop everyday solidarities exacerbate anger and trigger struggles and
strikes, this is the first tasks of each militant revolutionary-e where it and it happens.
Obviously this work must be carried out to different degrees depending on where one is,
but the role of our political organization must be to facilitate and encourage. It is in
this work that we shape class consciousness and legitimize the ideas, programs,
revolutionary projects, far from theoretical or ideological debates Aboveground and
soothing that regularly hosted in recent years the revolutionary left.
The second short-term priority is that of the visibility of our current. Investment in
building solidarity and mobilization must be articulated with the dissemination of our
ideas and our analysis and specific AL appearance in the street. In this time of
confusion, it is important to provide a sufficiently solid and coherent organizational
perspective to attract us to those who seek to organize.
Medium-term priorities
In the medium term, the perspective is the rebuilding of social forces and revolutionary
policies that weigh in the class struggle. Regarding social mobilization, it is to work
for the convergence of mobilizations by promoting concrete links and interprofessional
structures. This convergence work should not be "above ground" (that is to say to alleged
convergences of struggles without struggles, so it returns to the immediate priorities
redevelopment struggles) but must be a perspective of building always present in the
places where we operate.
In terms of unit policy initiatives, things are more complicated. Indeed, in recent years,
these initiatives have produced essentially unitary mobilizations "above ground", often
torn by politicians challenges, disconnected from local dynamics. However, the unit is a
key lever in building a mass mobilization. This field is also mobilization that will
guarantee the maintenance of unity and prémunira of exploitations. So we were right to
invest the 3A group, which could have been part of the emergence of a front against
austerity, and to leave by publicly expressing the nature of our disagreements when it
degenerated frame reconstruction without political will of local anchors. The success of
Blockupy shows us that these politicians drifts are not inevitable and that a combination
of both more aggressive and more open to self-activity of the social movements is quite
possible.
It is on this basis that the libertarian communists can and must resume discussions with
our partners and anti-capitalist libertarians, but also for their inclusion in the mass
organizations like local control group. The goal is to build a movement from below
articulating emergency measures popularizing solidarity actions (eg requisition of
housing, recovery action of gas and electricity, requisition, distribution of food),
against powers and action involving the main centers of power of capital or service
(banks, multinationals, state). This strategy of action has not referred a purely
protestatrice. It is good to share more widely the rejection of capitalism without
democracy to build a democracy without capitalism.
We will promote any initiative in the unit as it aims to mobilize expoité-es and not to
delimit political camps closed in on themselves, and to the extent that the assertive
content is not inconsistent with that defends Alternative Libertaire. For this, the
presence and coordination of a common anti-capitalist libertarian with a potential pole is
essential in these unitary collectives.
Participation in unitary mobilizations obviously decided on a case by case basis, unit
labor not being an unsurpassable horizon, but a way of participating in struggles.
Furthermore, we are aware es weight often occupied by various organizations linked to the
Left Front in these dynamic and strong contradictions that their practices can have with
our conceptions of the struggle, particularly with regard to direct democracy,
'anti-capitalism, and the autonomy of the social movement.
Finally it is medium-term strategy to develop our anticapitalist fronts. This strategy has
previously experienced a rather limited practical implementation. The crises in
organizations of which we are closest ideologically have not helped either. Between
internal folds and reformist tropism, such a strategy is complicated. However, we must
keep this in mind because we are not content with the current dispersal of anti-capitalist
forces and the lack of Alternative Libertaire surface. Thus, despite the difficulties, we
are working to put their convergence and debate a strategy in this regard. So we do not
lose sight of the need for a national anti-capitalist convergence of collective premises,
but we will seek above all to give them a land existence.
Gather the anti-capitalist forces on a local scale corresponds to the state of confusion
in which we operate. Fostering such a strategy designed primarily to define a political
camp around which may crystallize the revolutionary aspirations of all those who are
looking for opportunities, a number not present in offering current policy. It is also
better to coordinate to face the changes that we are making deal: increased repression,
extreme right, difficulties in the convergence of struggles.
Finally the decline of revolutionary ideologies paradoxically offers the possibility to
renew a revolutionary emancipatory project of self-management bases, where libertarian
communism would have its place. The developments that cross currents from Marxism-Leninism
in France but also abroad (as the example shows us PKK) suggests that a supportive
environment for self-management ideas seems to be emerging.
