[machine translation]
http://alternativelibertaire.org/?Video-solidarite-libertaire-Paris
An audio slideshow about the event from November 1 to Paris, and a synthesis of anarchist
meeting October 31 at the Academy of arts and cultures of Kurdistan. ---- Between 5,000
and 10,000 people marched in Paris, Saturday, November 1, as part of the International Day
of Solidarity with Koban?, besieged by jihadists Daech and threatened by the tanks of the
Turkish army. ---- Funds for the revolution! ---- Join the campaign for financial support
---- On the same movement, all libertarian formations (AL, FA, CGA, OCL, CNT-F, CNT-SW,
CNT-AIT, collective solidarity of anarchists Rojava) were present in this day of protest
to demand "of Arms for Rojava " and greet the revolution in Syrian Kurdistan. ---- A
strong red and black contingent was therefore present at the demonstration in Paris, among
the many red flags, yellow and green features of the Kurdish left.
Also present were delegations SOUTH unions Solidarity, the NPA and the Communist Party, as
well as many organizations of the extreme left Turkish and feminists.
It should be noted, for the first time since the beginning of demonstrations in support
Koban?, the appearance of flags of the Kurdistan Regional Government. The recent
strengthening of Peshmerga to Koban? there is probably no stranger.
The march ended with a touching meeting place of the Republic.
Below, a slideshow sound by Cuervo / AL Paris-Sud.
Kurdish demonstration Koban? Paris 1 November 2014 by libertairetv
The night before, a anarchist meeting was held in a high place of the Kurdish left Paris:
Academy of Arts and Culture of Kurdistan, rue d'Enghien.
While some activists preparing banners and placards to the event the next day, hundreds of
people have discussed the situation: what is the nature of the Syrian revolution in
Kurdistan? Social and democratic revolution? what is the balance between the people's
power, the ruling party (PYD), militias YPG-YPJ? what is the economic situation in
Rojava? (A funding campaign was launched by libertarians). Koban? received air support
from the Arab-Western coalition, as well as arms shipments. But how can we be helped
without losing its independence? what form does the women's movement? (A French feminist
work from November 6 to Kurdistan to meet with local actors).
INTRODUCTION TO ANARCHIST MEETING
OF October 31, 2014
Dear (s) Friend (s), expensive (e) s comrades, dear brothers and sisters Kurdish
It is with great pride that on Friday, the eve of the International Day of Solidarity with
Koban?, I rise in your meeting, on behalf of anarchist solidarity initiative with Rojava,
a group that s' Paris recently established on the initiative of individual members of
libertarian organizations or not, and attempts by various means to attract attention and
to develop a political and material solidarity with the fighters and the fighters of
Koban? more largely with the people of Rojava struggle.
For six weeks Koban? city was the scene of fierce fighting on the part of volunteers and
YPJ YPG. Under the eyes of the world, the Kurdish struggle to defend both the territorial
and political autonomy Rojava and resist to the death the waves of attacks by mercenaries
of the Islamic State, it not only respect and admiration, but is now opening a new
sequence for both the Kurdistan itself, but also for the entire region, and finally for
all those interested directly or indirectly in all the ways that take attempts at
emancipation.
Resistance became Koban? resistance of all Kurds throughout the region and throughout the
Diaspora, a prime factor in the sense of belonging and power, in that capacity today to
take their destiny in hand, to write a new chapter in the history of the oppressed people
of course, but always fought, arms in hand, to uphold its dignity, its existence and its
right.
Mobilization as evidenced by recent events in Turkey have experienced a level of violence
reminiscent of the 1990s: More than 50 dead in a few days, curfew, army deployment in the
cities. Mobilization of thousands of Kurds and Turks also integral to the Turkish-Syrian
border to show their support for closer resistant and challenge vis-?-vis the Turkish
army. Mobilization with hundreds, thousands of young and not so young who forced dams, cut
the wire and joined for a day, for a week or more, people who refused to leave their homes
and fighter-es of besieged city.
The exceptional nature of this battle is also qualitative: It has not escaped anyone that
combatants and fighters are mainly from the Kurdish and they left and they are involved in
a project of political and territorial autonomy in the Rojava, project based on the
critique of the concept of the nation-state, the municipal authority on gender equality
women on mixed gender inclusive on taking account of all minorities in the region, on less
punitive forms of justice but based on consensus and the idea of rehabilitation on
original forms of democracy.
