(en) Brazil, Anarchist Federation Gaucha FAG - Memory, Truth
and Justice | 50 of Civil-Military Coup, 46 AI-5 (pt) [machine
translation]
For (the) who fell fighting ... Not a day without memory! ... ---- For the torturers and
principals ... Not a moment's rest! ---- Do not forget nor forgive! ---- The year 1968 was
one of the busiest and combative of the 1960s in Brazil and worldwide. Protests, marches,
strikes, demonstrations, events, etc. took to the streets of large cities leading large
masses of the population to protest the Boulevard tupiniquins. As distinct from the
European, Latin American located in Brazil denounced the arrests, abductions,
disappearances, torture and deaths that piled up after the civil-military coup of April 1,
1964. ---- The core of the 1968 demonstrations originated especially in the student
movement that was set illegally since the coup (where the headquarters of the National
Union of Students (UNE) was burned) and because of the murder - committed by agents of the
dictatorship - Edson Lu?s student Lima Souto, in March 1968, the University Dungeon
Restaurant, downtown Rio de Janeiro. The death of Edson Luis caused great national uproar
and triggered a series of demonstrations across the country demanding an end to the
dictatorship.
These movements provided the excuse for that in a fateful Friday, December 13, 1968, the
gaucho dictator General Arthur da Costa e Silva, called a meeting of the National Security
Council to "put a stop to the counter-revolution that took account the country. " It is on
this day, "mortalizado" in Brazilian history, which is decreed Institutional Act No. 5
(AI-5), which became known as "the coup within the coup."
Costa e Silva is the second military dictator of the cycle to take control of the
Brazilian state. His name is accepted by the military leadership to succeed conspirator
and coup General Humberto de Alencar Castelo Branco. Costa e Silva was Minister of Castelo
Branco war and represented the "hard line" of the armed forces, ie the more conservative
side, reactionary, far-right and fascist of the already conservative, reactionary,
right-wing and fascist military.
The AI-5 had 12 articles, among which guarantee the dictatorship closure National Congress
(what actually happened, being closed for almost a year), the legislatures and city
council chambers; decreed parliamentary recess, getting all assignments in charge of the
executive; the dictator-president could intervene in states and municipalities without any
constitutional limitation; provided for the suspension of political rights of any person
for 10 years and the forfeiture of any terms, whether in the municipal, state or federal
level.
Constitutional guarantees were suspended; provided for the resignation, removal or
retirement compulsory basis; the dictator-president could declare a state of siege and
extend it indefinitely; was suspended habeas corpus guarantee for "political crimes" or
against "national security"; and, finally, all acts performed by the State or its agents
under the "cover" of the AI-5 were not subject to judicial review, that is, from then on
there would be no way to contest. The dictatorship was officially made an autocracy of
barbarism.
In practice the AI-5 represented the resurgence of dictatorship and the
institutionalization of barbarism through kidnappings, disappearances, torture and murder.
The AI-5 was also the "middle" that enabled the creation and legalization of organs
intended exclusively to coordinate and integrate the repressive actions of the various
bodies of "security" (DOPS and military) against "subversives" and any threat to "
national security. " One example was the "legalization" of the death squad known as
"Operation Bandeirantes (OBAN)," that after the AI-5 consolidation happens to be
controlled by the army and is called the DOI-CODI (posting of information operations -
internal defense operations center).
After 46 years the imposition of that infamous legal mechanism, we still live under the
yoke of state violence in different forms, whether enforcement of delegitimization and
criminalization of recent social struggles, the extermination of the black and poor people
in the slums, rape and vexation of female bodies, etc. The fight against the legacy of
dictatorship and against the criminal nature of the capitalist system of domination that
continues to victims is a more than current struggle because our memory wants justice!
Possibilities and limits of the National Truth Commission (CNV)
Created in 2012 with the aim to establish and clarify the serious human rights violations
committed between 1946 and 1988 (representing the interval between the last two
"democratic constitutions"), the National Truth Commission (CNV) submitted its final
report on December 10, 2014. After two years and seven months of starting its work, the
move towards some unprecedented revelation about the dictatorial period were virtually nil.
Led by a core group of seven representatives appointed by the president, assisted by a
dozen technicians and researchers, CNV had reasonable time to conduct their research,
investigations, hearings, etc., but a cadre of professionals restricted and very little
logistical and institutional support . Importantly, the military denied, neglected and
concealed access to documents that could help the Commission's work and caused
embarrassment to the minister of defense when investigations carried out by the three
forces concluded that there was no misuse of purpose in the use of military facilities and
omitted the occurrence of torture and death on the premises of the military.
The boundaries of the CNV were set from the moment of its creation, as the possibility of
"justice" as part of "transition" and "reconciliation" was not even mentioned. The closest
punitive bias towards those who committed arbitrariness and abuse is a "recommendation" to
the prosecutor to present criminal complaint against some perpetrators still living. The
most concrete possibility of the report is that your ads bring the issue of civil-military
dictatorship to the public debate and the debate is likely to generate a broad movement of
opposition to the law of amnesty that today serves as a "safe passage" for dictators,
torturers, hired and the executors.
As anarchists we will not be naive about what comes from the state, much less when it
comes to human rights such as freedom and emancipation tool and we continue to believe
that the tone should be given by all the popular forces and left on the streets by direct
popular action . We do not believe in the (in) justice and partial follow firm and
confident doing the memory and the following who fought with our struggle. For memory also
makes the daily struggle with the people, side by side, shoulder to shoulder with the
oppressed.
We will continue denouncing the crimes committed by the state, those of yesterday and
today, none will go unnoticed!
Not a day without memory!
Not a moment's rest for the executioners!
Memory, Truth and Justice is built in the Fight!
Arriba them and them that Luchan !!!!
Gaucha Anarchist Federation - FAG
http://www.coletivocompa.org/2014/12/fag-memoria-verdade-e-justica-50-do.html
