Demonstration in the Ciz?r? in support of Koban? (October 2014) ---- Firat News ---- Funds
for the revolution! ---- Join the campaign for financial support ---- Other articles in
the section: ---- Rojava: New Chiapas? ---- What really changed PKK ---- Infographic:
Kurdish galaxy ---- DAF: "Ankara feared a revolutionary contagion" ---- "Barcelona,
Warsaw, Stalingrad, Koban?" (support libertarians in France) ---- Funds for the
revolution! ---- Join the campaign for financial support ---- A report by Zaher Baher, the
Kurdish Anarchists Forum and Haringey Solidarity Group (London), July 2014. ----
Translated by Alain KMS with Alternative libertarian. ---- The text below is one of the
few accounts of the experience of popular organization-Syrian Kurdistan. This is why it
was necessary to make it accessible to Francophones, despite its shortcomings and some
confusion. The author could not answer our questions, we intersected some information with
other sources (thank you to the journalist Maxime Azadi of Actukurde.fr).
We have chosen to use the version of the Kurdish place names, while indicating in some
cases, their names in Arabic and French.
The full text is reproduced, with the exception of a passage geopolitical too long and
irrelevant to our senses. The analyzes belong to their authors and do not necessarily
Alternative libertarian.
The notes are of the translation team.
In May 2014, I traveled for a few weeks the Syrian Kurdistan - "the Rojava" [ 1 ] - to the
northeast of the country with a friend. During this trip, we had every opportunity that we
wanted to meet women, men, youth, political parties. In this region, there are more than
20 parties, they are labeled "Kurds", "Christian" or otherwise. Some part in the
"democratic self-government" ( Democratic Self Administration DSA) or "democratic
self-management" (Democratic Self Management) of the region Ciz?r? [ 2 ].
The Ciz?r? is one of three districts of Rojava. We also met with Kurdish political parties
and Christians who do not participate in self-government. In addition, we met with
officials of self-administration, members of various committees, groups and communities,
as well as businessmen, traders, workers and onlookers on the market and on the street.
Kurdistan is an area populated by about 40 million inhabitants and residents shared at the
end of the First World War between Iraq, Syria, Iran and Turkey. During the history, the
Kurds suffered massacres and even genocide on the part of regimes that have succeeded
mainly in Iraq and Turkey. Since then he has been continuously oppressed by the central
government. In Iraq, under the dictatorship of Saddam Hussein, the Kurds have suffered
massacres chemical weapons during the Anfal operation [ 3 ].
In Turkey, there is not so long ago, the Kurds were not allowed to speak their own
language, and they were only recognized as "mountain Turks" - referring to the mountainous
terrain of Kurdistan of Turkey. In Syria, the Kurdish situation was somewhat better than
in Turkey. Iran, he recognizes them as a distinct people of Persia and granted rights but
not political autonomy.
After the 1st Gulf War (1991) was formed in an Iraq Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG).
After the second Gulf War (2003), the invasion and occupation of Iraq, the KRG has taken
advantage of the situation to strengthen and develop an administration, a budget and an
army - peshmerga - independent. In Baghdad, the central government could only confirm that
empowerment and, to some extent, even supported. This has encouraged other parts of
Kurdistan, especially in Turkey and Syria.
During this same year, 2003, Syrian Kurds founded the Democratic Union Party (PYD for
Partiya Yek?tiya Demokrat ), which was added to the existing Kurdish parties and
organizations in the region. Most dating back to the 1960s but had proved inefficient in
comparison to the rapid development of PYD.
The Arab Spring
The Arab Spring has shaken Syria in early 2011 and, after some time, has spread to parts
of the Ciz?r? of Koban? and Efr?n. Popular protest there was deep and abiding. It
contributed to the withdrawal of the army of the Kurdish districts, with the exception of
certain areas of the Ciz?r? which we will discuss later.
During this time, was - with the support of the PKK [ 4 ] and PYD - the Movement for
Democratic Society (Tev-Dem for Tevgera Civaka Demokratik ), which quickly gained a strong
popular base [ 5 ]. After the departure of the army and the Syrian administration, the
situation became chaotic - we will see why - and Tev-Dem has been obliged to implement its
program before things get worse .