The revolution of Rojava and that the Kurdish movement called "democratic confederalism"
is a proposal should be seen and becomes important in the context of the uprisings of the
"Arab Spring" of their balance sheets, their failures and issues that had been opened and
then remained unanswered. It must be considered a valid and concrete proposal for the
entire Mediterranean and Middle Eastern region: a coherent alternative to all systems of
oppression and dispossession without exception, from the territorial divisions of the
colonial era and two world wars - both chimeras "Arab nationalism" one-party and military
dictatorships, the oil monarchies, the different variants of political Islam or even the
colonialist state of Israel.
If the battle of Koban? has a specificity, the range of possibilities opened up by the
victory of Kurdish fighter-es, that particular brand as Koban? break with decades of
imperial domination of the capitalist powers is the particular struggle of a particular
people for freedom is becoming the universal name of liberation of all.
This is the meaning embodied the slogan "struggle Koban? is that of humanity. "
The Kurds have not sought Rojava a "right to difference". They emphasized the legitimacy
of their struggle against the criteria internationally accepted as the right to
self-determination. But they also highlighted their project, their achievements, proposals
and argued that why they were fighting and they could be taken anywhere else and national
oppression against identities issues were denied or manipulated by States that their
proposals could help to reverse the course of history, to deviate from its course and put
an end to centuries of colonial and imperial domination, it is a struggle for humanity as
had also said the Zapatistas in the depths of the mountains of the Mexican Southeast.
What is new and noteworthy is that the great wave of sympathy expressed increasingly in
recent weeks against resistant and resistant to Koban? is not oriented figures restarted
the "victim" and vulnerable defenseless request a "humanitarian aid" to the "international
community".
Koban?, did not request that the "saviors" come to fight for it (for a ground intervention
in particular), Koban? asked something else much more important politically: his fighting
and his fighters have sought ways to beat themselves, and particularly of arms,
ammunition, equipment, defense. Political issues as masters of their destiny, fighting for
their rights, for their emancipation and freedom.
This is a fundamental break in the period also opens for us and potentially for millions
of people worldwide, a new situation in which resistance to attacks on, as an idea and
practice is not automatically synonymous human achievement or return to a glorious past,
but it can be interpreted and live as the opening of a new horizon on conquest, progress:
a way forward, a golf release an offensive struggle that challenges the current idea, the
hypothesis and the possibility of transforming the established order, and that this
transformation takes a revolutionary course.
He was certain that this position could only be fought and condemned by the imperialist
powers, they either local or western.
Turkey first, after enclosing the fighters and Kurdish fighters in Koban? blocking exits
north of the city, preventing reinforcements and supplies of weapons and ammunition, after
detained hundreds of Syrian Kurds taking refuge across the border, after bloodily
suppressed the demonstrations in support Koban?, after reaffirming want to establish a
"buffer zone" (proposal supported by Hollande) on the Syrian side of the border, that is
to say where exactly are the territories Rojava, Turkey remains the main threat to the
Kurds. The Turkish state since 2011, helping to Islamism and different movements, has
clearly chosen the Islamic state against the Kurdish liberation movement.
The United States is not on the same line as Turkey. For them, Koban? is not a strategic
objective. On the other hand, officially, their mission in Syria is limited to jihadists.
It should be remembered that officially the US, unlike France, have never believed in the
imminent overthrow of the Assad regime. They are for a transition to a Syrian coalition
government (this was the meaning of the Geneva talks in February 2014). Recall that the
approach of the United States is done by taking into account the interests of Russia and
Iran (where the agreement on the destruction of chemical weapons), while France (and
Britain) wants running into the pile, overthrow Assad, to fight the Iranians retired and
inflict a defeat for Putin. Today, the "hawks" in the Western region are at the Quai
d'Orsay and the Elysee.
Throughout history, wars and revolutions have always found intertwined: refusal of
inter-imperialist wars leading to revolutionary uprisings, revolutionary attempts turning
into war caught up homes smoldering war and devoured by the armies of gravediggers of the
revolution... We know from experience that all the logic of war, even those that must be
assumed, contain the dangers of militarism, harden reports, centralized forms of power and
command, closing the space and time reflection, debate and reject the contradictions that
make the wealth of a process of transformation and go against the revolutionary dynamic.
