[machine translation]
"Order reigns in Berlin , "said Rosa Luxemburg dipped a bitter sarcasm, just before being
murdered during the repression of the workers' uprising in Germany in 1919. It was the
same type of order that needed to be saved at all costs September 26, 2014 in Iguala, in
the Mexican state of Guerrero. That day, an official celebration took place when the mayor
of the municipality and his wife were present. But the celebration was threatened by 80
students from the Escuela Normal (Normal School) of a nearby resort Ayotzinapa. They and
they went there to make political activism and the police brutally attacked them under the
orders of the municipality. This is an event that has attracted the attention of the
entire planet on Mexico. The next day, the local press celebrated repression with an
article entitled " Finally, order is restored "(Por fin is pone orden). In the days
that followed, the image of the media coverage was republished in the national media,
along with other images that you glaceraient blood. It was the graphic representation of
what, in the state of Guerrero, corresponds to the word "order".
The officers fired on the bus in which normalistas traveling. But the bullets also hit -
by mistake - the bus of a soccer team. The driver and a player of 14 years died. A passing
Blanca Montiel, fell during the shots. The morning of Saturday the 27th, 20 young people
were injured and 5-es-es died. Survivor-es, 44 were arrested es, or to say more just
kidnapped es. Among them, and they were Julio Cesar Mondragon, who was horribly tortured
the next day until he died: they peeled her skin of the figure. It is said that this
happened because he had spit on one of his kidnappers. The remaining 43-es have not
returned and the federal government says they are dead and es.
On 26 September the normalistas were Iguala to raise money to fund a trip to Mexico City
and take part in an annual event on October 2, the date of the Tlatelolco massacre in
1968. The government had killed 500 students and Student protestors. Their demands
consisted mainly of the late cuts in public education. At the Escuela Normal Ayotzinapa of
the future teacher-es-es rural (normalistas) are not embarrassed es of their peasant roots
/ rural, nor hide their political affiliations. They, and they do not study only to teach,
but especially for understanding the social realities they and they will have to confront
when they and will be teacher-es. They, and they are as poor as their future-es pupils and
to survive, they need to combine lean government scholarships with many hours of work,
because the school is at the same time, a collective farm. And if they accept these
conditions, it is not due to a quest for profits and personal advancement, but to help
"the people", they and they consider the son and daughters. They and are members of the
Student Federation of Peasant-es-ne-s Socialists. Their school is decorated with portraits
of Marx, Engels, Lenin, as well as leaders of the guerrillas in Mexico in the 70: Genaro
V?zquez and Lucio Caba?as, two rural teachers trained in the same school.
The spokesman of the government, right-wing parties and the mass media have always joined
to them and them the image of rioters, subversive and criminals. And not only to them and
them. Last year, a manifestation of the rural teacher-es in the capital attracted an
unprecedented campaign of hatred; classist explicitly and implicitly racist. Under these
conditions, the violent crackdown has become a "risk of occupation 'for normalistas. In
December 2011, two of them and they were murdered es by state police during demonstrations
in Chilpancingo (the capital of the state of Guerrero), something that has hardly raised
any scandal.
Both the government and the press (national and international) have the Massacre of Iguala
like an episode of the long "narco-war" that devastated Mexico in the last seven years.
Potential collaboration with organized crime Iguala police in the attack helped lay a
shadow on the specific political nature of this crime. The federal government has declared
its indignation and threw the blame on the local level of government. Police officers who
participated and their civilian partners were arrested by federal forces. The president of
the municipality, Jose Luis Abarca, had to escape before being captured a few weeks away
from the city. Responsibility in several other acts of political violence was gradually
released and the family ties of his wife, Angeles Pineda, with the powerful Beltran Leyva
cartel. In the confusion of the different levels of government, parties involved and the
drug cartels, it appears something very clear, which may even be summarized in three
words: FUE EL ESTADO (This was the state). It is not simply that the perpetrators were the
police, who simply followed orders from his chain of command, but their motivation was the
motivation of state par excellence: the defense of the social order established through
repression of dissidents and dissident.
At a press conference on November 7, the Attorney General, Jes?s Murillo Karam, denied
that the Mexican government had any responsibility whatsoever in the municipal government
actions. However, he directly and spontaneously admitted that if the federal army was
present, the military would have contributed to their repression rather than protect them.
Their job as a military is to provide assistance to the "constituted authority".
