Anarkismo.net: DAF militants are very active in supporting the Rojava Social Revolution by BrunoL

Introduction: Since the Koban? siege started I have been dedicated several hours per week 
to understand and divulge as much as possible about this social revolution initiated in a 
combination of Apoism and the Syrian Civil War. As a militant, I always have been involved 
in international solidarity. As an Arab descendent, I always have been trying to find a 
reliable left-wing force combining direct action and internal democracy. As a scholar and 
a Professor of Geopolitics studying the region for more than 25 years, Rojava is a dream 
coming true. Here I start the first of some interviews to organizations with real 
experience in this process and on the ground. This one I?m talking to Devrimci Anar?ist 
Faaliyet (DAF, or Revolutionary Anarchist Action). They have been very active in this 
activity and understand in details the whole Kurdish process, both in Rojava and inside 
the Turkish State frontiers.

E&A - It is possible to understand the PKK (PKK (Partiya Karker?n Kurdistani, Kurdistan 
Workers' Party) as a politico-military force remodeled from the thought of their historic 
leader (and stuck with life sentence) being transferred organically for the whole 
organization? Hence we have two questions in sequence: you can imagine the reproduction of 
these ideas beyond a certain cult of personality around the image of Abdullah Ocalan 
(Apo)? And, it will be possible to universalize the proposals of the PKK-KCK (Koma Civak?n 
Kurdistan, Group of Communities in Kurdistan) beyond national issue not resolved yet of 
the Kurds?

DAF - We have to see the issue as Kurdish Freedom Movement. PKK is one organization of 
Kurdish people who has been giving struggle not just for 30 years but hundred years. 
Especially after 2000s party has changed its ideology, strategy and character. So the 
critics about the movement have always same habit to take PKK as the same party as 
80s-90s. Just for remember, PKK claimed a freedom not just for Kurdish people but a 
freedom for all people who are oppressed in Middle East. Think about Rojava, PYD 
(Democratic Union Party, in Kurdish: Partiya Yek?tiya Demokrat), is struggling not just 
for the Kurds, Ezidis, Turkmens, Shias, Alawis whom Daesh (ISIS or ISIL or IS, Islamic 
State) want to destroy.

E&A - Is observable a strategic problem for Rojava revolution. I do explain: the live 
border and that one which is possible to be used as sanctuary is with the KRG (Kurdish 
Regional Government in Irak, besides being the epicenter of the war is in Koban?. It is 
observed that if there is no reinforcement of peshmerges (professional KRG?s forces), 
probably the anti-Isis US-led coalition would not be bombarding the jihadists positions. 
Soon, the Alliance between PKK-PYD and the KDP (Kurdistan Democratic Party, Part?ya 
Demokrata Kurdistan?, or PDK) and its coalition with Massoud Barzani ahead of KRG cabinet 
could imply an inevitable approach to the West? It is possible to survive as a 
revolutionary process if this depends on military aid physically KRG and the West?

DAF - We have to see the role of peshmerges. It has been neary one and half month that 
they did not do anything for Rojava. When YPG (People's Protection Units, in Kurdish: 
Yek?ney?n Parastina Gel) and YPJ (Women's Protection Units, in Kurdish: Yek?ney?n 
Parastina Jin?), the self-defense organizations of Rojava people got 60% control of 
Koban?, the forces of Barzani decided to come to help. It is obvious that this was a 
strategic action for Barzani. Barzani declared as there was no Rojava Revolution two years 
before and we have to see this, US and other western countries do not support Koban? 
resistance. After Rojava Revolution, the western powers did not accept the political 
existence of PYD or the cantons of Rojava. So the best solution for them is Barzani who 
has no problem with capitalist or statist politics. Moreover, Barzani's KDP is the brother 
party of Recep Erdogan's AKP (Justice and Development Party, Turkish: Adalet ve Kalk?nma 
Partisi). Under these circumstances, people in Rojava need any kind of support. This does 
not mean that they can get help from any capitalist or statist power. But it is like, 
YPG-YPJ is giving struggle against ISIS, Al-Nusrat Front (an affiliated Al-Qaeda 
group)..., but also giving strategic struggle against Turkey, Esad's Syria (Bashir Al 
Assad), Barzani's Kurdistan and all capitalist powers.

E&A - Still within the strategic theme; by all indications, the Government of Turkey is 
favoring the supply lines and leaving the ISIS to strengthen within the territory under 
the control of the Turkish army. Apparently, this is caused because the realistic 
calculation of Ankara and the AKP government, considering to be less dangerous a 
proposition of "caliphate" ? or the return of the Ummah ? compared to an idea of Kurdish 
separatism, or even political autonomy for Rojava inside the failure State of Syria? From 
the Turkish position, how to evaluate the dispute between the other States operating 
through Sunni Jihadists, like Saudi Arabia and Qatar?

