(en) Chile, GESTA LIBERTARIA: PROGRAMMATIC CHARTER and
General Statement of Principles (ca)
Classmates, libertarian revolutionary militants, who sign this statement, we decided to
unite, and so form the Libertarian student organization Gesta, an effort to establish
ourselves as a political player in the service of the various struggles of our people and
the working class, and all who have for historical goal defeat the bourgeoisie, the state
and capital. ---- We are part of the historical transition of the working class, their
constant struggle for their emancipation, material and financial freedom from the chains
with which the bourgeoisie, the ruling class and the capitalist system subjected daily to
humanity to misery and alienation. Its domination, are accomplices and key players in
maintaining the status quo: the state, the ecclesiastical bureaucracy, capital owners,
entrepreneurs, the media and supporters of the bourgeoisie appliances, among many; all
united to maintain and enshrine the power of the bourgeoisie as the ruling class. Against
this, it is the working class that meets the historical role of improvement and
transformation of history, raising over time their own organizations, claims and
struggles. From these experiences of struggle we are part; mancomunales speak particularly
of the labor organizations and beginning of the century, the CUT class led by Clotaire
Blest, the industrial cordons, to name the closest experiences. In short, the construction
of the historic project of workers: Communism.
We understand revolutionaries, since we adopted an inflexible provision for the conquest
of Communist horizon, which is the most consistent and inescapable responsibility to our
people, that is, the more radical and practical experience of the struggle waged to
achieve the ultimate goals workers to overthrow the bourgeois order and establish a
society of free men and women. We are all those workers and militants led by the
revolutionary ideal was able to give his life, always putting center sole objective:
freedom of our class and the conquest of a society of justice and equality. Be
Revolutionary places our radical struggle in a particular historical context, belong to a
Latin American heritage of struggle against imperialism, dependency, poverty and the
postponement, since in turn be revolutionaries put the strength of our struggle in the
hope that It arises from the joy of our people, on blind faith that we have of future
emancipation.
As revolutionaries, we are also part of the historical tradition of anarcho - communism,
namely a radical disposition, an ethical-political inalienable character, commitment
against all forms of authority and hierarchy imposed by force our people as a struggle It
makes their targets for full equality and freedom of the working class; building from
below an alternative with and for our people. Thus, we see that objective enemy of the
state as a social relation of power, and its liberal democratic forms dimensioned as
structures that maintain the capitalist order. Thus, our struggle raises subvert all
historical, authoritarian, disciplinary and coercive forms that reality assumes, as the
State in its bureaucratic ways, prison, parliamentary comprises a whole that make the
capitalist domination, which aims to make unfeasible freedom of our class. Therefore we
must understand that to move all forms of economic and political power that oppresses,
dominates and exploits our class, it is essential to subvert this order by new
organizational forms arising from this historic confrontation. Before a State and
bourgeois democracy, minorities and privileges, oppose a democracy that is direct, workers
and the people, from below and all.
As revolutionaries we declare feminist and anti-patriarchal, we assume the struggle for
the emancipation of our bodies, for the release of those impositions that heterosexual and
patriarchal system seeks to regulate our sexuality and affections. Our liberation struggle
also includes all those who by their different sexual orientations, gender identity and
their relationships are in a situation of subordination or postponement of the prevailing
moral-political structures. Patriarchy is a form of power that we fight and historically
intertwined with the State and the Capital to ensure their reproduction and hegemony. The
struggle for the freedom of our bodies and our emotions is part of the class struggle,
because he understands that fully emancipated from the outside structures, subject to the
power of the ruling class, is part of the struggle to build a new society with new free
indeed sexual and affective practices.
However, we consider as a libertarian organization, understanding what libertarian as a
set of political practices, further comprising a form of organization and integration into
the social reality that makes concrete and expands our position and our anarchist
revolutionary heritage. These practices are guided by the principles of self-management,
horizontality of political action, mutual support, class solidarity, anti-authoritarian,
direct democracy and the federalist principle, which constitute the consistency between
our means and ends. Thus, from now on, we intend to realize in this time our
uncompromising and unwavering goal of defeating the State and the Capital, building a
society based on the popular self-government and self-management of social wealth, the
Libertarian Communism.
