(en) The stateless Democracy - How the Movement of Kurdish
Women's Democracy Liberated from the State - Dilar Dirik (fr) [machine
translation]
"Azadi" freedom. A concept that has long gripped the collective imagination of the Kurdish
people. "The Free Kurdistan", the seemingly unattainable ideal wife many forms depending
on where one is located on the large Kurdish political spectrum. The increasing
independence of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in the south of Kurdistan (Bashur)
with respect to the Iraqi central government, all as the immense progress of the Kurdish
people in Western Kurdistan (Rojava) despite the Syrian civil war since last year have
revived the dream of a free life for Kurds in Kurdistan. ---- But what is freedom? Freedom
for whom? The Kurdish question is often conceptualized in terms of international
relations, states, nationalism and territorial integrity. Freedom, however, is a concept
that transcends ethnicity and artificial boundaries. In order to speak of a Kurdistan that
deserves the adjective "free" all members of society should have equal access to this
"freedom", not just in the legal sense of the term abstract. This is not the official
character of Kurdistan named entity (whether an independent state, federal, regional
government or any other form of Kurdish self-determination) that determines the well-being
of its population. One indicator of the vision of the people for democracy and freedom is
the situation of women.
What is a "Kurdistan" if it ends with the oppression of half of its population?
Kurdish women face several layers of oppression as members of a nation without a state in
a largely feudal-patriarchal Islamic context, and struggle, therefore on multiple fronts.
While the four states that divide Kurdistan have strong patriarchal features that oppress
all women within their respective populations, Kurdish women are most discriminated
against as Kurdish and are usually part of the lowest socioeconomic class.
And, of course, the feudal patriarchal structures of internal Kurdish society also impede
women's access to a free and independent life. Domestic violence, forced marriages of
children and adults, rape, honor killings, polygamy, for example, are often considered
private matters, rather than problems that require community involvement and public policy
active. This strange distinction between public and private life to cost them many women.
Kurdish men are often very vehement against ethnic discrimination and class, but many of
them return home after protests and do not think about their own abuse of power, their own
despotism when they use violence against women and children in their "private" life. The
usual frequency of violence against Kurdish women and, indeed, anywhere else in the world,
is a systemic problem - and therefore its solution requires political action.
The situation of women is not a "women's issue" and should not therefore be considered as
a specific issue, a private matter, which affects only women. The gender question of
legality is in fact a question of democracy and freedom for the whole society; it is a
criterion (although not the only) by which the ethics of a community should be measured.
Since capitalism, statism and patriarchy are closely related, the struggle for freedom
must be radical and revolutionary - it has considered the liberation of women as a central
goal and not a secondary issue.
Although Kurdish women have a long history of struggle for national liberation with men,
they have often been marginalized even in these liberation movements. While the majority
of feminists four states that divide Kurdistan Kurdish women often exclude their struggles
(awaiting them they adopt nationalist doctrines of the state or considering patronizing as
victims of a culture primitive backward), the Kurdish political parties dominated by men,
with very feudal and patriarchal structures, whose vision of freedom does not exceed a
vacuum and primary nationalism often silence the voices of women.
Argue that Kurdish women have always been stronger and more emancipated than their
neighbors (and historical sources seem to confirm this), should not be used as an excuse
to stop fighting for their rights. Although the historical singularity of Kurdish women in
the four countries deserves recognition, the many terrible events of cruel violence
against women illustrate the realities of the field and should serve as a basis for
consideration of reality. If Kurdish women today enjoy a relatively high political status,
this is the result of a constant struggle on multiple fronts from them and not a condition
offered by the Kurdish society!
The participation of women liberation and revolutionary struggle is not unique in
Kurdistan. In all kinds of contexts, women have always played active roles in the fight
for freedom. The time of war, insurrection, civil unrest often offered women the space to
say that normal civilian life would not have allowed them. Their involvement in CSR
positions, whether participation in trade unions or political activism often justify their
requests for emancipation. However, once the situation of crisis is, once the "liberation"
or "revolution" deemed to be completed, it is often deemed necessary to return to normal
pre-war and conservatism to restore civilian life. This often amounts to re-establish the
traditional gendered roles at the expense of newly acquired by women statutes.