DAF - In the mainstream media, it is hard to find some of the news about Turkish support 
to ISIS. It is not just weapon support, nor it is a neutral position. As you have stated, 
there is an obvious logistic support from Sunni countries to ISIS, but the thing that we 
should never forget the hidden relations of ISIS with capitalist western powers. The scene 
is clear that a terrorist ?slamic group is strengthening the hands of US, especially in 
Middleeast.

E&A - Getting into the theme of the Syrian civil war, what can be seen today is a growing 
war between Sunnis and Shiites, and going together, a war between ISIS (and before Front 
Al-Nusra Front) and the attempted conquest of Koban?. Considering this reality, what would 
be the role of the Free Syrian Army today (FSA)? This force still has some protective 
power ? as the Qatar-or was dropped on condition of a secondary YPG ally? We can consider 
Qatar the major funder of the FSA? And, maybe that's why, whereas both FSA as YPG are also 
opponents of the Assad regime, Damascus and its allies (financiers) preferred to release 
the area of Aleppo and Raqqa for ISIS operations, allowing the Sunni Jihadists advance 
against Rojava?

DAF - As we stated before, some of the strategic actions like struggle against ISIS with 
FSA does not represent the real political view of PYD. So this kind of cooperation is the 
result of the circumstances in Syria and Rojava. The cooperation between the organizations 
and groups shouldn't be taken as the results of the real policies of the organizations and 
groups. The war in Rojava, more in Syria still continues, so it is hard for us to 
determine the allies. It is far away from the solidarity of the revolutionaries for Koban? 
Resistance and Rojava Revolution.

E&A - I understand, even at a distance glance that for the States of Turkey, Syria (what 
was left of this) and Iran, a Western Kurdistan with political autonomy and a society 
working in secular and egalitarian basis implies an insoluble problem. Would be the 
proposal of PYD not formally separate from Syria, but obtain a status of an autonomy 
Federated policy on Syria, as well as a future rearrangement with Iraq and the Government 
of Irbil (KRG?s capitol). Turkey would tolerate a similar Statute, even though it has the 
second largest army of NATO and the biggest contingent on a State with the major 
population being Islamic? If the Turkish Kurdistan received such status, what would 
prevent a Confederation with the Syrian Kurdistan? And, if so, what would be the reaction 
of the KRG and the coalition of the right wing and pro-Western Kurdish parties, like the KDP?

DAF - These scenarios are being talked as the war in Syria has been finished. It is really 
hard to estimate how these wars shape the Middle East. Rojava's three cantons have 
declared their freedom nearly 2,5 years before without caring what will be the reaction of 
Esad, Erdogan or Barzani. Three of these declared that they did not recognize the 
self-governance of Rojava cantons. Moreover, they still do not talk the political 
existence of Rojava. Comrade, we have to see that, during these two years the states 
around Rojava have change their politics in their region with the decisive struggle of 
Rojava's free people. They try to find some ways to control the freedom of Rojava. The 
main scenario is Rojava will be a federation which is part of Esad's Syria. But which 
Syria we are talking about, what is the power of Esad in Syria or will be an Esad who 
leads Syria? The second scenario Rojava will be a part of Barzani's Kurdistan. That would 
be the aim of Barzani, but the principles that hold Koban? against ISIS are not frightened 
ISIS but also Barzani. Because Rojava Revolution declared itself as an anticapitalist, 
antistatist, women and ecology centered revolution.

E&A - It would be interesting for the KRG that Washington no longer considers the PKK-HPG 
(People's Defense Force, in Kurdish: Hezen Parastina Gel) as a terrorist force? This would 
enable a request for freedom for Ocalan, reinforcing the leadership of this political force?

DAF - This is one of the constant political issues in Turkey. Koban? Resistance and Rojava 
Revolution strength not just to position of the Kurds live in Rojava but also in Turkey, 
Iran and Iraq. So this occasion has some results in political, social and economic arena. 
But we have to keep in mind the political power of Erdogan's AKP which does not hesitate 
to express their ideas in international politics.

E&A - How do you project the existence of a legal sovereignty and political autonomy 
status to Rojava considering some fundamental themes like: movement of currency (what it 
would be like? would exists a Central Bank?); trade relations with other territories (for 
example, in the petroleum trade); belonging to a territorial Federation (as in a 
reorganized Syria or Federated to KRG); and what concrete measures would be instituted 
trough Democratic Confederalism with full territorial unity and existence of the three 
cantons?