For an offensive social movement
The crisis of the labor movement is linked to that of capitalism since the first sentence
to resume a social transformation project that goes beyond the search for a new social
compromise to which economic precisely latitudes are greatly reduced. In short, we may
deplore the lack of response to the stakes. Indeed, given the austerity policies of the
government and repression that directly affects the social movement, unions are either
enferrées in social dialogue, is struggling to build the conditions for a scale
confrontation. Similarly, the anti-fascist movement can not rebuild and anti-racist
organizations are struggling to stem the progression reactionary ideas.
In the field of trade unionism, to provide the means of our ambitions
What union anchor?
All these facts about the weakness of the trade union response must be established and the
difficulties posed by a real reflux struggles should not be neglected. Yet it would be
wrong to blame this solely on wait-union leaderships. Of course we must resolutely refuse
service or trade unionism co entangled in the nets of "social dialogue" but that should
not lead us to limit ourselves to this critical and radical propaganda based on the
denunciation of the bureaucracy. Too short would be the assertion that the bureaucracy
would only rally opportunistic culture of dialogue, as she notes, with more or less zeal
according to the unions, the position in the hierarchy of these and the history of
federations and their struggles, paralysis of the working world, one that has not failed
to cause the rise of exploitation, unemployment and precariousness.
One can only deplore a trend to a drop in the struggle between a combative unionism
animation in decision-making bodies and teams that are struggling more and more and
therefore weigh less on the ground. The generational renewal due to the departure of
activists from the 70 has the effect of absorbing quickly young activists to national
tasks. This renewal is an issue for the labor movement, as well as maintaining strong and
combative animation structures. However, this can not be at the expense of a local
presence in companies. Thus, the militants of Alternative Libertaire are to participate in
the strengthening of combative union teams, a unionism "field," as close to the working
people.
For, far from the excesses and minority activists, it is in the construction of
self-organized struggles and our massive trade union involvement makes sense. It is by
bringing in action, significantly if not majority, of workers and workers at their places
of work we give a consistency to the class struggle. In professional sectors where
casualization atomizes the wage earners, their task is also to help in the organization of
precarious (temporary workers, contractors, CDD...) to fight for their own interests.
Recognizing the central role of trade unionism in the construction of a power struggle
with the capitalist class must lead us to reflect on our own union intervention and ask
the question of our roots in the world of work. So we must support and guide young
comrades in search of work, while respecting the life choices of each e-course.
Reasons for hope
The exacerbation of social pressure combined with a lack of union response has led to
tensions within unions in fighting failure. The recent crisis of the CGT, which was not
limited to a sling middle management, is indicative of this push towards greater radicalism.
Furthermore, the retirement-its many trade unionists will inevitably raise the question of
renewal of trade union Animation teams. In this situation, we must be able to play the
role of self-management leaders while seeing in taking responsibility alpha and omega of
the reconstruction of a massive struggle unionism. The balance between investment union
"at the base" and participation in animated bodies of trade unions must be carefully
weighed to hold the two ends of an effective combative unionism.
Furthermore the retirement of his number-unionists will inevitably raise the question of
renewal of trade union Animation teams. In this situation, we must be able to play the
role of facilitators and animators self-management; this, both within the labor
collectives and within the trade unions.
Participation in the entertainment trade unions, locally, regionally and nationally, is
the necessary extension to our implications "at the base" that is within our collective
labor; the two are not contradictory but as complementary. This is in the construction and
/ or reconstruction of an effective combative syndicalism, which must take into account,
inter size and internationalists.
It is indeed materialize a combative trade union center which would be an alternative to
"pacts" bureaucratic and inter-union dummy like once the "unionism together" or the
CGT-CFDT, still hoped for by some, an approximation of the CGT devices and FSU. And there
are many many activists and right Solidaires teams and already acquired in this process.
Approach which we believe can now be shared beyond. In the early 1990s, for example,
activists from various unions (SUD, oppositional CFDT, CGT) had been able to work together
to help develop an important unemployed movement (creation of AC!, Including marches
against unemployment ). In a different situation today, we must continue to fight to
regain shopkeepers drifts, in forms that remain to imagine the sense of inter-action in
the service of struggles.
Wear autonomous social transformation project
The autonomy of the social movement, strongly defended by the activists of AL through two
calls in the 90, must not be understood as a distribution of tasks between the trade union
and political but as the affirmation of the relevance a draft autonomous social
transformation. Both calls, despite shortcomings, have served in the post-95 support
points to voice a political project of social transformation based on the struggles
(project that was not defended itself in calls).