This phenomenon unfortunately quite common to see women suffer a flashback of their rights
after the "liberation" after the "revolution", "Once our free country," even if they were
energetic actresses of the struggle. The hope that once the unifying goal of "freedom"
reached, each e-live freely in society, proved to be wishful thinking - women in the USA,
Algeria, India, Vietnam can the confirm. The latest manifestation of this is the status of
women in the countries of the so-called "Arab Spring."
Although in recent years our TV screens were filled with women demonstrating against
repressive regimes, and playing a key role in the movement, women's situation has worsened
since sometimes the uprisings. This is due to the fact that, while the general discontent
and disillusionment system overlooked often transcend genres, classes, ethnicities and
religions, it is clear that those who have the most to gain by raising are women, the
working class and oppressed minorities and groups. If social movements do not pay
attention to the specific, new plans could only train new elites that oppress vulnerable
groups in their own way. The need for women's organizations, autonomous, independent, is
also felt in the experience of the struggle of Kurdish women...
The area that was most commonly referred to as "free" is the south of Kurdistan. Kurds
will enjoy a semi-autonomy, have their own governance structures and are no longer
persecuted because of their ethnicity as Kurds are still in other regions. The Kurdistan
Regional Government (KRG) has received international praise indeed for establishing an
economically strong and relatively democratic entity, especially compared to the rest of
Iraq dismembered state. The KRG often draws legitimacy through the comparison with Iraq
despite its profoundly anti-democratic internal structures. Even though its members were
extremely dominant tribal spirit, autocratic and corrupt, the opposition is silenced and
that journalists are murdered in unclear circumstances.
The KRG is friendly towards pragmatic regimes such as Iran and Turkey, which brutally
repress their own Kurdish population and even reject the ambitions of Kurdish autonomy in
Syria. It is quite interesting to note also that there seems to be the most unpleasant
places for Kurdish women.
It is interesting to note that the most similar to a Kurdish entity status, better
integrated to the capitalist system, which meets the requirements of regional powers like
Iran and Turkey as well as those of world powers do show the slightest interest in the
rights of women and the questioning of patriarchy. This tells us a lot about the ways in
which different forms of oppression intersect, but also on the type of Kurdistan that can
tolerate the international community.
Certainly one must consider the fact that the South is a developing region, but although
the government has many tools at its disposal to empower women, it does not seem
interested to use them. In theory, one might expect that women in southern Kurdistan have
a better situation than in other parts of the country, since they live in a prosperous
region governed by Kurds, they are the most persecuted because of their ethnicity.
Although women are suffering under oppression strata, they are victims of tribal feudalism
of the dominant political parties, which seem to consider the futile nationalism and
capitalist growth as an adequate conception of "freedom."
In southern Kurdistan, women are very active in advocating for their rights, but the KRG
often reluctant to improve its laws. Violence against women is epidemic, the same
increase, but the government is simply not doing enough to combat it. In 2011/12, there
were almost 3,000 cases of violence against women, but only 21 people were prosecuted, not
to mention the cases that have not been reported. The few men convicted are often released
soon after. Sometimes victims of female violence are stigmatized and blamed for
"provoking" men. As punishment does not appear as a deterrent to male violence, the system
perpetuates the oppression of women.
The absence of truly independent women's organizations, non-partisan, is also very
problematic. Many women's organizations in southern Kurdistan are even run by men! Feudal
policies, encourage tribal undoubtedly patriarchal attitudes that represent huge obstacles
to women's liberation. While the condemnation of acts of violence against women appears to
be developing, there is no fundamental questioning of the patriarchal system as a whole.
