(en) Libertarian Initiative of Thessaloniki - Text account
for the hunger strike of political prisoners (2/3 - 18/4 / 2015) (gr)
[machine translation]
The launch hunger strike ---- The hunger strike of political prisoners began on 2/3 with
the participation of the Western. Koufodinas, K. Gournas, N. Maziotis and members of the
Network Fighters Prisoners (ETF), with gradual entry and other members of the latter
coming days. The hunger strikers demanded the removal of two provisions of the Anti-Terror
Law (187 and 187A) of koukoulonomou, prisons type C prosecutor's provision requiring the
forcible taking DNA, analysis of samples which contained mixture of genetic material of
more than two persons, demanding the access and analysis of the genetic sample from an
expert biologist of the accused confidence. Finally, they demanded the immediate release
of Savvas Dry for health reasons.
Simultaneously, they started a hunger strike and imprisoned members of the Conspiracy of
Cells of Fire, for the immediate release of their relatives, while expressing their
support to the demands raised by the other strikers.
This strike was unprecedented for the Greek event, as participants in this organized with
demands purely political nature, which concerned all the militant movement. Obviously,
such a pivotal, upgraded and simultaneously difficult and complex struggle will require
the appropriate preparation and fermentation, both inside and outside prison walls.
Cyclical and other reasons, described in detail in the text of the ISC report, this so
necessary and vital for the race preparation was not ultimately possible. The result was
one anyway difficult and peculiar struggle to find from the start in front of difficulties
and obstacles that would otherwise be treated more easily - or even be significantly
alleviated. In very little time and escalating pressure, and solidarity with strikers
asked to cover deficits arising from the absence of each other fermentation in formulating
tactics, as well as inadequate -in many cases- processing aspects of the issue within the
solidarity groups. Komvikotero all other deficits were, in our opinion, the intervention
deficit and propaganda demands in social areas (clubs, student clubs, neighborhoods,
fronts and initiatives etc.). Since the latter was not attempted before the start of the
hunger strike, amid this was almost impossible, as under these circumstances the necessary
methodical and appropriate handling required for such intervention, become luxuries. We
assume that something similar happened in the community of prisoners, as the lack of the
necessary preliminary work will certainly limited the possibilities for intervention by
the strikers therein. An alternative procedure that could have been given a public
deadline after which they would begin strike action, would result in the very beginning of
the strike to be an escalation already propagated. Thus, the movement would already
propagate the issue, the strike would find a more well-worked soil, and the time spent in
bewilderment and incomprehension on the part of the government would add days to back the
strikers.
The most negative consequence of the extraordinary start, which came on top of the other,
was that critical days for the strikers and the Solidarity movement fell into the Easter
holiday. Which resulted -especially for cities with many students-apomazikopoiisi and
detuning, combined with an already hostile social environment.
The social condition, the claims and the subject of the fight
Brief history
In previous years accompanied by memoranda and suffocating economic measures, with the
advent of capitalist restructuring that followed the outburst of the crisis, sweeping in
its wake achievements of previous years, further devaluing the working class and
proletariopoiontas pieces of small classes. Simultaneously, in order to ensure this, the
repression of struggles and resistances intensified exponentially, followed by reduction
of urban democratic rights.
As a consequence, there was a widespread social discontent and scorn of the political
system. The movement of the indignados (or movement of the squares) was indicative of the
era, both slogans, demands and diataxiki which is the result of "enlisting in the national
cause" - composition and for obsolescence of. Decisive also has been the way that this
movement was defeated, meeting towards the wild repression and at the same time the
absolute indifference and analgesia in terms of the ruling. All previously resulted,
within a very short period of time, the loss of any direct democracy and self-organized
feature of the movement, and the complete deposition of any aspirations and hopes of a
change in the government.
This moment was decisive for the emergence of SYRIZA, the AN.EL and Golden Dawn, that the
(so called) anti-memorandum forces, the central political scene. In the coming months, the
role of SYRIZA would be exclusively that of the Ombudsman, the institutional mouthpiece
and manipulator movements, tazontas burst and in all directions hares with stole. The
basic pre-election rhetoric -in enormously common to (end) right piece of anti-memorandum
blocks (being founded on the basis of a layout and apolitical populism), leading to huge
portion of society as exclusive interpretation of pragmatikotitas- organized entirely
around termination of memoranda and the Troika as well as political traitors who sold out
the country. Result of these were incorporated in the electoral base of SYRIZA -as he was
most likely to kyvernisei- large portion (edge) right patriots, which he felt betrayed by
former "representatives" of.
