(en) Chile, Solidaridad #26 - Content + Editorial
(ca)[machine translation]
Contents: ---- Editorial ---- -ESPEJISMO POLITICAL AND SOCIAL RIGHTS ---- Workers ----
PORT-THE REALITY OF INDUSTRY AND THE PRESENT AND WORKERS (Part 2) ---- -SE Merge UNIONS OF
CONDUCTIVE AND DRIVERS METRO ---- Territorial ---- -CTL DEVELOPS ITS FIRST "SCHOOL OF
DISCUSSION AND REGIONAL TRAINING FOR ACTIVISTS" ---- -NONGUÉN - DESIGN ELEMENTS FOR THE
CONSTRUCTION OF PLATFORMS TERRITORIAL ---- View ---- -UN CALL TO OUR TREND: ENCOURAGE THE
THOUGHT AND ACTION ---- Special Kurdish People ---- -THE Kurdish liberation movement: HOLY
WAR TO DEMOCRATIC confederalism (by our columnist José Antonio Gutiérrez) ---- -THE
REVOLUTION IS FEMALE (Item PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan in prison since 1999) ----
-DECLARATION LIBERTARIAN INTERNATIONAL SOLIDARITY WITH THE KURDISH RESISTANCE ----
Feminism ---- NATIONAL CONGRESS FOR BALANCE non-sexist education
Student Movement
'Where FOCUS OUR EFFORTS? (Written by Melissa Sepulveda)
Popular Culture
"AMERICA FROM BELOW LEATINA": A book fair raised freehand and many other things ...
Editorial - Mirage political and social rights
As we argued in previous editorials, assembly dispersed and fragmented popular movement
still, after a long political period without major social gravitation, or political
attitude, it ceased to be a statistic, and turned slowly in a social subject in question
deeply bases and political projects supported by the dominant sectors. He began to settle
the idea of a popular subject with social rights against the brutality of a society
governed society, without much counterweight on the market. So that the "Chilean miracle"
of the great figures of political transvestism, that of the big agreements that prisoner
Chile in pro agendas growth that Chile that lives between two rights, which submerged
large majorities in the hope of one being the result of competition and the market is
beginning to run out.
The growing protests between 2006 and 2012 managed to install on the public agenda
postponed demands of social movements, thus legitimizing social protest to advance social
and political conquests. This boosted mainly by the student movement, stressed scenario,
then, the government of Sebastián Piñera politically marginalized and ended right as a
fraction in the ruling bloc. The results of the elections of 2013 with the return of a
revamped coalition government, for us, have no other purpose than to rebuild and shielding
political stability and governance box. Hence it is that we understand the importance of
the New Majority concretize the reforms.
Beyond the narrow range that gives the current economic situation, the New Majority will
make all political efforts even further by cutting already inadequate reforms to achieve
the promised changes. In fact it is doing, because, to our knowledge, if it does can not
be raised as an alternative to -different change the Concertación, nor generate the
climate of stability you need and that is required. And perhaps the major political
problem for them, especially for economic groups politically aware of this fragile
situation, is not able to express, cohesion, and build the necessary political consensus
to ensure hegemony and security in the country.
Now for the masses, the political situation installed by the ruling bloc generated, at
least in its contradictory to address most dynamic sector (student), a complex climate. On
the one hand, holding a picture of permanent mobilization is really a political
achievement, while still popular assembly movement is not able to create the social parts
you manage to maintain an open protest political cycle. And if we add the difficult task
of putting into the public arena large and strategic historically neglected social
demands, the current situation is strained further into the interior of popular asset that
must be overcome to achieve and manage this difficult context. On the other hand,
structurally social picture remains a place of conflict and disputes.
In this sense, as libertarians and libertarian face as a major political challenge for the
stage fight for key sectors of the country fail to comply with this policy agenda drawn,
it would mean a prolonged shutdown cycle mobilization and thereby recoil the popular
movement. However, to achieve this policy objective, it is necessary to establish itself
as force, and for this, the revival of the working class becomes a key to this complex
process of accumulation of strength milestone. Without the presence of this sector
boundaries to build a project mass and a popular alternative that achieves effective block
of neoliberal political destabilization, a difficult task becomes narrow.
What should be the guidelines to prevail politically popular in the field? It is an issue
that demands and requires the construction of platforms and programs, dialogues and deep
discussions within the revolutionary militancy, and ideally in ever larger swaths of
people. In this sense, we wonder how we are thinking about social change in Chile? Which
means breaking with institutional locks? Do we perhaps as institutional breakdown
participation of the popular movement in the Chilean political system? How to articulate
democratic demands in a perspective of rupture and lawlessness? How to combine forms of
struggle aimed at the conquest of social rights effectively allowing the opening of a
growing mobilization box? How hypothetically understand a period of political instability
and simultaneously hold a separate line that accumulates in politics?
There is a wide strip of the left has rushed to build political positions, although they
are legitimate and respectable, to our knowledge is insufficient and contradictory. By
characterizing, for example, the Chilean and closed political system, yet flexible, or
reliance on the "elastic" liberal democracy mechanism time. Thus, the institutional path
would be consistent with the gradual conquest of the social demands of the people. What
the popular struggle has not been able to get for having "peaked", it would be possible
stress and conquer through voting. Instead, it seems that the whole political structure,
gives the width if it is to promote deep transformations aimed towards a socialist and
libertarian horizon. Otherwise, if it is to consolidate a post neoliberal advanced
democracy, are clearly understandable hasty positions, shortcuts and the "politics of the
possible" in an important sector of the extra-parliamentary left.
The historical myth that democratic legality flexibility and allowed the Chilean national
and social changes without cracking, no revolutions, is one of the political horizons
that, in our view, the whole left should fraternal debate. Yes, from a place situated and
real. Hence the importance of the revolutionary left to surface and stop being a marginal
actor, becoming active part of the popular game. Otherwise, the measured left Chile, the
Chilean end, this current Chile that has the same distribution of income in 1919, will
sadly alike.
For Socialism and Freedom!
Arriba las and Struggling
For inquiries: contacto@periodico-solidaridad.cl distribucion@periodico-solidaridad.cl
http://www.periodico-solidaridad.cl/2014/11/10/pronto-circulara-una-nueva-edicion-de-solidaridad/
