(en) anarkismo.net, Spain, Popular movement and electoral expectations by Proces Embat (ca)

The role of the libertarian movement to the electoral situation and institutional recovery 
of social movements and popular ---- We live a few months of apparent social 
demobilization on the street. While in some localities is an easily observable situation, 
in others it is not so much because the activity of the movements follow the usual course 
of constant mobilizations. However, it is true that we are in a different, new juncture in 
our post-15M time, due to changes loom on the political landscape for possible plebiscite 
elections in Catalonia and the rise of new parties that have real options to get power at 
both the central government and the municipality. ---- Given this change in policy, 
unthinkable situation some years ago, it is logical that doubts arise in the strategic 
analysis of the libertarian camp. Because this reflux, does occurs because that movements 
are betting on an electoral avenue for social change? Have we reached a limit of social 
mobilization and therefore opt for another route?

First it is necessary to point out that all social movements have periods of birth, growth 
and reflux. It is perfectly normal and falls within what can be expected of any movement. 
We should not be frightened by it, on the contrary, we envision another way of 
demonstrations in the street to re-activate a cycle of protests.

Secondly we have to realize that people are looking for a global imagination. That is, 
they want to see a real social change that will snatch the power to the class enemy (which 
has all the mechanisms of power, including the government). So at some point the 
institutions appear as the easy target of progress in the social forces. If you have not 
accomplished much through the public outcry, the conquest of power through elections is 
usually an acceptable option.

Therefore if the revolutionary options have been absent from the general debate and have 
failed to articulate a global revolutionary alternative that draws on the popular 
movement, it comes as a transfer of power to electioneering. Globally there must be, 
therefore, an alternative power and revolutionary management thereof, ie, a revolutionary 
theory.

However besides the theory is necessary to provide long-term strategy to work in this way. 
Therefore it is an imaginary construct in which the popular movement has to shift power to 
the class that currently obstenta. Naturally must have the means to do it feasible way 
they can attract growing segments of the population.

In our present context, however, one can not ignore the electoral phenomenon. It is 
perceived as a social conquest while political power is available to the winning party at 
the polls. He was not going to stop using this route for much propaganda that is made in 
abstention sense. In this line, realistically, it should be noted that, as the movements 
have strength and influence, chances are attempting to dispute the enemy institutions 
through elections. They will if only by removing the middle of some local chiefs. For this 
reason the popular movement will have to give a dual response to the electoral done:

The popular movement must have mechanisms to exert influence on institutions without being 
recovered by them. To do a revolutionary organization alegal (role that should correspond 
to the libertarian movement) to keep the tension and the center of gravity outside 
institutions is necessary. Popular movements have to be strong and well coordinated with 
each other to maintain autonomy and impose their claims to political power.

Building an alternative to institutions, either transforming the current on new popular 
institutions, either generating counter-institutions to establish a dual power, or even 
both at once.

Finally, we note that most of the revolutionary processes of history have passed through a 
stage of attempted access to institutions through elections, through legal channels, which 
are as follow instinctively many times before initiate processes of self-organization and 
creating alternatives. In some cases they have been able to gain access to government 
posts. This has often led to that swiftly reaches the limits of intervention that allows 
the capitalist system, running into the walls of the "deep state" (patronage networks and 
class interests that put state structures at the service of the bourgeoisie, regardless of 
Who are the managers of institutions), and ultimately repression.

Access to institutional power may trigger the contradictions of capitalism on the one hand 
promises of democracy and freedom and the other denies and boycotts as hard as they are 
more clearly developed. In short, a party presented as representative of the popular 
movement reaches the government through the ballot box does not mean it can then exercise 
real power, and that power is tightly held by the bourgeoisie, which is able to exercise 
it by other means outside governments.

The role of the libertarian movement, rather than warn popular movements Deception 
electoral means, is to act as:

a) organizing the social movement in autonomous popular power structures and their own 
agenda regardless of the political parties so that it is able to impose its political 
institutions, especially taking advantage of the friendly people who shares the same - 
that, make no mistake, always exists. The popular movement can design and test where can a 
more democratic and socialist institutional models - a sort of dual power - that may 
prefigure the society we want to build.

b) tensioning element of the contradictions between the proposed transformation 
intentioned reform institutional and economic structures reais (the powers). If not then 
it will be well-intentioned reform and not simply transform virtually nothing, merely 
cosmetic changes. That is, there will be disappointed the hopes of society so the popular 
movement itself should turn against reform project again. Y,

c) to prepare for the time when these contradictions burst. Because chances are they 
erupt. For this you have about popular counter-institutions reliable and proven (to avoid 
improvisation at the most critical moment), a broad political alliance capable of managing 
a country and an organizational and mobilizing capacity to neutralize violent offensive by 
the system involucionistas .

https://procesembat.wordpress.com/2015/01/12/movimiento-popular-y-expectativas-electorales/

http://www.anarkismo.net/article/27836