Anarkismo.net: Colombia, Our proposal: The groundwork and
social inclusion by Anarchist Student Group GeA (ca) [machine
translation]
For us, as Anarchist Student Group, has been a constant concern since birth building a
student movement that knows organized from below, autonomously and horizontally, to
transcend academic spaces and be an active part of the process of social transformation as
needed today. For our VI Biannual Meeting, held in January of this year (2015), we decided
to revisit this point that both have worked but it requires constant updating and study,
to understand how to move towards revolutionary horizons and not stay in the verbiage that
limits and paralyzes. Here we present the results of our discussions and as a tool to
understand the commitment that we as an organization and as part of an anarchist political
project.
For us, as Anarchist Student Group, has been a constant concern since birth building a
student movement that knows organized from below, autonomously and horizontally, to
transcend academic spaces and be an active part of the process of social transformation as
needed today. For our VI Biannual Meeting, held in January of this year (2015), we decided
to revisit this point that both have worked but it requires constant updating and study,
to understand how to move towards revolutionary horizons and not stay in the verbiage that
limits and paralyzes. Here we present the results of our discussions and as a tool to
understand the commitment that we as an organization and as part of an anarchist political
project.
The need for a thorough study of the subject is not only understand the theoretical and
historical foundations of social integration and basic work, but also setting the debate
in the specific context in which we are immersed: time and place those who wage war,
understanding not only the differences in macro (between continents or countries, for
example) but also in micro, ie the particularities of our immediate territories, such as
universities or colleges. Based on that, we present a series of strokes that allow to
approach the concepts that outlines our proposal.
Anarchism and social movement:
For us it is clear that anarchism was born as a political gamble transformation is a
direct daughter of the class struggle taking place in the nineteenth century and
consolidates the heat of the working mobilization since. It is at that stage where
theorists and activists as Proudhon, Bakunin, Kropotkin and countless other partners that
provide important elements when fleshing out our idea, among others, the libertarian
unionists United States who participated in the revolt appear Haymarket in 1886 or the
release of Baja California in 1911, as part of the Mexican Revolution. Bakunin highlight
the proposal on implementing a revolutionary program within the First International, drawn
from the International Alliance of Socialist Democracy and anticipates us the idea of ??
integration into broader social movements by the libertarian socialists, who keep
specificity as revolutionary in political organizations. Shortly after the proposal
Malatesta takes a step further and talks about the strategic importance of gamble to enter
the labor movement as anarchists [1] without delude him but not without departing from the
same or attempt to supplant it.
This rich theory accumulated over decades impact on what would be the most powerful
experiences you have had anarchism around the world: Russian and Ukrainian revolution
(1917-1921), the biennio Rosso in Italy (1919-1920), the Free State of Shinmin in
Manchuria (China) (1929-1931), the anarchist struggle in Bulgaria (1918-1948), the social
revolution in several areas of Spain (1936-1939) and advanced the Uruguayan anarchism end
of the 60s and 70. In early Colombia should be noted the strong presence of anarchists in
revolutionary syndicalism for much of the 20s, the most powerful force within various
labor organizations and calling for unity of the workers in cities such as Bogot?, Santa
Marta, Barranquilla and Neiva.
Today we have a bleak picture compared: this presence of anarchism in terms of class
action has been diminished, not only by an apparent defeat in several places, but for
bowel problems. Limited to a lifestyle or propaganda activism anarchism, as well as a
departure from the social struggles in many cases, has made the libertarian ideal stay
reduced to discursive, except in a few cases worldwide level. It is in this context where
several organizations and partners take a political stance that seeks to recover the
social vector we characterized both in the past. This self-criticism and purposeful
current, historically drunk fields like especifismo and the socialist and organized
anarchism (currents that spread from countries like Chile, Argentina, Uruguay and Brazil,
among the 70's and 90's of last century), develops a strategic approach that aims to
overcome the widespread reflux: Social inclusion.
The commitment to social inclusion:
As GeA assume social inclusion from birth: the concept we understand and develop as a
perspective of action within the broader social movements (in our case, student) to
develop and promote practical action and organization of anti-authoritarian character.