The program of Tev-Dem was very unifying and cover all social issues. Many of the people,
from different backgrounds - Kurdish, Arab, Muslim, Christian, Yezidi and Assyrian - got
involved. His first job was to set foot on a range of groups, committees and common [ 6 ],
in the streets, neighborhoods, villages, townships, small and large cities.
Their role was to take care of all social issues: women's issues, economics, environment,
education, health, self-help centers for bereaved families, trade and business , relations
with foreign countries. Some groups have even been asked to arbitrate disputes, to avoid
the complainants who wished to have to initiate legal proceedings.
Nowruz (Kurdish New Year) in March 2014.
Firat News
Generally, these groups meet weekly to review progress on the social situation. They have
their own representative in the village council or the city, called "people's house."
The Tev-Dem, I think, is a movement more effective, and assume all the tasks he has set. I
think the reasons for its success are:
The will, the determination and energy of people believe they can change things;
The deliberate release of a majority of the population participation at all levels, to
ensure the success of this experiment;
The establishment of a defensive forces based on three components: the People's Protection
Units (YPG for Yek?ney?n Parastina Gel ) Protection Units women (YPJ for Yek?ney?n
Parastina Jin ) and Asayesh (a mixed force present in cities and checkpoints). In addition
to these three components, there is not a mixed feminine special unit to deal with issues
of sexual and domestic violence.
From what I've seen, Syrian Kurdistan followed - rightly, in my opinion - a different
path from that of other countries affected by the "Arab Spring". The differences are obvious.
1. The countries of the "Arab Spring" have been disrupted by major events, and many have
driven their dictators. But the "Arab Spring" in the case of Egypt, has led an Islamist
government and a new military dictatorship. Other countries have done little better. This
shows the power of people who may at some point be the hero of the story, but may not be
able to register their long-term success. This is one of the main differences between the
"Arab Spring" and the "Kurdish Spring" of Rojava, which could last - and that lasts, in
any case, so far.
2. Syrian Kurdistan, people were ready and knew what they wanted. That the revolution had
to be done from the bottom up, not the reverse. That it must be a cultural and educational
social revolution, as well as political. It was to be against the state power and
authority. The last word in decision making should return to grassroots communities. These
are the four principles of Tev-Dem. One can only salute those who launched these great
ideas and put them into practice, whether Abdullah Ocalan, peers or anyone else.
Consequently, the Kurds in Syria have created their own institutions to lead the
revolution. In other countries of the "Arab Spring", people were not prepared. They
certainly wanted to overthrow the government, but not the system. The majority thought
that the only revolution was at the top. The creation of core groups was not undertaken
except by a minority of anarchists and libertarians.
The democratic self-government
After lengthy discussions and hard work, the Tev-Dem led to the conclusion that it was
necessary to establish self-government (DSA) in each canton Rojava (Ciz?r?, and Koban? Efr?n).
In mid-January 2014, the People's Assembly elected its own Ciz?r? DSA [ 7 ], to implement
the decisions of the houses of the people of Tev-Dem, and take over part of the local
administrative tasks - education , health, trade, defense, justice, etc. DSA is composed
of 22 men and women each with two assistants (one male and one female). In total, nearly
half are women. People from all backgrounds, nationalities and faiths can participate.
This allows an atmosphere of trust, relaxed and fraternal.
One of the first meetings of democratic self-administration (DSA) of Canton Ciz?r?,
January 25.
? Firat News
In no time, this self-administration has provided a lot of work, and wrote a Constitution
- called social contract - a transportation bill, a law on political parties, and a
program for the Tev-Dem [ 8 ].
The first page of the Social Contract states that "self-governing territories of democracy
do not accept the concepts of nation-state, army national or state religion, and
centralized management of the central government, but are open to compatible with
pluralistic democratic traditions forms, open to all social and cultural identities all
groups, the Athenian democracy and the expression of nationalities across their
organizations. "
The Social Contract has many items some of which are extremely important for society, for
example:
The separation of state and religion;
The prohibition of marriage below the age of 18;
Protection of the rights of women and children;
The prohibition of circumcision;
The prohibition of polygamy;
The revolution must be the basis of society and be sustainable;
Freedom, equality, fairness and non-discrimination;
Equality between men and women;
Recognition of all the major languages: Arabic, Kurdish and Syriac are official languages
in Ciz?r?;
The guarantee of a decent life for inmates, to make prison a place of rehabilitation;
Recognition of the right of asylum: no refugee should be forced to leave.