As in all other circumstances, the Kurds now find themselves having to jointly conduct a
war and a revolution. They probably will not have the luxury of choosing between favoring
one over the other, but one thing is certain: the kind of solidarity they receive may help
tip the balance to one side rather than the other. For our part, we believe, within the
Kurdish society and the Kurdish liberation movement as within the solidarity movement, and
particularly preferred support practices and initiatives that tend to autonomy and
self-organization populations and human communities, support trends that drive the
political emancipation and social revolution.
The draft Kurdish autonomy is not a revolutionary anarchist and anti-capitalist project,
it does not address the establishment of libertarian communism and the abolition of all
hierarchies, capital and wages: but against his victory or defeat depends on it will be
possible or not, to pronounce and to debate certain ideas, certain requirements, such as
equality, the fight against capitalist exploitation of living labor and domestic
exploitation of women, taking collective responsibility for decisions on all issues
affecting the lives of people in production, housing, education, attention to agriculture,
a critical development and high productivity...
We do not usually ask the protagonists of the struggles that they accept it supports all
of our references and our positions in exchange for solidarity. Otherwise, it remains in
the inter-se. The most common tendency is to affirm solidarity with some struggles and not
others depending on the presence or absence of a number of criteria and partial and
potential transformation elements they contain and show. Stand in solidarity with the
Kurdish struggle for autonomy, follows the same rules: it's not delude themselves and
support a "revolution" closed or unconditionally share the ins and outs eyes. It is,
according to what has been suggested previously on the meaning of this struggle in the
period and context, several things simultaneously: to support resistance against attempts
to extermination, support political meanings that this fight already produced against
victimization and the emergence of a third or fourth lane in the Syrian context, and at
the same time is to defend in the same process of this resistance it is possible to take
their destiny in hand, gestures affirm equality and assert itself as a political subject
and the subject of history, tracing a path of emancipation. In fact, contribute to the
possibility that a social revolution would be deeply qu'envisageable it, make some
prerequisites are met for a transformation of this kind to emerge, may express themselves,
find an echo, relays, support points, manages to translate into conflicts, practices, ways
of being and living, if any answer to a socially shared necessity, becomes a kind of
evidence and reality.
Therefore, if combatants and non-combatants and their Kurdish Kurdish allies are now in
the front line to face, with their bodies, their intelligence, their generosity and
weapons in hand, bloodthirsty bands of crackpots the Islamic state, and that therefore
they need and have the means to fight, it is very important that they are less dependent
on the possible various powers, including the United States which, in addition to imperial
superpower position (especially military) itself already very problematic for any attempt
at revolution in the world, it is not possible to trust (the massacre of Halabja in March
1988), especially the foreign policy of the United States UNite is known to run in cycles,
it is likely that the United unienne approach rather "pragmatic" now will turn sooner or
later a new offensive to "hawks" neo-conservatives, the same people who once committed
massively States UNite in the Vietnam War (Nixon) and later, the wars in Iraq (Bush father
and son), effects that are known.
As anarchists, libertarian communists, anti-authoritarian anti-capitalist France, must be
given a special mention in Holland. The French head of state has indeed quickly aligned
positions in Turkey expressing his support for the creation of a "buffer zone" in the
Rojava and along the entire Syrian-Turkish border. But if the Turkish army enters Syrian
soil is both a declaration of war against Syrian Kurds, but also against the regime in
Damascus. This is another true goal. Be aware that this is what France wants, government
and opposition alike: an air and ground war, not primarily against the jihadists but to
undertake the road to Damascus to the presidential palace.
France, unlike the United States, has since the beginning of the uprising in Syria
(February-March 2011) aligned with the axis Turkey-Qatar and Saudi Arabia, which are the
main suppliers of financial and material assistance Islamist fighters, that is to say in
the most position going into the war to topple the Assad regime and to replace it with
anything, except by a Sunni Islamist regime, which will further with or without
dismemberment of the country, a colony or a protectorate of these regional powers
(especially Turkey, which has a long common border, which is by far the largest military
power and would see the region once again placed under cutting a new Ottoman Empire) and a
new lucrative market for multinationals. By aligning Turkey, the French state is the goal
of annihilation accomplice draft Kurdish autonomy in Syria today, and Turkey soon.
The campaign of solidarity with the liberation struggle of the Kurds can not, in France at
least, identify and denounce the dangerous criminal and cynical policy of the French
government.