Among voters / supporters, one finds every walnut nut. And finds, of course, the vast
majority of what we would call "progressive / democratic" part of society. She also finds
people involved and / or involved, more or less, the kinematic processes. Either because
they were convinced about the political will and ability of SYRIZA, either because they
hoped that a leftist government, would acquire a better position in the political scene o
or because, if anything, hoped for a significant easing of the repression of movements and
possibility occupancy new living space from them. Which means that the tank voters SYRIZA
came from people of different currents of the left as well and this is the tragikotero-
and the broader antiauthoritarian space.
In short, either as voters or as simple -More or less enthermous- supporters, SYRIZA
attracted a large and diverse range of people, each several times to completely different
reason.
The new treaty
The start of the hunger strike finds the Greek society into a new and very special
condition. One and a half month ago, he has won the elections a party presented as
antimnimoniako and kinematic. The SYRIZA / AN.EL, especially at that time, they form a
government with -what legetai- fresh "popular" command, by a wide and heterogeneous
spectrum of society. In these circumstances, therefore, the narrative of national unity to
be extremely ischyropoiimeno as huge portion of society (even a part thereof that is not
voted them) hoped and expected much needed break with the lenders and the breath that
would bring it, the beginning of the hunger strike of political prisoners with political
demands, was "logical" to address negative (with variety, the truth is, the intensity)
virtually from across this spectrum. The need for opposition of the Left as a whole had
now disappeared, and had a fully attached to the chariot of SYRIZA, hoping a few crumbs of
power would fall from the government table. The part of society that, until recently, was
fed up with economic suffocation and authoritarian repression, and either mobilized
itself-and indeed, on the pretext that in other circumstances would not be anything
eparkeis- or simply legitimize reactions (up collisions! ) other, longer expect -theatis
in television- changes that would bring the new government.
For the more rightwing (either supporters or opponents of SYRIZA), this race consisted of
inadmissible claims of "terrorists" in order to alafrynoun their position and gain
expansion capabilities of their action on more favorable terms. For progressives /
democrats were from excessive and unreasonable requirements, to strange and unfamiliar as
it does not affect issues of broad interest, but issues relating to a very small and
specific portion of society. The compulsive and "extortionate" no, character took the
claim because of the hunger strike (and this is de facto in every hunger strike) seemed
excessive and unfair. For those who are closer to the movements, which in other
circumstances probably would welcome a similar claim in this case adopted the dominant
rhetoric like "he will do, is already committed, it takes a little time, we must first be
disengaged by Memoranda to get a row and the other. "
Thus, the government's tactics seemed expected. The motive of the opposition noticeably
absent, leading SYRIZA, unlike previous cases where open questions to the central
political scene to observe this time silent (even if the demands were election
commitments). Seeing the margin left by the absence of social pressure and kinematics, and
a few days per end of the hunger strike of individual fighters, who actually invoked
political reasons, the government gnaw the time and made a kolotoumpa behind the other.
The opposition when it was, came from the right or extreme right base, and spoke about
negotiations or favors to terrorists, resulting in the most moderate terms that sounded in
the media and in the central political scene is that of the government itself. It emerged,
namely, a significant shift of the dominant narrative to the right.
Particularly decisive factor was the fact that the demands were purely political.
Condition, ie, for their defense, was -in greater or lesser extent political rallying as
coming into direct conflict with the existing bourgeois legality, and did not concern
something broader democratic and accessible (as in the case of Sakka or Romanos that It
has been a violation of the "democratic" rights). The political fermentation process for
this requires laborious, methodical and constant work together with sporting events, and
to make it on favorable terms for the same, it can only have arisen as a necessity of a
mass -in some extent at least, the movement ( such as the struggle against gold mining in
Chalkidiki).
Especially when it comes to add more to the absence of pre-treatment -both from the
movement to the rest of society and within the movement itself (since the last years
presents a deep recession) - is quite complicated treaty placing these issues on a piece
of political spectrum (defined, necessarily, of the acts for which accused or convicted),
which is probably the most isolated socially and is considered by many, even within the
movement, controversial to politically "problematic."