Autonomous decision-making bodies of women are vital to ensure representation of their
specific interests. An approach from top to bottom of women's rights is often inadequate
and reinforces patriarchy and passively. Projects from the base seem more effective to
transform society: For example, an independent documentary project on female genital
mutilation (which seems practiced only in southern Kurdistan) managed to change the law by
the KRG. Unfortunately, it is still widely practiced without punishment.
It is important to emphasize that this is not a situation that is native to southern
Kurdistan. The status of women has its origin here the lack of interest of political
parties to engage in the liberation of women. This is a deliberate political choice by the
parties dominated by men. This should not be so!
The idea that "Now that we have a 'Free Kurdistan', do not criticize too" seems
widespread, even if it comes at the expense of a real understanding of democracy and
freedom for all.
Ask punishment of violence against women and better representation of their interests in
the public sphere does not mean that women are not "loyal to the state." It seems hard to
be loyal to such a patriarchal state. Women need to break the partisan affiliations and
develop a women's movement, beyond small NGOs. Women south Kurdistan should not settle for
less than that, especially since they have more tools, forums and resources that Kurdish
women in other areas, to work in favor of a more egalitarian society.
Even the militant Kurdish political parties of the left, socialists, have experienced that
without self-government bodies, their voices are silenced in the Kurdish patriarchal
society. Although the Workers' Party of Kurdistan, PKK, is known for the many women in
senior positions within its ranks and its stated commitment to the liberation of women,
things were not always easy to women in the guerrilla movement. In the 1980s, the
demographic composition of the PKK, which had its origin in academic socialists, was upset
when many people from feudal, rural and less educated Kurdistan joined the mountains after
their villages were destroyed by the Turks.
Most of these people had not been in contact with ideals such as socialism and feminism
and therefore saw nationalism as the primary motivation of their struggle for national
liberation. At the time, many women in the guerrilla movement fought to convince their
male peers that they were their equal. The negative experience of the fierce war in the
1980s has also neglected the educational aspect in training the guerrillas, since the war
was more urgent, but it has allowed women to be aware of one thing: We need of autonomous
women!
The PKK and parties who share the same ideology manage to create mechanisms that ensure
the participation of women in the political sphere, and beyond, to question the
patriarchal culture itself. The ideology of the PKK is explicitly feminist and is
uncompromising when it comes to women's liberation. Unlike the other Kurdish political
parties, the PKK has not appeal to feudal and tribal landowners to achieve its goals, but
mobilized the rural working class, youth and women.
The strength of the women's movement that resulted illustrates that form structures such
as co-chair (shared by a man and a woman) and a gendered division 50-50 in committees at
all administrative levels is not purely symbolic to give visibility to women. The
formalization of the participation of women gives them a point of support to ensure that
their voices will not be distorted and this has really challenged and transformed the
Kurdish society in many ways.
This leads in turn to a wide popularization of feminism north Kurdistan. Women's struggle
is no longer an ideal among activists elite circles, but a prerequisite for the liberation
struggle. Male domination is not accepted in these policy areas, the highest levels of the
administration to the basic local communities. This was achieved through the establishment
of autonomous bodies of women in the movement.
Although there are many problems regarding violence against women in northern Kurdistan,
interest in gender equality as a measure of freedom of a company, in fact, politicized
women, young and old, and established an incredibly popular movement of women. Many
Turkish women are now seeking inspiration in the rich treasure of experience of Kurdish
women. While Turkey now has a Prime Minister who encourages women to marry young, to hide
and to at least four, and the three most representative parties in Turkey have less than
5% of women in their ranks, the Democratic Party of Regions Kurds (BDP) and the People's
Democratic Party (HDP) newly created proudly have at least 40% women in their ranks,
explicitly focusing on feminist and LGBT issues. The movement of Kurdish women itself
critical patriarchy in Kurdistan and stresses that the progress achieved to date do not
mean the end of the fight.