DAF - 2,5 years before, after declaring the freedom of Rojava cantons; Rojava people 
started to organize the economy by instituting the collective lands to the people; open 
Mala Gels (House of People) and Mala Jins (House of Women) to organize society in a direct 
democratic way. These houses are the real political centers where people from that region 
discuss political and social issues together and decide what to do. They organize the 
juridical process with themselves without any court, any lawyer or judge. Social justice 
is not provided with any kind of central power like state. No school, but there is free 
knowledge sharing like Zapatistas Soil Universities.

We have to accept that Rojava Revolution is not an anarchist revolution. But there is no 
question mark about it is social revolution. The political existence of Rojava is not a 
part of Esad's Syria or part of Iraqi Kurdistan. We are talking about a federation which 
declared itself as anticapitalist. Now it is useless to be worry of the future of Rojava 
if they trade with capitalist or cooperate with states... Let's make bigger the 
revolutionary solidarity and let's take part in this social revolution, so that we don't 
have so many things to worry. As DAF, we have also mentioned the position of ours in a 
text about Koban? Resistance; we are not fortunetellers that we don't guess the political 
position of Rojava after 10 years or 50 years. But we are revolutionary anarchist, we have 
to take part in the social movements and shape the movements.

E&A - What would be the concrete results of the mass policies through KCK organizers and 
democratization proposals from the municipal policy autonomy in Turkish Kurdistan?

DAF - The real misunderstanding of international social opposition is to differentiate the 
policies of Kurdish Movement (HDP - Peoples' Democratic Party, in Turkish: Halklar?n 
Demokratik Partisi) or other institutions that are accepted by Turkish State; and PKK 
(which is referred as a terrorist organization by the state). The realization chance of 
the democratic institutions policies depend on the struggle of the Kurdish people which is 
referred as terrorism. So we have to understand the issue "struggle against Turkish 
State's assimilation politics" as a whole meaning. There is no movement, policy or 
institution which is expressed itself as away from the struggle of PKK and named itself as 
a part of this struggle. So the results of any policies depend of the success of Kurdish 
people organized struggle, PKK. This situation may be a part of another kind of political 
culture situated in Middle East far from European one.

-DAF as an anarchist force do take part of some coordination of alliances with the KCK or 
the DTK (Democratic Society Congress, in Turkish: Demokratik Toplum Kongresi)? As 
anarchists, how do you evaluate these activities with other social forces? And, in this 
sense, how to assess the electoral participation of the Alliance BDP (Peace and Democracy 
Party, in Turkish: Bar?? ve Demokrasi Partisi, in Kurdish: Partiya A?t? ? Demokrasiy?), 
BDP /HDP?

DAF - Related with the answer of the question above, DAF take PKK as the real subject of 
this matter. Especially after the change in paradigm in 2000s, after Ocalan declared as 
PKK is not a Marxist-Leninist movement anymore and reference Bookchin, Bakunin and 
Kropotkin, it is impossible for DAF not to be interested with this change in theory. We 
have experienced the changes in practices day by day. Direct Democracy took an important 
place for this realization in politics. Although there are some critics from European 
anarchist as they were still a part of Marxist ideology, we are witnessing the changing 
not just in sharing the same political arena (that is struggle against the state), but we 
are witnessing the harmony of the theory and practice in Rojava Revolution. The 
institiutions like KCK, DTK, DBP/HDP, these could be some strategies of movement in 
Parliament, juridical system... We can criticize these strategies but we do not take these 
institutions as they are other organizations who aims other policies. Like we do not vote 
for HDP of DBP, because we have other kind of strategy in parlamentary democracy, this 
doesn't make us to degrade these institutions with PKK.

E&A - Whereas the Democratic Confederalismo is inspired in anarchism, we assume that there 
is an approximation and sympathy between the anarchist ideas and the current thought of 
the Kurdish left. This assessment is correct? Could you specify in which sense?

DAF - As stated above, especially after 2000s new paradigm appeared in Kurdish Movement 
referenced especially Bookchin and Kropotkin, Bakunin (maybe Michael Albert in economy). 
So this is a good step for a popular movement. Kurdish people are giving struggle not just 
for 30 years, they are giving struggle for decades. For revolutionary anarchists, it is a 
good momentum for us, that organization of this liberation struggle referenced anarchism. 
It is a good time for us to socialize anarchism in the lands where people live without 
states for decades. A social revolution could be prepared just as if it got socialized. 
We, as DAF, are not anarchists just to write some texts and live anarchism in our closed 
groups as some comrades in Europe do. We aim social revolution, we are giving struggle in 
every meaning, so this is a good step for us to socialize anarchism.