Mexico is a presidential and centralist country, the man who - in form and in fact -
commands the armed forces of the entire country is the President of the Republic. Today,
this position was held by Enrique Pe?a Nieto, the PRI. Therefore, the fathers and mothers
of the victims, after meeting Pe?a Nieto, have declared responsible for the fate of their
children rather than give him the traditional "respect to its function."
The Nationalist Party for the Democratic Revolution (PRD) also has its share of
responsibility in this matter. This electoral option is considered mass media as "the
left". And in its ranks, there is the president of the municipality of Igual (Abarca) and
the Governor of the State of Guerrero, Angel Aguirre, who resigned as evidence of its
proximity Abarca. These circumstances, far from obscuring the political nature of the
crime, simplifies some way: the differences between political parties have become
unimportant in comparison with the enormous difference between the all social movements,
especially youth .dropoff window
The power of the people is so remote that the profound signs of rejection manifested not
only against the two parties mentioned (the PRI and the PRD), but also against a third
party, the Partido Acci?n Nacional (PAN). The PAN has not been directly involved in the
massacre of Iguala, but he was in power when the militarization of Mexico has begun, there
are less than ten years. At the time, President Felipe Calder?n (2006-2012), wishing to
legitimize his position after very dubious elections. He launched a frontal war against
drug traffickers. To do this, he had given police functions to the military and some had
broken alliances and pacts that had previously allowed citizens to live in relative peace.
These days, the comrades of normalistas disappeared es and activists of the teachers union
Guerrero burned twice the local government building. They and they also stole food from
supermarkets to share with the population of Chilpancingo and occupied the Acapulco
airport for three hours. In the rest of the country, student strikes broke every time
longer, and a demonstration in the capital of Mexico went on fire near the door of the
iconic National Palace, headquarters of the federal government.
These actions had the effect of dispelling the dismay of consensus that dominated Mexican
society in the days that followed the disappearance of students. As protests radicalized,
those who despitefully use only words separate and dissociate from those who blaspheme by
enacting instruments. Increasingly, the strongest actions are attributed to
"infiltrators". This opens further breach of solidarity.
Quite often, opinions are published in which we find violence abusers brought into line
with the resistance of the victims - it gives more value to the objects destroyed in the
protests only lives destroyed by repression. When it occurred attempting to burn the door
of the National Palace, the public officer and the young leader of the PRI, Luis Ram?rez
Adr?an, clearly expressed what others expressed only between the lines. In social
networks, he said the government should not stop at " the idea of preserving the human
rights of cattle that do not deserve to live ... and today more than ever, I am calling
for the return of someone like Mr. Gustavo D?az Ordaz , "making reference here to the
president associated with the repression of the student movement in 1968. The daughter of
a leader of an organization of PRI 7 words shown in the deeper reasons for this violence
wrote on Facebook: " No wonder they burn the NACOS ... ". "Naco" in Mexico City, is a
word used to refer to poor and indigenous.
The same words that were used against normalistas and before they disappear - rioters /
rioters, offender-es, vandals - are used today in the mass media against those who
manifest to denounce their disappearance. Solidarity becomes more difficult between the
intellectual-le-s when it becomes necessary. However, while several spokespeople,
journalists, experts of all kinds, writers and academician ne s dissociate from the
violence in protests over workers are joining the basis of events. Several major unions
have formally joined the protests. People normally apathetic or even conservatives defend
the actions that the "opinion leaders" denounce. The hairdresser starts telling me its
economic problems and ends with " guys in Guerrero . " The taxi driver, after being
blocked for several hours in traffic because a street was blocked, explains that " it is
for the guys "and keeps a respectful silence. Two women sitting near me in the cinema are
offended by government advertising and shout " we did not pay to give the lie . "
So again, as always in the past eight years, the Mexican and Mexican-es died. Why is this
case that triggered the protests? Maybe because it was not Mexican and Mexican middle
means. They were young people who were fighting for the poor and aspired to educate poor
people. They, and they were not killed by accident-es, for refusing to pay a ransom, or
even for being in the wrong place at the wrong time. Or even to have belonged to a rival
cartel. They and were killed because they are-and they rejected the state's power in
educational and social issues. In the end, all of Mexico knows. Meanwhile, spread the
intuition that the police killed the wealthy children of the poor, for trying to defend
the poor. All the poor.
Oscar de Pablo
- Translation of the article "Iguala: Crimen de Estado, crimen de Clase" by Collectif Emma
Goldman
http://ucl-saguenay.blogspot.co.il/2014/12/iguala-mexique-crime-detat-crime-de.html