The path we have set for this is the strategic construction of Popular Power, understood
as the process of self-organization of our class, a process of radical democratization of
our political, social, of our bodies and territories spaces, such as a power
counter-hegemonic commitment to confront and overcome the state and the bourgeoisie. It is
the expression of Popular Power which exceed all kinds of traditional party structures,
union bureaucracies and forms of external control of the workers; making, in fact, the
revolutionary overthrow of capitalist society, socialization and self-management of our
resources and the popular self-government. The state, in this bet is a control agent that
continue to attack, criminalizing, suppressing and murdering colleagues in our class; We
are emphatic in stating that the state is not neutral, nor can reconcile interests, by
contrast, is an agent that has a defined role in the class struggle, and operates
accordingly to serve the power bloc, namely the bourgeoisie. We believe the only
alternative to continue betting on strengthening our areas of struggle, class solidarity,
working to overcome all forms of sectarianism and divisions among revolutionaries that
only benefit those who govern us and oppress, relying solely on forces mobilized people
with the working class and their organizations forward.
We are an organization that is inserted in the student field, relying on stress and
challenge the currently subservient to the interests of the market and the economic
powers, for that our objective at this level prevailing educational model is the
replacement of this educational order system education managed by their own communities,
democratic in every sense, placing the knowledge we acquire the service of our people and
their needs. Therefore, we also inserted in the student movement with a clear objective to
contest from him channeling his strength in the task to rebuild the working class and the
popular camp, directing their protest horizons with a perspective that makes this movement
a contribution to the struggles of our class to defeat in all fields to the bourgeois
order. Committed to community control and self-management as educational horizons Student
dispute, an argument we make of the public space that is constructed independently of the
state and the interests of capital, building a space of critical and popular subjects a
space endurance to build and deepen our revolutionary commitment to transform society and
organize it differently.
Libertarian Gesta is available to the people and their struggles, the Herculean task to
overthrow a system that far surpasses us in many ways. For this purpose we converge
different partners and we organize, we intend to be a contribution to the rebuilding of
the popular fabric. Humbly we affirm that no revolutionary power, and no self-proclaimed
vanguard by decree may believe that their political practice is the only viable way to
make socialism possible. Libertarians, emerged as a concrete experience, locked ourselves
in our view an inalienable ethical and political commitment, principles and values that
make sense in our aspiration to organize society and under federal direct democracy. But
libertarians and revolutionaries and we must be critical with abstract ideologisms.
Putting their own flags on the real needs of all the masses and socialist struggle is a
mistake that can throw us to isolate ourselves and let go of the concrete social reality
that radically transform bet. The tasks we intend to involve a confluence with the
revolutionary sectors that have chosen to enter the political struggle from the strategic
perspective of People's Power, using as a way to strengthen the direct action of the
masses, and thus contribute to building and strengthening class organizations of working
people.
In this way open to us, given the challenges we face, we invite all the libertarian and
revolutionary militants to join this process of building from the bottom, the lifting of a
long-range program horizon for the struggle that touches you face the Popular Movement, in
the framework of a new revolutionary political alternative in the student level. Strategic
and Programmatic Bases Libertarian La Gesta is a space for political and social
construction that focuses on consolidation as a tool from the student up to the various
struggles of our people , stress the educational horizon fight programmatically committed
to articulate the various sectors of our class, revealing the contradictions in a
segregated and unfair educational model, which is but a reflection of the capitalist
economic system and their desire to keep large oppressed majority of our society. Our
commitment program articulates the strategic objective is to form a revolutionary social
force capable of disputing the prevailing model and the power bloc, contributing to the
re-articulation of the organic tissue of our people, strengthening it in the perspective
of building popular power.
Our final, uncompromising and unwavering goal is the construction of communism. We
identified that society is divided into classes, and there are two driving forces who
shape it: the bourgeoisie and the proletariat; this situation is resulting in the
contradiction between capital and labor. This reality is generated from the social
division of labor that allows for survival between those who own the means of production
(operators), and who are in need, and therefore obliged to sell their labor to make them
function which its first gain (exploited) appropriated. We recognize the historical duty
of the working class as the main force, carry out and fulfill their historic project
positively surpassing the previous denial-its material-objective conditions: Communism.
This historic project will not be unleashed if not through the radicalization of the
conditions that give rise to the class struggle, this means conducting a revolutionary
struggle to overcome the contradictions that give space to exploitation. The analysis of
the objective conditions of development of capitalism and its apparatus of oppression and
maintaining the status quo, allow us to provide revolutionary changes driven by the class
will be repelled violently, as dictated by a number of milestones, in which the
bourgeoisie coordinated bloody operations of repression, even on a continental scale.