Today, the reflux of struggles, especially the successive failures of the great mass
movements of 2003 and 2010, complicate the situation: social transformation capacity of
social movements is seen, rightly, as weak and many militant- union or association are to
fold electioneering projects. The coming to power of Syriza in Greece and favorable polls
in Spain Podemos reinforce this trend.
This polarization in property hypothetical "led election" must be vigorously combated. The
question of the necessary autonomy of the social movement must be provided on the loom.
Far from serving as a corporatist easy deposit withdrawal, the autonomy of the social
movement is a strategic key to frontally combat the reformists and electoral projects and
their corollary the instrumentalization of the social movement for political ends.
For this, it is so cross swords on the project of social transformation (reaffirming that
it implies a break with capitalism) in our union and associative structures, local and
national, as to find ways to increase public "Outside the walls" of these structures, the
need for such a project. This notably by the requirement and implementation of an autonomy
of the social movement that is combative and alternative carrier (new rights,
socialization, self-management...).
On other fronts of struggle, unifying conduct battles and develop mass organizations
The difficult reconstruction of an anti-fascist response
Alternative Libertaire is actively involved in the reconstruction of the antifascist
movement, which begins to be structured from the electoral rise of the FN 2012 and the
killing of Clement Meric, especially with the proliferation of local collectives.
The different national frameworks (CLAF, CONEX and "Call unite and act") currently face
difficulties in strategic terms and to structure largely mainly because of certain
obstacles against the fascism of the 90s (accumulation of defeats, strength inertia of
parties and organizations "left of the left" PS in power since 2012...). Suddenly, the
senior union (CGT Inter-FSU-Solidarity, VISA) proves, despite its limitations, the
potentially most enabling environment in terms of massification of antifascist struggle
provided the union structures seize this issue through solid training, discussions at the
union teams and by linking with the need for offensive response in the field of social
struggles.
A comprehensive response to the rise of racism
The killings perpetrated at the headquarters of Charlie Hebdo and murders committed
Hypercacher the door of Vincennes have added a racist climate already marked and may have
precipitated the tilt of certain sections of the population in the anti-Muslim racism-es.
A race is so engaged against the extreme right-wing nationalist who seeks to blame for the
killings to all Muslim-es and spread fear of Islam. At the same time, resentment created
by the Islamophobic discourse is the fertile ground for the spread of anti-Semitic
conspiracy theories and excitement of hatred between "communities" considered homogeneous
and fundamentally antagonistic. The colonial policy of the State of Israel also serves to
feed the anti-Semitic speech tribunes who skillfully distill the confusion between
anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism.
Fortunately, many discordant voices to dismantle the amalgams and denounce the
"retaliation" Islamophobic. In this context, the goal for U, is more than ever not to fall
in the competition between the victims of racism and denouncing the same voice all forms
of racism, either by specifically antiracist struggles or in all social struggles.
Towards a unified response to the extreme right and racism?
Concerning the necessary response against the development of racism in all its forms and
against the extreme right, there is a need for revolutionary activists to invest this
terrain of struggle and articulate anti-racism and anti-fascism to to fight against the
competition between antiracist struggles and the dispersal of militant energies.
And as in the 90s, we must reach beyond the debate between anti-fascism "radical" and
unitary anti-fascism to carry a unitary dynamic that clearly points to the political
responsibilities and gives a broad perspective and offensive in the field of ideas and in
the street.
However, see the union official as sufficient alone would be a mistake. The extreme right
National Front in Soral and Dieudonné, is an attractive place for some of the youth
whether educated (high school or student) or the world of work (apprentice, young wage
earners, including precarious and temporary ). But instead of this youth is paramount in
the development of a mass antifascist movement. And to this youth, trade union structures
are either not relevant or sometimes struggle to address it: they remain on traditional
patterns of intervention, while the racist and reactionary movements are increasingly
using social networking and more Internet. More seriously, in a deteriorating social
climate, the antifascist or antiracist struggle does not seem a priority for a large part
of youth. We must therefore quickly find remobilization of youth axes in the future.
What feminist intervention?
Note: The question of feminist intervention AL subject to specific motion, we do not
develop this point in the context of the overall orientation motion.