Influenced by this talk about the liberation of women, the main political parties in
Western Kurdistan Rojava, have adopted the ideology of the PKK and strengthen the
co-presidency and the 50-50 parity in their political systems. By endorsing the liberation
of women in all legal, organizational and ideological apparatuses of governance structures
from the same base, including the defense forces, they ensure that women's rights will not
be challenged.
Men with a history of domestic violence or polygamy are excluded organizations. Violence
against women and child marriage is illegal and punishable by the courts. International
observers visiting western Kurdistan say they are deeply impressed by the revolution of
women that emerged despite the terrible civil war in Syria.
Meanwhile, newly created in western Kurdistan firmly integrated townships have other
ethnic and religious groups within their system. In the spirit of the paradigm of
"democratic confederalism" as proposed by the PKK leader Abdullah ?calan, they gave up the
creation of a state as a solution, since they believe that states are entities hegemonic
nature do not represent the people. The main political parties insist they do not want to
secede from Syria but pursue a democratic solution within the existing borders, while
including minorities in government and in giving women an equal voice in the creation of a
"democratic system based on leaving group based on legal equality and ecology," in which
different ethnic and religious groups can live on an equal footing.
The advanced people in western Kurdistan have been constantly attacked by the Syrian
regime of Assad as by jihadist groups linked to al Qaeda who appear to be funded and
supported in part by Turkey.
It is interesting to observe that the Kurdish entity most similar to a state, the most
prosperous, most accepted and established, the KRG is unable to respect the rights of
women, while Western Kurdistan, despite political and economic embargo and the appalling
state of war, do not turn to nationalism or a state, but a democratic confederalism as a
solution and has already created many structures to ensure the representation of women.
The international community preferences are interesting to the highest point in this
light! While the KRG is often praised as a model of democracy in the region, Western
Kurdistan is totally discredited.
If international actors who present themselves as defenders of freedom and democracy in
the Middle East were really interested in peace in Syria, they would probably argue
supported the project secular, progressive, western Kurdistan. Instead, the Kurdish were
excluded from the Geneva II conference in January 2014. This was done also in part with
the approval of GRK, which helped to marginalize advances in western Kurdistan mainly
because the main political parties - ideologically and organisationally non - allied with
the PKK, the traditional rival GRK party in power.
The part of GRK on progress, democracy, freedom and modernity does not question the
capitalist world system, statist, nationalist and patriarchal. That is why it seems to be
the kind of Kurdistan that can be tolerated by the international community, while the
political parties that have the ability to disrupt the system are marginalized.
Recent events illustrate the ways in which gender feminist ideologies of some Kurdish
political parties are attacked. In an attempt to demonstrate that he was a friend of the
Kurds, the Turkish Prime Minister Erdogan invited the KRG President Masoud Barzani, the
unofficial Kurdish capital Amed (Diyarbakir). Accompanied by singers like Sivan Perwer and
Ibrahim Tatlises, known for their expediency and sexual feudalism, an event comedy was
mounted in Amed. The meeting was primarily an opportunity to try to marginalize the
Turkish Kurds, including the PKK and legal political parties of Northern Kurdistan, like
the Democratic Party of Regions (BOP).
During a wedding ceremony, the two leaders, Erdogan and Barzani, blessed the union of a
few hundred couples, all representing the woman as the image they have. Most brides wore
veils, all couples were very young. This conservatism demonstration in the name of "peace"
illustrated the similarity between the feudal and patriarchal attitudes of the two leaders
and their entourage. Trying to marginalize the PKK, they tried really marginalize all
Kurdish women. In this aspect, this extremely conservative wedding ceremony was more a
deliberate insult to the movement of Kurdish women a representation of a peaceful
coexistence of peoples.
But the interested partnership between Barzani and Erdogan is it any wonder? Turkey has no
problem with the KRG or even with the Kurds in general. The problem is ideological.