This insertion within movements is not a question of launching and see where we fall and
then improvise, you have a minimally defined plan that is purposeful and constructive for
the social movement, and thus, you can "catch" libertarian practices. It's worth noting
that when we talk of insertion we assume that militant is by default "out" of the social
world, but what is sought is not the person inserting singular but the coordinated and
collective strategy: not that we we insert from "outside" "inward" or "up" to "down", but
to be a bridge by which a line of anarchist action can begin to be implemented within the
social movement. So although we are born daughters of the working class, only a thorough
study of the proposals of anarchism and coordinated projection is collateral for the
working class to acquire libertarian practices.
Social inclusion for us, we recognize us as a political and social organization, involves
a dialogue from below, coordinated and not edgy. These libertarian practices of which we
speak are not imposed or set the wrong way, which is common to many times in the Colombian
student movement. In a way, we think that social inclusion drink of the proposed knowledge
dialogue, ie the exchange of knowledge and experiences horizontally and dialectic, it is
not only "anarchize" social movements but also, and equally important, that our current
can learn from them and feed back.
The way in which we participate in social movements is based on direct action, which is
participation without intermediaries of social subjects in their environment, it is a
denial of hierarchies, taxation and bureaucracy. This action, which for us walk together
with social inclusion can not be spontaneous, we raise it and develop it defined spaces
(college, university, school, etc) and should reach all levels: neighborhood, city The
field, the region ... the world. Direct action is the participation of those involved in
the decisions that affect them, defying representative democracy and the role of social
"leaders".
Furthermore, the relationship between social integration and class perspective is
essential for our project, so it is important to understand the militant as a subject who
is working towards the struggle of the oppressed and not a stranger to the problems of
working activist. Assumed in a class identity also alienates the social integration of the
liberal welfare-policy positions or taking power, for we know that we are below the
uniquely able to overcome the structural conditions that condemn us to misery, and among
ourselves, we can create a new world through self-management of territories and
communities, and not as an external "conquest" that we are offered, through a party-edge
or a State.
Militancy and social integration:
We understand social inclusion as a militant and collective need, and not as individual
activism that does not go beyond the individual satisfaction. Social inclusion has
specifically targeted the overturning of organizations and social movements toward
libertarian forms; is not a salute to the flag or incomplete action to wash our hands and
feel that "something we do": it is a way to lift us to our freedom, in the tangible sense
of the concept.
In that vein it is worth noting the distance between insertion and social work. Unlike
aimed largely left the country these two concepts are not synonymous but represent a
series of deep hues: social work is involved in social movements but without looking, in
an organized and systematically provide them with libertarian practices , drifting with
them and losing our definition. Social inclusion, for us, is an intention of
transformation, to bring anarchism to actual practice and not leave it in an abstract and
distant speech, to influence and not be swayed.
To illustrate this difference did not needless to say that insertion allows us to see
changes, however small, but substantial for social movements, which will be deeper and
effective as our projection is more defined. Social work can show quantitative strength,
but falls short when it comes to ask how libertarian has become the place where we are. Of
course, this does not deny that in a certain place that much more difficult for us to
create change in the short term by the unfavorable balance of forces, but it is vital to
understand these obstacles as opportunities to develop creative tactics that allow us to
explore different ways of inserting to different places and not just confine ourselves to
be coasting.
The groundwork:
From the GeA understand the basic work in two interdependent ways, ie, ranging not
isolated but are related one to the other: it is a political objective that we as an
organization, yet, praxis which translates into concrete against the student movement. The
latter is not a gratuitous comment, it is common to find in student organizations rhetoric
about strong, becoming the groundwork simple flag to hoist or cyclical advertising
strategy, such as for student elections. Our concern for developing basic work is
multitemporal and multispatial: must pretend for him everywhere and at any time, and that
is real and honest is the main concern of our self-critical evaluation of what have come
to today.
Contrary to the criticism that is usually made from different vertical positions, the
groundwork is not limited to localism, in fact, the challenge that we propose is to build
from the particular to the general, from bottom to top. The groundwork allows us to
problematize through dialogue, part of the immediate demands looking conquer, but also
allows us to place them in a structural context: for example, the groundwork of a faculty
is not simply seek to resolve issues that are taken into that space, but place them within
the education crisis in the capitalist system.