Renewal and Reform Project impasses
The breakthrough new reformist parties in Europe
The disastrous social consequences of the crisis and the failure of its management under
the auspices of the Troika have been accompanied by political upheaval resulting in the
more or less rapid marginalization of traditional political parties (PASOK in Greece or in
a lesser extent, in Spain PSOE) and the breakthrough of new inspiration reformist
political groups which manage to embody a desire to break with the austerity and a popular
desire for renewal of the political class. The progression of Podemos Spain or Syriza in
Greece is thus indicative of a real popular dynamic that must not despise but rather
encouraging while pointing weaknesses and even lapse reformist answers and disillusions
which they lead if the contradictions caused by the confrontation with the exercise of
power manager only lead lukewarm compromise necessarily unfavorable to workers-its.
We must thus be able to take into account the reconfiguration of power relations at
European level, to relay critical discourse carried by our libertarian communist comrades
in Greece or Spain and France in pushing for the militant energies burn not in the vain
expectation of a "political outlet" which, in the absence of massive struggles, will
summarize only a pale copy of Syriza.
In France, the eternal question of the reconstruction to the left of the PS
In France, in a context of reflux of struggles, the prospect of an election redial to the
left of the PS and a victory at the ballot box seems to gradually emerge as the only way
to break with the austerity policy implemented by Françoise Hollande. The 3A group, whose
main activity now is to collect signatures for political and trade union leaders to
display a unit about an alternative government program, is the crucible of this recomposition.
The question of the means to bring about a real popular movement is thus completely
evacuated for the benefit of politicians negotiations aimed at programmatic agreement
between "slingers" PS, EELV and the Left Front. Ironically, the victory of Syriza
reinforces the misconception that supply creates political mass movement.
A countdown of these political constructions above ground, we need to work on developing
local unit frameworks for unity of action between activists-are resolved to make social
mobilization the basis of any transformation project. The more we get to embody an
anti-capitalist movement and self-management, plus the development of such group will be
facilitated.
The intervention of Alternative Libertaire
Direct political intervention in the workplace and among the population
The reconstruction of a unionism of class and mass is a necessary condition for direct
challenge to the capitalist order but our activist investment can not be limited to this
and it must also assume more direct political intervention with his worker-y including
precarious or private-es employment and retirees.
Rail unleashed "Red and Black blog in the railway sector," Postal Franchise, "blog postman
red and black" and the blog libertarian communist CGT in this direction. CAL has not yet
expressed the need for specific companies, but a leaflet distributions of policy leaflets
in companies must be systematized, as appearances on union protests.
Finally, we must support the comrades resume looking for work or coming into the world of
work. It is also necessary to enter the potentially massive propaganda tools that
represent the videos broadcast via the Internet.
Wear an anti-capitalist and self-management project
Alongside this specific intervention of Alternative Libertaire towards the population,
construction of single frames of resistance and support for anti-capitalist struggles of
bases corresponds to a necessity. Despite the difficulties to create and to perpetuate
anticapitalist fronts, local examples (Toulouse, Nantes, Agen, Angers, etc.) show that
there is a space and a real need to build anticapitalist fronts. Indeed we must generalize
locally, strategy anticapitalist fronts especially tempting to join libertarian
organizations hitherto cautious in unit labor beyond the pre libertarian square.
This strategy anticapitalist fronts in which a libertarian pole might emerge is a need to
promote the emergence of a large anti-capitalist movement and self-management. This
especially involves the systematic arrest of anti-capitalist activists that we meet in
different settings in order to put the issue in debate. The brochure "Let's develop the
anticapitalist fronts" is a point of support for it. Sometimes it is not possible to
develop locally such fronts, especially with the lack of partners. However, this strategic
focus remains essential as a unitary proposal to break with sectarianism of the extreme
left, pushing the discussion, debate and action unit.
The fragmentation and casualization of wage labor starts today in difficulty modes lasting
and stable union, and should lead us to reflect on our involvement in the struggles
strategies. If unionism remains a necessary tool and invest, it must not occupy a unique
place in our intervention methods but to be linked with other fronts of struggle that does
not necessarily pass through the employment.
This is for example the case of social and political entertainment activities living
spaces that generate struggles that complement and reinforce with activity on workplace
(by bringing the militants to s' engage on other fronts of struggle once they are invested
es on one of them). We believe that these forms of organization are not antagonistic but
complementary.
We must therefore develop places and spaces both solidarity, meeting, public education,
information, politicization allowing us to organize ourselves collectively in the places
where we live and are campaigning to fight the state, the Capitalism and all other forms
of oppression.
