(en) Coordination des Groupes Anarchistes - On the religious question (fr, it, pt)

(en) Coordination des Groupes Anarchistes - On the religious
question (fr, it, pt) [machine translation]

To explain in more detail the broader approach in which our latest press fits " No to 
fascism, whether nationalist or religious " http://cgalyon.ouvaton.org/spip.php?article88 
We publish the text that develops our positioning and analysis of the religious question. 
---- On the religious question ---- Within the social struggles in which we participate, 
and more broadly in the dynamics of our fight against all forms of oppression and 
domination, we encounter religion as ideology, but also as social and cultural fact. ---- 
Firstly, a majority of the operated-es says religious sentiment, whether membership of a 
particular organized religion (or one of its currents), or the belief that there an 
external force to matter, a transcendence that, as appropriate, is presented as creator 
(of the world, historical events, human behavior, natural phenomena ....) as normative 
(source of behavioral norm, d a body design based on "good" and "evil" or "lawful" and 
"unlawful) as top ...

Secondly, because religion as ideology (of whatever form) is mobilized in the political 
and social conflicts by the protagonists to justify their position and, in most cases, by 
the dominant to justify their domination.

What is the basis of our criticism of religion?
What conception of the world?

All religions have in common the idea that they are not human beings, which individually 
or collectively, must determine their behavior, ethical values (what is considered just, 
fair, acceptable, unacceptable, undesirable or undesirable otherwise), how to organize 
life in society, but one (or more) external entities to individuals and human beings, 
"transcendent" that would set standards of behavior, a concept of "good" and evil, what to 
do or not to do.

In the case of the deists religion, he is a god or gods, and their "revealed word." In the 
case of religion "scientistic" This is science not seen as a critical method of knowledge, 
but as a great authority. In the case of religions "naturalistic" or animist, it is of 
nature, or spirits, etc ...

This aspect of religious ideology (like minds system) has the effect of protecting the 
critical social norms, behaviors, social organizations, when they are presented as the 
expression of the transcendent (willingness divine, scientific inevitability inevitability 
of nature). The result is that religious ideology is a power tool particularly efficient, 
since it away-when used by dominants- social relations, norms, hierarchy, domination, 
rational criticism, the possibility of questioning.

It is obvious that all religions have the deal in history with the rational approach, that 
of for individuals to exercise their own critical reflection and the "methodical doubt" to 
form their views, as well as stating affirmations so much we can prove that they are true 
demonstrate that they are false, which is not the case of religious thought is 
"unfalsifiable" (1).
This which explains that in the vast majority of believers coexist in religious 
representations rational and irrational core kernel. That is why, with the contradictions 
of reality, no religion (as a social fact and historical) has escaped rational discussion, 
related to differences of interpretation of religious standard, the nature of design and 
in the form of transcendence, between exegesis religious currents, literal and symbolic 
interpretations of the speech and religious texts.

No "religion", whether monotheistic or polytheistic religions, naturalists or scientists 
religions, escapes to the development of religious movements, which are the historical 
expression in religious matters, the conflict between human rationality and irrationality 
that is the heart of religious ideology.

Theological controversies philosophical-religious debate, the itjihad to the Kabbalah, no 
religion completely escapes the rational approach and individual critical thinking, 
expressed either in the form of doubt or in that of the challenge of a particular 
interpretation of dogma, based on the issues that are expressed in society (conflicts of 
interest, relations of domination ...).

But these rational elements in religions (such as production of human history) are not 
specific expression, but the resistance of the social world, tangible and concrete human 
beings of flesh and blood, to a system whose core idea is based on the waiver user 
-l'abdication- (at least part of the real) the critical individual thinking. Obviously, 
this part of the real, on which religious ideology imposes on the human mind to renounce 
reflect and interpret (whether the origin of the world, the meaning of life, etc ... ) can 
be very small in an individual believer when rational thought pushed religious thought to 
its limits. But this "core" that escapes criticism possibility is a foundation on which 
the political, religious, the dominant-es, can use to reinforce, justify or establish 
domination.

Domination of the reports we retort that may exist under brutal forms, in companies or 
rationality has taken an important place, or can be embodied, implemented as a rational 
and secular discourse, by individuals themselves / define themselves as rational and secular.

This is obvious. It remains that this is usually speeches that have the appearance of 
rational, not the content because religious thought is not just the established religions. 
Scientistic religious speech applies to science classes in the "secularist". The statist 
ideology is itself "religion of modern times" as shown by Rudolph Rocker in his book 
"Nationalism and Culture" .The "secularism" of some pseudo-secular has nothing to do with 
critical rationality but all with the dogmatism that can feed sometimes very concrete or 
justify domination, on individuals belonging to religious minorities.

Camillo Berneri, among others, in his text "the proletariat does not feed priests" had 
there been almost a hundred years highlighted the dangers of such a dogmatism that, posing 
as an anti-religious criticism, resumes methods and content, and at the same not only 
misses its target but supplies arms to religious reactionaries.

Our criticism attack is therefore not only the outer form that the religious thought, but 
his nature and his background, found in many other approaches that established religions.