E&A - Based on what we read, the DAF operates side by side with a front of pro-Rojava 
movements and as supporters of the Social Revolution in the region. This is generating an 
approximation of the Turkish left as a whole, may be marking a position strengthened 
between the pro-Kurdish social and political umbrella (DTK-KCK and legal political forces, 
DBP/HDP), leading the population to have an option in addition to the rivalry between the 
AKP and the Kemalists-Nationalists?

DAF is in solidarity with Rojava Revolution and Koban? Resistance from the first day. 
Because, on 19th of July, the cantons of Rojava declared their independence against Esad's 
Syria, against ISIS, against Barzani and against all international economic and political 
powers that have goals in the region. DAF solidarity with the people of Rojava who are 
Kurds, Ezidi's, Shia's, Alawi's... because Rojava is a hope for the oppressed people 
living in Middle East and other parts of the world. Rojava shows that we manage to win 
against states, against capitalists.

Actually Rojava Revolution is like litmus paper for Turkish left. Because, some 
organizations and parties do not solidarity with revolution because of nationalistic views 
they got. Kurdish issue for social opposition in Turkish left is an important issue to see 
the effects of the state politics in socialism. Moreover, after the paradigm change in 
PKK, this situation makes some of socialist parties to hold off with Kurdish Movement. The 
behavior of anarchists in this manner is also important. We, as revolutionary anarchists 
coming from a tradition, where socialist did not even give importance to the liberation 
movements of the people in 3rd world countries but anarchist comrades constituted first 
liberation movements in Bulgaria, Greece, Macedonia, Armenia in 1850s, we are coming from 
traditions where anarchist comrades gave the first liberation struggles in South America, 
in Indonesia, in Philippines... This is not for to create a third front against 
Nationalists and AKP. DAF does not consider itself in Turkish parliamentary political 
agenda. This is a new front that is against parliamentary solutions for social, economic 
and political problems.

E&A - For what you might observe in Rojava and accompanying with greater proximity, what 
would be the greatest virtues of the social system being developed in the region? And, in 
this same sense, what would be the biggest weaknesses in the sense of PYD-TEV DEM 
(Movement for a Democratic Society, in Kurdish: Tevgera Civaka Demokrat?k) may be 
establishing a new State in the region? What are they reproducing that may end in another 
State?

DAF - Comrades, we have to strength the position of social revolution in Rojava in its all 
meaning. The people who are giving struggle there, giving struggle not for building for 
another oppresive state. This is a struggle for social revolution without a state, without 
capitalism, without patriarchy... We know the scenarios about being united with Barzani's 
Kurdistan or being a confederation in Esad's Syria. Our role must be to get participate 
and keep the social revolution away from these scenarios. If the solidarity of the 
revolutionary people is enough to create this stateless solution, it is useless to be 
afraid from these scenarios. This is not just our position in Rojava, this is also the 
position of Kurdish Liberation Movement.

E&A - We understand that the theme of the emancipation and empowerment of women is a huge 
amount, implicating in a single interview, but we can notice that this is an asset and an 
arrangement of the Kurdish-majority social process (and not sectarian, this is clear). In 
which aspects the presence of women combatants in YPJ is transforming social relations in 
Kurdistan as a whole? This has a direct relation with the PKK and organic thought of the 
women participation in the HPG?

DAF - There appeared Mala Jins (Women House) from the first day of revolution in Rojava. 
Mala Jins, socialize awareness in the role of women in society, socialize struggle against 
the patriarchal culture, it socializes the importance of women in society. This effort is 
really important because ISIS and other radical Islamists try to shape whole region 
according to the values of their culture. Social revolution is not just a political 
change. We have to see the other changing like in women issue to understand the importance 
of Rojava Revolution.

E&A - To conclude, there is a great concern, because the facts are proving that Western 
societies (and their powers that be) observe the social process Rojava with sympathies 
and, in terms of behavior and rules of coexistence, the Kurdistan seems to be what the 
closest there is to a form of democratic, secular and liberal society. In the DAF?s vision 
is there a real risk of the Kurdish left end by approaching to the West in a hopeless way 
(depending on Western support) that it may end as a secular and proto-State with gender 
equality (which is an achievement for the region) rather than a social revolution with 
real chances to build another society?

DAF - As we have written "We are not fortunetellers, we can't possibly know what will 
happen in Rojava a month or a year from now. We can't know that this social transformation 
which not only gives us hope as revolutionaries that struggle in a geographically close 
region, but also feeds our struggle in the regions that we struggle in, would move towards 
a positive or negative future. But we are revolutionary anarchists. We can't just sit 
aside, watch what's happening and comment; we take part in social struggles and take 
action for an anarchist revolution."

Long live the Rojava Revolution! Long live the Koban? Resistance! Long live the 
Revolutionary Anarchism!

http://www.anarkismo.net/article/27779