Under our theoretical principles, the experience of our class struggle and the analysis of
the objective conditions is that we believe that the struggle of our people be armed, or
not be. This struggle to be revolutionary, continental and global levels, is a struggle
for power, which does not deny, but instead assume as part of our revolutionary struggle.
Our struggle is against the bourgeoisie and all ideological and structural of this
served to stay in power means. Our position is our class and our people. Still, we note
that the bourgeoisie to develop its hegemony and domination over the exploited class,
uses, and uses a number of mechanisms that allow its hegemony, these are: The State, the
Media, Culture (Education), Devices repressive, among several others. It is for this very
reason that the hegemony of the bourgeoisie not only done by exploiting, although this is
its necessary condition, it also oppresses and dominates. Oppression is understood as the
cultural constraint that is performed by the lack of recognition, which is what allows for
example the existence of a highly patriarchal society. Domination and oppression that that
manifested by the authority, which in the current social system has many practical,
everyday expressions. Therefore fundamentally we understand the struggle against the
system of capitalist production, which reproduces the relations of exploitation; but also
against the various dimensions in which are crystallized power relations, which in turn
depend not only cultural character of rapid transformation product of revolutionary
action, if not that of the construction of a cultural ideology and practice of life different.
The revolutionary struggle to transform radically the class society assume from a
libertarian perspective. We recognize our array of anarchist ideological thought, but that
does not deny the contributions in the categories of Marxist analysis, as well as their
contribution to the processes of struggle of our Latin American history, which let go the
political lessons that put our political action in historical perspective and socialist.
The realization of communism, must be libertarian, why Communism which we speak is not of
any kind: when we talk about this we mean libertarian communism, because we place as a
requirement to end exploitation and reach new historical phase humanity, the abolition of
the state. This is because the state, as an apparatus of domination, is crucial in the
situation of exploitation and in maintaining social equilibrium necessary for the
operation of the system of capitalist production.
Necessitates our anti-capitalist and anti-state struggle the unity of revolutionaries and
all the exploited and oppressed to win victory of our people. Thus we assume an
anti-capitalist perspective and class character, as only the working class is the one who
can carry forward the revolutionary process. For this we consider essential unity among
revolutionaries in the various spaces of struggle in which we find ourselves; with
solidarity and humility it is to be carried out this unit. However, the unit assumed
perspective, for it must go hand in hand to create spaces that endow a confluence wider
both our forms of organization, as the horizons of our struggles. In the same way the
unity among revolutionaries forging unity among workers with the rest of the subordinate
layers also condemned to misery because of capitalist exploitation, is necessary.
Therefore, it is a pending task, identify potential partnerships, always from a class and
anti-capitalist perspective. It is the coincidence of a program of social liberation that
allow us to move forward in the construction of a historical bloc against hegemonic able
to move forward in building and conquest of communism.
As an organization we assume part of the masses. The determination of the popular found in
three main actors: workers, residents and students. The workers are the ones who give
centrality to our revolutionary class project, and those with structurally therefore
directly the situation of exploitation; Villagers, by their situation of precariousness
has been placed as a dynamic player in this field to raise claims (mainly on the issue of
housing), and be part of the complex with which workers can project potential alliances,
as well are the families of these workers who are under the condition that it be for a
similar hand in various Latin American countries; Students, despite the diversity and
little continuity in their movements, manage to be a dynamic actor, bearers of a
consciousness and a role in the public space that manages stress (depending on your state
of mobilization) the national debate. The reading on these actors does not necessarily
matter for analysis of formation of social classes in Chile, except in the case of
workers, but rather of the sectors where we have dynamism and possibilities to project a
mass struggle.
We are a feminist organization and anti-patriarchal, we assume the struggle for the
emancipation of our bodies, for the release of those impositions with the heterosexual
patriarchal system seeks to regulate our sexuality and affections. Our liberation struggle
also includes all those who by their different sexual orientations, gender identity and
their relationships are in a situation of subordination or postponement of the prevailing
moral-political structures. Patriarchy is a form of power that we fight, since it is
historically intertwined with the State and the Capital to ensure their reproduction and
hegemony. In education, we take the fight to banish these logical, now play in the
formation of knowledge. We bet programmatically build a non-sexist education system,
eradicating our classrooms reproduction patriarchal practices of our educational system
and materially ensuring equal access and opportunities regardless of gender to all students.