There is a great distance to argue personal demands a prisoner, which resemble fairly and
democratically, even if they disagree with his choices, until the support purely political
demands from organized political prisoners, as the risk of identification with the views
or choices, like their money, looks in several very likely.
That struggle, precisely because of its complexity, brought break and inside the same
anarchist / antiauthoritarian space. In many / as if comrades / compas, there was intense
reflection to occur at the wrong time, with too inside and maximalist demands, for which
there had been adequate job. Moreover, in this case, political demands were causing
hesitation and embarrassment in a portion of space, which wanted at all costs to avoid the
possible identification of, social consciousness, the general political choices of the
strikers. This last parameter we think decisively contributed to many discouraged / s
companions / compas from participating in the solidarity movement.
The fact of the same instrument hunger strike worked, at some level, pressing and
restrictive solidarity movement because of the escalating pressure, in essence required to
increase the volume, which in social isolation and delegitimization caused even greater
introversion and entrenchment .
In short, in an extremely unfavorable condition (social legitimacy of the government and
national unity), tethikanexeidikefmena ikanopoiisima and difficult demands of the most
controversial and socially remote part of the political spectrum, the average hunger
strike to force an escalation action.
The solidarity movement and our participation in it
Although we shared to a greater or lesser extent, some of the above concerns, it was not a
sufficient reason for us to not aid that forces our solidarity movement. As many comrades
all over Greece, we evaluated the first time the race as highly crucial. This is because,
due to the particular characteristics of the (massive hunger strike of political
prisoners, left government, political demands) would be a very defining moment, where any
development going to mark features the evolution of the social movement in general, and
specifically anarchist. In addition, the demands posed the struggle demands were all
competitive movement for several years, and this strike was the only fight that could
lead, albeit in part, was to their satisfaction, under the premise that SYRIZA -who every
day removed more and more for leftist election of korones- will not put them in any way
without the pressure of the strikers and the Solidarity movement.
In making an account of our experience of the hunger strike of Law. Romanos and our
participation in open assemblies in the occupation of the Labour Centre of Thessaloniki /
victory, chose to jointly create a coordination anarchist collectives in solidarity with
the hunger strikers, in cooperation with groups, which see an enhanced avidity political
(anarchist collective "Upper Throsko" collectivity on Social Anarchism "Black & Red"
anarchist group Thessaloniki "Pyranthos"). This coordination emerged on the basis of
considerations, which concerned the form of open meetings which are usually recommended in
such cases. With the experience of these procedures, the advantages and disadvantages that
accompany them, have chosen to create a firmer political and organizational shape, which
maintain a constant composition. From the outset, we felt the project in no way competing,
but complementary to other forms of organization working in the same match, with which we
worked many times.
Making an ex post review for this option, we would say that, despite the weaknesses of
coordination, we estimate that if this shape was not constituted, the participation and
contribution of our team in the solidarity movement would be much more awkward and anemic.
The race as a whole
this match was the first clear confrontation of the movement (generally) with the new
government and steeled national unity after the elections. A confrontation was not only
empty, but proceeded on by genuine and given political bases. Accelerated historical time,
forcing SYRIZA to leave a hour later the kinematic of the mask, treater (as is reasonable
and expected for each government) all the multitude of instruments at its disposal to
suppress the movement. Maybe this fight took place with problematic conditions, but
managed to reopen in society with self-organized and militant way, issues that are fixed
demands of the movement, which has long been sidelined. First, it turned out that there
was a political and organizational upgrading of struggles within the prison (with all the
positive decent example of the Code) and, second, was an attempt to mitigate the legal
armory of the state, which was a success in an appreciable extent (in more detail, refer
to the ISC report text), which positively influences both themselves prisoners and the
wider movement.
Finally, this struggle did the obvious o set, ie, as a priority overall political
struggle-with everything existent difficulties and contradictions of at overcoming
political differences and disagreements, refusing to consume a petty battle or readings of
racing terms gang. And it showed that, in all conditions and with any problem, the
movement does not abandon the hunger strikers, who risk their lives for a few breaths of
freedom, collide themselves with the state and national unity.
Sirloin in adverse conditions, strikers and solidarity / s reminded to friends and enemies
that" as it then has the state, equally have continuity and struggles against him.
June 2015
Libertarian Initiative of Thessaloniki
lib_thess@hotmail.com
w*w.libertasalonica.wordpress.com
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