In addition, the groundwork we propose intends to qualify and politicize, looking to the
communities in which we start, from the practical and personal experiences, appropriate
knowledge of local and structural problems, qualify those experiences to that are
increasingly deep and can interface with other sectors in struggle, building effective
multisectoral and solidarity. We do not believe in the basis for the foundation,
therefore, this qualification is fundamental to our line of action parameter.
The groundwork and social integration in the university:
As a group we assume politically the need for social inclusion and work as a revolutionary
base bet, however, the realization is given in college for our case, it is the specific
territory where we are now. This does not mean that our proposal is be dazzled or enclose
the student movement within the gates that mark the boundaries of the university, but is
precisely that we think ourselves as part of the different expressions in strength, to the
extent that our movement is built and defines itself. For example, one of our concerns is
constantly reviewing tactics creative ways that the union processes in which we can
connect to other careers, colleges, universities and solidarity with the struggles that
give other stakeholders, such as workers , peasants, women, territories, Indian and others.
This multisectoral is not just a philosophical necessity of uniting with the traditional
sectors of struggle, it is also a strategic definition. Needless to point out that the
dispersion is desired by the state and capital, whom should they negotiate separate
struggles item. The processing of those who speak only develop when they are exploited
majority who are released into the ring by a revolution of a thousand colors. This unit
outside the framework student must also develop embedded antiauthoritarian with partners
in other social movements, which are also militating from a class perspective and through
social inclusion.
The groundwork and insertion should be tools that allow us to generate concrete actions,
so it is important to give systematization of experiences and promote the evaluation and
criticism, both in the areas where we are immersed as in our political and social project.
We search methodologies that allow us to position ourselves in the specific scenario,
analyzing the correlation of forces and the situation, and thus contribute to look at what
the activities or tactics development of our program and the qualifications of the student
movement. If we lack this reading is easy to generate wear for our organization and for
companions with whom we share membership in the social spaces of action, or otherwise, we
miss moments that we can provide higher levels of incidence or we demand greater militancy
and agitation .
What we must avoid:
To take advantage of this self-critical analysis must keep in mind several "vices" that
can evidence base for work in universities, which not only found in other organizational
expressions but also in our field:
Speak in a language that is not understandable. It is important to review the context in
which we find ourselves and the reading level of the actors, without generalizing. It is
common that many of our comrades can not put certain discourses our in their real and
immediate contexts without a series of previous discussions.
Presuppose knowledge that others do not have, but also infantilizing reading level they
may possess. In the first case often make the mistake of thinking that many people pretty
obvious we do not give explanation and details that can abstract the idea we want to
convey. In the second case, the infantilization of subjects ends justifying the
avant-garde, which is in the hands of those "enlightened" if you have knowledge
exclusively and without the possibility of transmission.
Cooptation of large spaces. Our proposal is not to create an anarchist student movement or
replace our organization, by contrast, argue that our role is to generate libertarian
processes as possible, pick up the bulk of students, organized and unorganized. This is
not just a point for the sector but also clarifies the goal of our current: do not want to
make an anarchist revolution in the exclusive sense of affirmation, but do anarchist
revolution as possible, because it is plural and must collect majorities.
Debates raise unrealistic social bases. This error is common within libertarian circles.
It is important to review the specific problems and not just put our lines of action as
agenda movements (repetitive thing in the Colombian left), which seems abstract for
colleagues who are not part of our organization. This does not mean we can not spread our
program within the student movement, but it is important to differentiate the imposition
agitation, and the objectives of social movements and ideological agendas, although may
coincide, are not always the same .
Generate routine actions without clear objectives and minimizing the role of
self-criticism. It is commonly thought to act by inertia is doing grassroots work,
following recipes or without check periodically whether we are implementing tactics used
or not. It is important to differentiate turn the role we can have from advertising and
from the militancy: not every activity of the organization's basic work, for example, when
we waved objectives of our agenda.