Our task is the restructuring of the popular field such as historical actor to
articulate capable of assuming the political project of socialist liberation of our
people. From the state of the Dictatorship Popular Campo Chileno is broken and
disorganized, where the central actor -trabajadores- class struggle has been with the
deepest wounds from that period, because its strongest organizations were disarmed and
different WHATSOEVER union leaders persecuted and tortured; which is replicated in the
other players at the people, and indeed in the whole of the left (PC, PS, MIR, MAPU, IC),
where popular organizations (eg Industrial Cords, Commandos Communal, unions, boards were
sabotaged neighbors, etc.) and institutional obstacles were put to re-train them (eg
highly formalized to form a union). The historical organizations such as the CUT are
strongly questioned for his role driving, so also notice a division between the 'most
advanced' sectors within the same workers. This has not obstado, which in recent years
unionization rates and mobilization (through collective bargaining and strike) have been
rising, which incidentally is still tiny. In the same vein, we note that the workforce in
Chile in modern times (after the massive entry of women in the 80's as labor) has been
increased, which is explained by high rates of immigration (mainly Peruvian, Bolivian,
Colombian and Ecuadorian) and still rising increase youth employment, which has allowed to
give stability and growth to the needs of the Model.
To achieve our objectives, our strategic centrality to reach them is the construction of
Popular Power, understood as the process of self-organization of our class, a process of
radical democratization of our political, social, of our bodies and spaces territories, as
a counter-hegemonic power that is committed to face and overcome the state and the
bourgeoisie, constitutes the material basis for the communist organization of society ie
restructuring society based on the popular self-government and self-management of social
wealth. To do this, is that in the current period of the class struggle mainly assume the
task of rebuilding the organ tissue of our people, the re-articulation of the popular
movement in order to be a revolutionary social force capable of political dispute to
Current prevailing hegemonic model.
In this way, to stimulate the re-articulation of the popular understand necessary to
strengthen and unite the protest and programmatic struggles. In the current state of the
class struggle, in which the conflict emanated from the contradictions of capitalism are
expressed in the democratic sphere and not in the sphere of production, we assume the task
from social movements (emanating from these contradictions as spontaneous and emerging
spaces rearticulation of our people expressions, often with poly-classist inside) elements
of open processes of political mass struggle from the struggles in order to keep adding
new layers of our people to the process of organization and fighting in order to start
generating from the political struggle, higher levels of consciousness and organization of
our people, relying on pull together the different economic struggles in Programmatic
multisectoral platforms that allow us to disputing the class content of our struggles,
creating poles Driving from the social and political as well go making way for the
articulation of a social force capable of dispute by the power bloc, raising a political
and revolutionary alternative to the neoliberal capitalist model.
Our integration and deployment as libertarians, the student conducted from field, stress
and thereby intend to contest the current educational model, which is to serve the needs
of capitalism. We seek to reverse the above from cultural practices, building for our
organization and our struggles community control, giving democratic spaces that allow us
to open a dispute for knowledge is delivered to us, and the hegemonic dispute over control
in education. Therefore our struggle is not confined to formal educational arena itself,
but assumes as an everyday part of our joint organization and stimulation of popular
education as des-institutionalized political practice that constitutes a contribution to
the organization of our class in spaces outside educational institutions, providing our
people libertarian tools.
We committed to raising and building a public education and popular education project.
Horizon of the struggles that currently gives the student movement, we include this
process of struggle in a strategic objective which is to build public and popular
education project. This project aims to be the program horizon that allows stress the
student movement and the economic model from a class perspective that allows adding energy
to the mobilizing efforts rearticulation of our people. The educational project is assumed
as a counter-hegemonic project against neoliberal educational model that seeks to contest
the public space as a non-state space of development of social organizations, where their
autonomy is reinforced to form their own political project regardless of the power bloc
and ideological apparatuses. In this perspective we assume community control as a
strategic and democratic dimension of empowering learning communities of their own
production of knowledge putting it at the service of the people and their needs. But we
assume that for this educational project is to develop essential material basis that in a
first phase of the construction processes are essential for the development of the same,
therefore the nationalization of all educational institutions assume necessary and
correlative direct funding from the state, guaranteeing budgetary autonomy of such
resources to ensure all people a free and democratic education at all levels.
To conquer this educational program horizon in this struggle to ensure the material
conditions for its realization time is necessary, therefore orient our political practice
in Education student protest to dispute framework, guiding programmatically in our
strategic goal of building a education to serve the people, which becomes a liberating
tool of the same. For this bet on a free, national, public and democratic system, and
guaranteed free access for everyone, with a system of state funding to keep the campuses.
https://gestalibertaria.wordpress.com/2015/05/31/92/