Under the terms of Selahattin Demirtas, co-chairman of the Kurdish Party for Peace and
Democracy: "If we had wanted, we could have already created ten Kurdistan. The important
thing is not to have a state called Kurdistan, what is important is that we have a
Kurdistan with principles, ideals. "
The attitude of the regional powers like Iran and Turkey, which have repressive traditions
with respect to their respective Kurdish population and the behavior of international
powers demonstrate: a Kurdistan wishes to cooperate with these plans, which maintains
links economic with these statements and is eager to marginalize the more radical Kurdish
political parties on behalf of his own opportunism may well be tolerated by the
international community. A structure like the KRG, consistent with the framework of the
dominant system is accepted, while political parties who question the capitalist system,
feudal-patriarchal statist are ostracized. This asymmetric preference on the part of the
international community reveals its real anti-democratic nature. And Kurdish women live
all this through their own bodies.
So that the Kurdistan become a truly free society, women's liberation should in no way be
called into question. Criticizing the failure of the Kurdish Regional Government in the
areas of women, freedom of the press, etc. does not mean that we "split" the Kurds. What
kind of society would be the southern Kurdistan if we do not teach people to be critical
for fear of losing what has been achieved through such sacrifices? Do people should not be
critical, even if it means to oppose his own government? Is not this the essence of
democracy? Do not we owe it to all those people who died to build a society where it
worthwhile to live? Be satisfied under the name of maintaining the status is to represent
freedom in the abstract as possible sense. Women who fight daily Kurdistan certainly
deserve better.
Nationalism, capitalism, statism, were the pillars of patriarchy and often used the body
and women's attitudes to control societies. The level of freedom has declined
significantly in the global capitalist system in which we live. It seems therefore
tempting to be satisfied with, as it has become a stronghold of capitalist modernity. But
replicating the flaws and shortcomings of the rest of the world, the KRG significantly
restricts design freedom.
Therefore, women should not wait for the release of the part of a hegemonic structure
built on the state model. From the moment we consider the fact of organizing the election
of a Miss Kurdistan as a sign of progress and modernity, we reproduce exactly the same
mechanisms that have enslaved humanity first. Is this what we call freedom? Unbridled
consumerism? A primary nationalism? The reproduction of elements of capitalism and global
patriarchy, by labeling the Kurdish flag to boast to be modern?
Freedom is not in Turkish hotels, Iranian investments, chain restaurants, beauty contests
sponsored abroad or in Kurdish traditional clothing. Freedom does not come when we can
freely say the word Kurdistan. Freedom is an endless struggle, a process of building an
ethical, egalitarian. The real work begins after the "liberation." "Azadi" must be
evaluated in light of women's liberation. What is a Kurdish state if it perpetuates the
culture of rape, murder of women, the ancient disease of patriarchy? The apologists of
rape, Kurdish leaders sexist, and official institutions they would be very different
repressive state structures if they wore our traditional clothes?
"Kurdistan" in itself does not equal freedom. Patriarchal Kurdistan is a more insidious
tyrant than usual aggressors. Be colonized and enslaved half of his own community as
sexual criteria by its close partners is an act even more violent and shameful that a
foreign invasion.
Therefore, Kurdish women must be the vanguard of a free society. It takes courage to
oppose repressive states, but it sometimes requires more courage to oppose his own
community. Because it is not actually a single Kurdish governance, or even a Kurdish
state, which is dangerous to the dominant system. Greater threat to hegemonic structures
lies in a conscious and politically active Kurdish woman.
---------------------------------
Dilar Dirik is a Kurdish woman university degree in history and political science, with a
master's degree in International Studies. Currently she is studying sociology at the
University of Cambridge. She is a regular contributor to various magazines and media as
well as various Kurdish NGOs in Europe, including women's organizations.
Blog Dilar Dirik: http://dilar91.blogspot.fr/
Original text: found here: http://vimeo.com/107639261
Also Dilar Dirik: Western fascination with 'badass' Kurdish women
http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2014/10/western-fascination-with-badas-2014102112410527736.html
http://oclibertaire.free.fr/spip.php?article1630
