(en) Anarkismo.net:Joaquim Levy and the government of the
myth in dispute by BrunoL (it, pt) [machine translation]
It seems that finally dropped the mask and the central power in the 3rd round negotiated
exposed its true face - or at least the hegemonic face. In CartaCapital story of January
18, 2015 (Carlos Drummond) fiscal adjustment applied by the Minister of Finance Joaquim
Levy was characterized as "fiscal stab". The good reporter of the publication that
supports the center-right marked by Lulism, listening sources as unions leaders more than
accustomed to "dialogue" with the government, the measures imply attempt to structural
deficit reduction of 1.2 % of GDP. The Intent to Levy and his team (or the economic team
indicated by Dilma, a graduate degree in economics from Unicamp) as we know, tries "to
signal to the market" and other balelas indicating that the state must diminish its role
and strengthen your character class. Although Brazilian society is very complex for a
Western country and the central government of the state apparatus is full of direct and
insulamentos technocratic interests at heart what is at stake is the definition of the
class character of the state and the reduction of power individual vote in indirect
democracy presented as best output
The ABC metalworkers protest (on January 12) against layoffs at Volkswagen (800) also
joined employees of Mercedes and Ford, totaling more than 20,000 workers.
The Provisional Measures 664 and 665 (cited in detail in the report which is posted on the
journal's website) represent the new Dilma government phase in his second term. For those
who like Game Theory and matches in simultaneous rounds at different levels, this is a
case modeling. We have some simultaneous disputes:
- Intra-oligarchic (the fray of oligarchic subtitles to swallow for positions and power
budget for the first and second rank);
- In the dispute within the PT between the possibility of accumulation between Dilma and
the DS and your circle of trust Lulism the X and the support base in the Majority Field
(yes, I still call them so);
- The dispute between the power to govern in fact, between the core of the Presidency
(which clumsily was elected) and the economic team, whose members might well be approved
in a toucan government;
- Finally, the third part that insists on not finished, but the country more tense
although more disorganized. The third shift and the specter of Venezuela here mobilize
part of the remainder left to the governing hosts, or at least to some critical support
this. When the remaining electoral left opts for political struggle, people like Emir
Sader says that they and they (who are left and still insist on electioneering) failed. I
recognize the fact that the juggling of engaged intellectuals in polyclassist projects
often quite creative. Back to the topic later.
Back to pacota?o Joaquim Levy (Bradesco confidence executive and supporter Arminio Fraga
and A?cio Neves in the last presidential campaign), the volume of losses for workers is
astronomical, but it makes no difference to the amount of spending on the damn Scroll
domestic debt as we have stated here before. The basic problem remains: a corporate union
movement, sheepskin and bound to shift government moods and, in parallel, with the union
of the remaining clutter left (election or not), then there is the question: how the
workforce in Brazil will be able to respond?
When the Patrimonialism and the Chicago School that the right that won the elections
brought to power
Still in the context of analysis of mix and comments of the texts posted on the
center-left publications, note in the article that I quote below, modestly and without
reading it before, this analyst came to the same conclusion Luiz Gonzaga Belluzzo (Charter
Capital 11 January 2015). It is a fallacy to put the supposed rationality of the
competitive economy before the Leviathan of the Brazilian state as if it were a wild beast
to impose quick fixes and privileges opposing the expertise and implementation capacity of
the economic agent. All fake. In debate on TVE-RS in late November 2014, the present
writer and two economists (a PUC-RS / BRDE and other UFRGS) came to the same conclusion.
To enact the tax burden increase announcement, the central government will pick the
pockets of indirectly worker and leave intact the beast eater wealth and commitments by
transferring the rentier logic damn scroll domestic debt. Belluzzo The data are unequivocal:
"Between 1995 and 2011, the Brazilian State transferred to the holders of public debt, in
the form of payment of real interest rates, a cumulative total of 109.8% of GDP. If we
move through 2014, the transfer of income and wealth reaches 125% of GDP. This means
throwing on the lap of financial wealth holders over 19 years, an annual GDP, more room.
It is at least curious that the creators of "Impost?metro" have not thought about the
creation of "jur?metro" .