This would bring to life an anti-capitalist and self-management project that involves the
development of places of power-cons open beyond the radical activist circles and within
the social movement. The draft New Rotisserie worn in eastern Paris, the Barricade in
which are invested-are the activists of Montpellier, the Spark in Angers where Invest-i-es
of activists of AL for many years are examples of such embodiments.
Moreover, Notre Dame des-Landes revealed then catalyzed a resurgence of self-organized
struggles and wanting apartidaires, as were some antinuclear groups: the ZADs, struggles
against large unnecessary projects. These struggles reflect an organizational commitment
to the autonomous movement, which can not be denied because a kind of "Climate Action
Camps" due to groups from all over France to be held in summer 2015 in preparation for
COP21. They also reflect new forms of politicization in defiance vis-à-vis the political
groups, G being no exception. However it is (and was) natural for our militants to be on
these struggles and we could have a collective exchange about their challenges and issues
of our interest: promotion of productive autonomy, against powers , fight against the
fascist infiltration or recoveries as in some Alternatiba.
Developing visibility AL
Providing the means for such projects and conduct effective intervention involves
strengthening AL. For this it is essential to develop the visibility of the organization
by providing CALs equipment suited to the local response (have large posters is for
example a need for the development of rural AL or suburban) and regularly updated on the
basis of priorities identified collectively.
Conduct an annual campaign coordinated around a single theme decided in federal
coordination is also a way to make this more readable and attractive discourse. This
involves making choices and avoid at all costs to dilute a campaign by multiplying the
axes and sub-themes. Finally, we must give ourselves the means to bring our discourse in
the usual propaganda (leaflets, press releases, press), but also to spread the videos as
"general public". These videos may be included videos meet the political and social issues
but also popular educational videos, to popularize simple analyzes on the various systems
of domination like the work done through different "Dico "monthly. We need concrete
progress on the subject, especially in connection with the Libertarian TV project.
Successful public appearances AL
To enhance the credibility of the organization, we need to take seriously the issue of
public appearance in manifestation. Regarding the fixed points, we must show imagination
and give us the means to be visible. Regarding the processions, we need to think ahead to
the achievement of banners, use megaphones or the sound, the repertoire of slogans, etc.
The procession organized by AL in the demonstration on 12 April in Paris is the model of
what would be a successful appearance.
To succeed such apparitions:
? the Federal Treasury will fund the completion of resistant banners and easily reusable
by CAL; mailing lists on the model of al-information list will be created for each CAL to
solicit sympathizer-es and AL Friends' during public appearances, the organization will
set each year one or two priorities of appearance will be a federal preparation.
However, it should take into account that these issues of public appearance arise in the
same way for activists-are invested in Solidarity construction, in strengthening combative
sectors in the CGT or in the Animation control associations. We must therefore consider
the question of the distribution of forces does not systematically delegate comrades less
invested in trade unions-are the responsibility of the public appearance of AL.
In some events, it may be appropriate to establish libertarian pole but then we must seek
to ensure a clean appearance AL and we must ensure that these poles appear organized and open.
Indeed, libertarian poles that we build must not go to a militant fringe already convinced
but should enable us to emerge as a credible force with a large part of the population. In
libertarian poles as in AL processions, the challenge is not to proclaim a political or
symbolic identity but rather to build on our response capability to enhance the
credibility of the libertarian communist current and allow us to touch Artists-workers who
politiseraient and seek answers outside of their workplace
Moving Forward: Alternative Libertaire prepare to change scale
In the end, we believe that AL can play a more important role in the social movement in
the political landscape and the dissemination of an alternative to capitalism and
anti-liberalism. If we want to weigh we can be content to remain a small organization and
we have turned a corner. This is possible in the coming years if we can - beyond the
diffusion of our positions - we expand and consolidate more people. This inevitably
involves our ability to evolve our federation: our current operation, a few hundred would
be less operating if for example we doubled our number of member-es... This section is a
continuation of the decisions that aim to develop our organization since "the turning
point of the visibility" of the early 2000s.
The federation met in Congress attaches several interrelated objectives for the coming two
years, which will be included as part of every government meeting. Charge the federal to
follow collective. Specific committees may be established if deemed necessary by the
federation.