When we formulate a critique of domination and hierarchy between human beings, we 
inevitably encounter at one time using the religious argument to justify the domination of 
the report in question "divine order", "natural order" or "Law of Science" are mobilized 
to defend the existing order.

At that moment, two attitudes are possible:

One who is to oppose a "different view of religion" used by the dominant. It is the 
various avatars of "liberation theology." In the case of "revealed religions", the debate 
will move to the texts and their interpretation (literal or symbolic) and will be resolved 
based on the balance of power. This one is on the side of the one who enacts the norm, and 
human history shows that this discussion is necessarily the field of statistics, which can 
define the terms. In all cases, it is impossible to escape the basic terms of the 
discussion that are imposed, because they are religious common ground for all stakeholders.
The problem will then arise between two competing religious discourse of one who is able 
to impose by force and not by conviction.

The other of moving the discussion on the material field, historical, rational, and 
contrast to the real justification of speech using religion, ie the irreducible opposition 
between prospect of liberation, emancipation and oppression, by addressing all forms of 
ideological justification in the form of a theistic religious discourse, naturalist and 
scientist.
Such an approach not only to tackle the ideological justifications of domination and 
oppression, but also to identify the issuer (religious powers of various kinds: clergy, 
religious reactionary ideologues dominant ideological apparatus ...) .

Critique of political uses of religion

Religion as ideology is a power tool, since it is not a personal belief system, built 
individually, but a set of ideas that system and that are "performative", that ie they act 
on reality, creating moral standards, and therefore standards of conduct, operation, and 
social organization.

All religious speech (scientists, theists, naturalists ...) have in common is that they 
allow people to carry out the power of influence, while hiding in the beneficiary: it can 
be done "the name of God," "the name of nature" or "in the name of science" of individuals 
or groups of individuals without this mediation refuse to act, since they would identify 
the mobile and beneficiaries of the action.
The people acting under the influence of such an ideology or a system as standard, does 
not necessarily would do so (sometimes a manner contrary to their interests) if they were 
aware that the injunction benefits to humans concrete goods, under the pretext of "do the 
will of God," "to obey the laws of science or nature."

The clergy as a hierarchical institution in structured religions clerical base is readily 
recognizable as one of the political beneficiaries of this ideological discourse 
whatsoever when exercising the power directly, as in theocracies (Vatican Iran today ...), 
or when justified domination structure to which it is linked, what is feudal state or ...

But the role of religion as a tool to not only appears in a frame or it is structured 
clerical way. Religious discourse lends itself to such use even if it is not worn by the 
clergy, but as common ideology of believers. The role of religion as a power tool appears 
in the story, whenever the social hierarchy of any kind whatsoever is justified by a 
religious discourse as an expression of divine will, natural or a scientific law. That 
religious discourse is required by a religious authority established or informal religious 
authority, it remains one of the cores, one of the ideological foundations on which the 
rule is based.

It is for this reason that emancipation policy necessarily will face at one time or 
another, religious discourse, understood here as the denial of the rationale of a social, 
a normative injunction ( moral ...) for behavior ...

It is essential to identify the political dimension of religious discourse, to break the 
ideological constructs that dominant stand to maintain the relations of domination and 
oppression. The rationalist critique thus increases for individuals struggling capacity to 
dissipate smoke screens that maintain or support oppression.

Majority and religious minorities.

In all countries, majorities exist or religious minorities. Persons belonging to religious 
minorities are often victims of persecution, oppression, linked to this fact. Freedom of 
conscience we stand for, and the refusal of oppression, implies that we oppose such 
persecution or domination of the reports in question faced by individuals belonging to 
religious minorities.

This does not mean that Our responsibility is to defend the religious convictions of these 
individuals, or that they should escape our critical when mobilized, in turn, to justify 
oppression or domination relations situations. We do not talk well "oppressed religions," 
as do religious ideologues of religious minorities in question, but the oppression of 
persons belonging to religious minorities. These are people who are oppressed, not ideology.

However, it is essential to combat the instrumentalization that can be done, by the 
dominant religious ideology, targeted critical of a particular religious minority. Our 
critique of religious discourse is not to a religion over another, but what in religious 
discourse is used to justify domination. It is this general approach that distinguishes us 
from opportunistic criticism of this or that religion, which can mask the veiled defense 
of the dominant religion, or racist when they are coupled with critical racialization of 
members assigned -or despite them- religious minorities, such as in the case of 
anti-Semitism and Islamophobia.

We are fighting religious ideology because it claims to determine or justify behavior, 
social norms, the dominant social organization and supports or contributes therefore to 
the domination and oppression of individuals who are direct victims of these standards 
imposed (women, gay, lesbians, bi and trans ...) or social organization and justified (the 
exploited of all classes and oppressed are mentioned above).

But this fight can not stray into religious or racist instrumentalisations.

As such, it is important to fight in each country essentialist amalgams who deny the 
ideological contradictions that minority religions, and fantasized visions of a particular 
religion, based on ignorance, because they provide the intellectual justifications a real 
oppression.