Do not stop there the mainspring of accumulation of the country bankers - where even the
Minister of Finance is forming banker - for indirect load bites larger fraction of the
economies of which have very little or nothing. Here is the data:
"In 2011, the gross tax burden reached 35.31% of GDP. In Brazil indirect taxes such as IPI
and ICMS, representing 49.22% of the total tax burden. As we know, these taxes levied on
population spent on procurement of goods and services, regardless of income level. Rich
and poor pay the same rate for buying the stove and the refrigerator, but the Lion
"democratically" devours a larger fraction of the lowest incomes. The so-called social
security contributions represented 25.76% of the total load and the burden was then
distributed between employees and employers. "
Given this monstrosity, we are facing a structural hypocrisy and misinformation
structuring (through Merval Pereira, Miriam Leit?o and co.) To justify the unjustifiable:
the Presidential collection machine drains the country's commitments to whom little can
pay for everything should profit. Judging from the merits of the Minister of Finance and
the forces today little hidden that serve as a source of Focus bulletin, just who it is
never consulted is the Brazilian people to define the fate of the national wealth, even in
semi-peripheral capitalist mode of production and Indirect democracy regime.
Then there are people like Emir Sader (the next topic below) who has the courage to say
that the government is in "dispute". Yes is being played between the lobby JBS and the
base of the large estates represented by the Minister of Agriculture, Katia Abreu.
The juggling Emir Sader target exchange
Now it's up to criticism from the left. The juggling Emir Sader, saying "For the far left
failed and ended up isolated" (Carta Maior, January 11, 2015) puts the PSOL in "extreme"
-esquerda only as legend has not abandoned basic parts of the radical reformist PT decade
of its founding. Then the blogger and political scientist who still believe in "government
in dispute", determines the insulation election result, when anyone doing politics knows
that the result of the ballot box indirectly reflects the ability to transform politics in
collective decision.
Finally, put the mass grave "extreme" -esquerda only referencing the Trotskyist groupings,
solemnly ignoring an entire universe that tends to the mass at a time of vindicating peak
and has libertarian profile and often specific groupings animating and organizing. Too
bad, the sad end of a critical sociologist turned into juggler of words, increasingly
muddled. For the absurd thesis Emir Sader, Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, Venezuela, Bolivia
and Ecuador, the far left is isolated from society by not realize the fundamental
contradiction between the purposes of the central government in guiding the state for the
development and production and combat neoliberalism, thus ending (the remaining left) to
isolate themselves from the mass for not posting at his side. Cite the absurdity Valley:
"This failure of the extreme left today is widespread in the countries of progressive
governments - Venezuela, Argentina, Uruguay, Bolivia, Ecuador - with more or less similar
performance, but the same inability to understand the nature of neoliberal historical
period and the progressive role that has these governments. The extreme left finished
taking as their fundamental enemies to those governments, allying themselves, tacitly or
explicitly right against them, leaving the possibility to compose a left frame, which
would be the most radical alternative. Are isolated in denuncistas postures without
alternative proposals. While progressive governments, the left in the neoliberal era,
constitute, worldwide, in the central reference in the anti-neoliberal struggle. "
Although the text focuses on hitting the PSOL (who knows for what reasons, for weeks
before the end of the year praised this legend in the same publication), points out the
shoe of the blind alignment ending with "tacit or opportunistic" to support on the right.
This, if taken to its logical conclusion, would mean the abandonment of social struggles
and the full acceptance of Gramsci's thought of fifth category when it comes down to
playing positions and spaces within state institutions or parastatals. That is, all it
took to radical reformism becoming a ridiculous and grotesque caricature of itself,
transforming the former guerrillas in common prisoners and tolerant with corrupt oligarchs.
Pointing a conclusion
Now, before the Levy and co pacota?o., The extreme left should rather be more organized
and responsiveness, away from the "strategy" electioneering (would not be a blind and
vicious tactic as always ....) and coming closer is the most urgent demands of the
Brazilian people. 2013 proved that there is no insulation when the agenda is fair and is
able to popularize surpassing the media blockade and the ruling sabotage. That serves as a
lesson.
http://www.anarkismo.net/article/27814