Disparaging academia, want to say without falling into the cult of the educational
institution. Within the student movement is commonly thought that the only spaces to
discuss, organize or mobilize is in the midst of strikes or blockages, distorting the
space of classes. In other words, are generally considered to be more valuable discussion
of public square which can develop in the classroom (for us it is important to create a
dialectic that understands the importance of both spaces and supplements, overcoming
weaknesses have each). This reading of cult of ultra-militancy can lose perspective on
student subject, which in many cases is in principle by the academy. This does not mean
that we should problematize the cult of academia or the idealization of "good student".
Mediocrity and inconsistency of the militants. The stereotype of lazy, drunken activist is
a review of several people to student organizations, which sadly is not far from reality
in many cases. Several students do not internalize the fight that will raise some
companions when they assume an incongruous position that not only is the stereotype
mentioned but also comes to acts of sexism, class discrimination and authoritarianism. A
position of coherence (different to the bourgeois concept of "perfection") is for us a
direct relationship with the libertarian ethic, which speaks of the need to articulate
ends and means. This parameter does not mean that as a group and possess the necessary
consistency, but the constant self-evaluation allows us to generate greater dialogue with
partners not to look at us as people live longer speech than they do.
The proposal how GeA:
As an organization we assume that we demand a specific tactic in the context in which we
are to address social inclusion and work base, that strategically feed our program. Thus,
as a group with presence mainly in public universities in the capital, it is important to
understand the dynamics of this type of scenario compared to the private sector,
secondary, regional universities or technical and technological education.
Among other things, we have defined the commitment to the creation of Student Councils for
careers and colleges where we are immersed, promoting diversity in thought and amplitude
versus understand how or trade union. For us, these tips should not be limited to
traditional coordinating student organizations but should be open to all students at
targeted, promoting the empowerment of the large assemblies against forces meetings.
Similarly, and to avoid falling into isolation, we believe essential to project meetings
students in related areas, with the idea of ??strengthening the union unity beyond
individual areas also enhance effective solidarity with other social movements with the
participation in demonstrations actively supporting the creation of spaces for social
unity and articulating demands through multisectoral.
Given what we aimed to influence with libertarian practices is important materialize in
unrealized proposals. For example, student councils and assemblies are favorable to
promote horizontality in decisions, although it's a fight to win in several places where
the hierarchy still occupies center stage. An anti-bureaucratic stance may also develop
better on a Student Council to organize openly and broadly where responsibilities
voluntarily and rotatably engaged way assume, not spaces that bet on the vertical division
of labor. The libertarian federalism is also useful for us to propose how careers or
faculties must interlocutar where we can exploit the autonomy and free association versus
representative democracy. Rotating and limited to base discussions spokesperson
delegations also helps us fight the verticality of the movement, where premium over the
choices of leaders from different organizations and not discussed in colleges or
universities.
So our commitment is to build strong student movement from below, from student and faculty
career tips and federation thereof, articulated achieve nationwide and an internationalist
character; the groundwork and social integration are our tools for this. The goal we seek
is to fight for a dignified and free education, in order to create while libertarian and
popular education.
Above the fighting!
Student anarchist group GeA
February, 2015
* We use the singular, referring to the concept of "person" instead of referring to male,
historic building that symbolizes the patriarchy and widespread masculine.
Texts that can help deepen the subject and served as input for our discussions and the
development of this document:
The basic work principle, tactics and consistent strategy, Anarchist Student Group.
Organizational dualism active minority and discussion between 'Party' and 'Mass Movement'
Excerpts from an interview with the Federa??o Anarchist do Rio de Janeiro (FARJ), by
Jonathan Payn (Anarchist Communist Front Zabalaza - ZACF, South Africa) .
The anarchist social inclusion, Felipe Ramirez.
Training Primer: Base Working at the University, students in the Popular Front Dar?o
Santill?n.
Formation of formators for basic work, Dar?o Santill?n Popular Front.
[1] When it was not common to identify other social movements, being embryonic or
excessive obrerismo in time.
Related Link:
https://grupoestudiantilanarquista.wordpress.com/2015/02/15/nuestra-propuesta-el-trabajo-de-base-y-la-insercion-social/
http://www.anarkismo.net/article/27894