Our comprehensive critique of religion does not prevent distinguish political currents who 
claim and to distinguish the religious left, right and extreme religious right, without 
giving up the specific criticism of religious discourse, even "Left". This distinction is 
often made in Europe with regard to Christianity, where the currents of left or extreme 
left, are distinctly considered currents right (religious conservatives) or right 
(fundamentalist Christians). This has not stopped the criticism of the Christian left, and 
its contradictions and limits (and its oppressive appearance in the case of gender 
relations) related to its religious ideological base.

By cons, when it comes to political and religious currents that claim of Judaism or Islam, 
this distinction concerns most often gives the place, in Western countries, in a speech 
made amalgam, which mix a speech at the rear racist background.
Muslims or Jews (or individuals atheistic Jewish and Muslim culture, which are assigned by 
the dominant ideology of these identities, be they anarchists or they), including those 
who argue progressive left or the extreme left are often immediately suspected, some to be 
"Islamists" (understood here as equivalent to the religious right), the other being " 
Zionists "(understood here as extreme religious right, nationalist and colonial).
Their stances against amalgams or fantasized vision of the religion to which we assign the 
outset are often interpreted as a defense of religious ideology (or national-religious) to 
which assigned.

Policy analysis grid applied in the case of the dominant religion (religious 
distinguishing extreme left, religious left, religious right and religious right) gives 
way to generalize, facilitated by the widespread ignorance of current political and 
ideological contradictions opposites who share the same religious referent (although in 
the case of Zionism, it is only the pretext for a nationalist discourse-not 
religious-secular-dimension).

Religious minority, national minority

As part of the construction of the ideology of the "Nation", we see from the late 
nineteenth to a dynamic that aims to transform religious minorities in national 
minorities, designated as " internal enemies " as external to the body " national 
community "living in the territory defined by references (cultural and theological) to a 
majority religion.
So people from religious minorities, even if they convert to the dominant religion or 
become atheists are considered outside the community National by the dominant ideology, 
the same national community is defined by reference to the majority religion.
This is the origin of modern anti-Semitism, and is found in the current forms of 
Islamophobia that target individuals assigned to Muslim identity because of racist amalgam 
(while they themselves are atheists or share other religious belief). These national 
minorities (which include all those defined as external to the national community because 
of their assignment to a religious identity considered by the nationalist discourse as 
"external to the nation") are thus formed from a de facto convergence between a 
nationalist discourse (including secular mask) and the dominant religion as ideology, even 
if it could be fought also by the former.

One can find this treatment of religious minorities considered exogenous (or relay 
"outside" interests at national body) in all the states where they exist: French Muslims 
considered "agents of international Islamism" (sic) Christians in Iraq and Egypt 
considered "agents of American imperialism," Jews of the Maghreb and Mashreq considered 
"Zionist agents".

This results in an amalgam religious minority / national minority forged by nationalist 
rhetoric and taken up by the nationalists belonging to national minorities. (2)

In all cases, these amalgams contribute to the oppression of persons so summoned to a 
religious identity, and exclusion, a national identity (or excluded, in all cases, 
belonging to the "national community" of the country in which they live by the nationalist 
discourse.

When atheist activists, from these religious minorities (or national minorities) raise the 
simplistic nature against-productive and potentially reactionary of these fillings 
(amalgams because they cover made by racialist nationalism as by the extreme right 
politico-religious Christian, Jewish or Muslim that are expressions as the "real" 
manifestation of religion, or as the true defenders of the interests of national or 
religious minority), those are often faced with such suspicion regime.
However, criticism of religious ideology, a revolutionary point of view, can not mingle 
with the opportunist criticism of religious minorities by the dominant religious currents, 
or in support of a racist remakes.

For if an anarchist-communist perspective, we are opposed to outright religious ideology 
as a carrier of oppression, and operating systems, we can not leave taken in our speech 
and in our practice the opportunistic criticism of religions to justify the oppression of 
people assigned to national or religious minorities.

It is this condition that we will build the union of operated-es face the exploiters, and 
that we effectively fight the religious ideology and its use by the dominant.

Otherwise, we would play the dominant nationalist and religious oppression, the most 
reactionary religious currents within religious minorities, and nationalist currents 
within national minorities.

Our criticism will be effective if it does not let go or shortcuts or amalgam, let alone 
to the exploitation by the dominant religious ideology (she Fusse up like secular) or 
nationalist ideology.
In this sense, our criticism is rational, that is, it respects the freedom of conscience 
of individuals, integrity, without underestimating the political influence of religious 
ideology and therefore without giving up the ideological struggle against this tool of 
domination and influence. Lyon Group for the Coordination of Anarchist Groups


(1) See the work of Popper. Any "belief" religious (whether theist, scientist, naturalist, 
idealistic) is based on assertions made so that it can never be invalidated by experience. 
Conversely, a rational and scientific statement carries within it the possibility of its 
negation, its invalidation by experience or logical reasoning.

(2) In the case of the extreme right or the Muslim religious right is the concept of Ummah 
which replaces the idea of nation as mobilizing myth. The pan-Arab currents, in turn, are 
divided on the reference to Islam as the national religion of the "Arab nation".

http://cgalyon.ouvaton.org/spip.php?article92