These are:
Establishing exchange spaces and times of operation and internal practices of CAL and CAL
vis-à-vis the federation. The goal is to better understand and share our internal
operations, reflect and enhance the integration of new / new comrades, foster bridges with
the Friends, improve internal communication... launch a quick "imaginative" work on the
operation of a federation AL CAL 40-50, 1000 Participant-es and 1000 - 2 000 Friends'
pondering changes to be made in our current operation (congresses, CAL, federal collective
and federal coordination, commissions, Federal Secretariat, amount of contributions from
internal and external information tools managements of "isolated-es" link to friend... es)
to successfully maintain a living federalism , a strong unity and genuine internal
democracy. refocus energy and time activist in the training commission. His work aims both
to put the stick-es of the federation to equality before the internal decision-making
(CAL, federal coordination, conferences) but also to equip theoretically and practically
revolutionary. No quantitative development is possible without a commission "which turns"
and which is thought as an internal priority axis. The enlargement of G goes through a
reflection on our membership policy, the militants time, questioning activism as a
principle of membership and activism and building networks of supporters. There will also
be a continuation of the guidelines outlined above. Open discussion of the Manifesto for a
Libertarian Alternative: he requires to be "groomed" especially in his vocabulary, to make
it more accessible and operative ? Should we make some additions / modifications for a
better consideration of capitalism and domination at the beginning of the twenty-first
century? The shortened? The manifesto is our common cement, it is important to consider
its accessibility to people who did not "jargonneuse of activist experience." Cornerstone
of this process of "scaling": the renovation of the libertarian communist society project,
decided in 2011, but was never really committed. The main stumbling block has been to
consider the need to use the same approach as the construction of a convention text. It
was a failure.
The 2015 Congress made it a priority of the renovation project by taking things in
reverse: dynamic. This is based on discussions with CAL, commissions, public meetings on
the topics we want to address. The social project is an essential tool for every
revolutionary project. A work in this direction should allow to develop / strengthen our
current against other policy options, in particular the "left of the left", but mainly as
an alternative to capitalist society compass.
An extraordinary congress could validate the final text between late 2016 and late 2017.
Some examples of topics that could be discussed / developed / strengthened (in the logic
of a life libertarian communist society): ecology / energy, Law, biotechnology, health,
education...
An internationalist strategy
The last three years have been marked by significant advances in our internationalist
work. This has materialized especially through our strong involvement in the International
Meeting of Anarchism in St. Imier with the International of Anarchist Federations and
Anarkismo were the drivers. Despite its weaknesses, Anarkismo today libertarian network
that enjoys the widest international presence. U must strengthen its commitment to
increase its capacity for expression, initiative and action.
Our international solidarity activity and intervention is very clear with regard to Latin
America, the North African countries, Russia and Kurdistan including the revolution in
Rojava. However we have not managed to score in the duration our support for the Syrian
revolution. Support for the Syrian revolutionary and progressive opposition must not
suffer equally necessary support to the struggle of the Kurds. Yet its reduced visibility
suffered. There is however no less legitimate and we must be more attentive and
involved-are in this fight.
Our international activity is characterized by an expression and action of our own power
but also participation to unit managers. It has allowed us to be part of Blockupy
assertive today as an anti-capitalist pole in both radical and essential unit on the scale
of Europe not only to fight the austerity policies, but largely the capitalist system
while affirming both practical political expression by the need for self-management and
anti-capitalist alternative.
Blockupy is a coalition of social movements and political organizations ranging from
revolutionary (autonomous, libertarian, revolutionary Marxists, radical environmentalists)
Reformers (die Linke) but in which the revolutionary influence is decisive. After the
success of blocking the launch of the ECB's March 18, 2015, AL believes Blockupy is a
hopeful reunion for all those who think that a revolutionary alternative to the crisis of
capitalism is possible and desirable. We must consider it as a significant fulcrum for
both struggles for ideological combat in an extra-parliamentary perspective, anti-state
and self-management and in a context where the crisis of capitalism worsens. Furthermore,
it should create opportunities for discussion, collaboration and exchange with currents
like Left interventionist.
Of course it is not the only one to fulfill this function Zapatismo, Occupy USA, Kurdish
revolutionary movement, social struggles and the movement against repression in Spain also
play a role in this direction.
If the international context is marked by imperialist wars, nationalism and race for power
by various radical Islamist factions, it is also by resistors and critical currents far
from negligible.
We see the challenges are immense and strengthening both the international secretariat as
CAL on these issues is essential.
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Motion-d-orientation-generale