The economic situation of the Ciz?r?
The Ciz?r? has more than one million inhabitants, 80% Kurdish, but also Arab Christians,
Chechens, Yezidis, Turkmen, Assyrians and Armenians. There are many Arab and Yezidi
villages, and 43 Christian villages.
In the 1960s, the Syrian regime was applied in the Kurdish areas a so-called "green belt"
[Political 9 ] that the Baath party continued when he came to power. It was a
marginalization of Kurds on the political, economic, social and educational plans. The
objective of the "green belt" was to implement an Arab population in the Kurdish areas,
handing him land confiscated from the Kurds. In short, under Assad, Kurds were citizens of
third after Arabs and Christians.
Another policy was to confine the Ciz?r? production of wheat and oil: no factories,
businesses or industry. The Ciz?r? produces 70% of Syrian wheat is rich in oil, gas and
phosphates. The majority of the population is employed in agriculture and small business,
and we need to add employees in the education, health, utilities, military and small
entrepreneurs.
After 2008, the situation worsened when the Assad regime has issued a special decree
banning the construction of tall buildings, because of the situation of undeclared war in
the peripheral and border region.
Currently, the situation is bad, because of sanctions imposed by Turkey and the Kurdistan
Regional Government (we'll see why later). Daily in Ciz?r? is frugal, the standard of
living is low, but it is not poverty. People in general are happy with what they have
accomplished.
Rojava found in the commodities essential to any society need, which is important, at
least for the moment, to avoid starvation, stand and resist sanctions from Turkey and the
KRG. There is a sufficient quantity of wheat to produce bread and pastries. Bread,
suddenly, is almost free.
The oil is also very cheap - it was "the price of water," as they say there. Oil is used
for everything at home, in vehicles, some industrial equipment. The Tev-Dem reopened some
oil wells and deposits refining. Currently, the region produces more oil than it needs: it
can therefore export but also store surplus.
Electricity is a problem, because it is largely produced in the neighboring region,
controlled by the Islamic State (Daech). Therefore, people have access to electricity six
hours a day - but at least it's free. The Tev-Dem has improved the situation by selling
cheap diesel generators owners, provided they sell electricity to the neighborhood a
capped price.
In terms of mobile, capture devices, depending on the area or the network KRG, namely
Turkey. Land lines are under the control of Tev-Dem and DSA, and seem to work well. Again,
it's free.
In town, shops and markets are open early in the morning up to 23 hours. There are many
contraband goods imported from neighboring countries. Other products come from the rest of
Syria, but they are expensive, because of the levied by Syrian forces or by the various
armed groups that control supply circuits taxes.
The political situation in the Ciz?r?
As mentioned, the majority of troops Assad withdrew from the region, retaining their
positions in certain localities. They take half of the main city, Hes??e [ 10 ] deal with
YPG-YPJ. In the second city of the region, Qamislo [ 11 ] 6000-7000 regular soldiers still
occupy the airport and a portion of downtown around the Post - avoided the blow by most
people.
The two sides stare and avoid rubbing one to another. I would describe this situation of
"neither peace nor war." There has certainly already been clashes in Hes??e like Qamislo,
with dead on each side, but so far, the head of the Arab tribes worked to maintain
coexistence.
?
City Qamislo in February 2012.
? Firat News
The withdrawal of the Syrian army actually benefits to both parties.
On the one hand, Assad saving an inevitable confrontation with the Kurds, and exempts from
having to defend the region against other insurgent forces [ 12 ], since the YPG is in
charge. His troops were able to carry on other fronts, priority for the regime. The
YPG-YPJ protect anyway better Rojava - including vis-?-vis Turkey - that the Syrian army.
On the other hand, the Kurds have drawn from this substantial benefits:
They stopped fighting the Assad regime, which has guaranteed peace and freedom for the
people, the security of their land and their property, and has saved many lives.
The government continues to pay the salaries of civil servants, although almost all are
now working under the control of the DSA. This obviously improves the economic situation.
The population has achieved greater independence in his life and his choices in the
Tev-Dem and DSA. The longer this situation continues, the more it is likely to take root.
The YPG-YPJ had the opportunity themselves, engaging in combat with terrorist groups,
particularly Daech when they have deemed necessary.
In Ciz?r?, there are more than 20 parties in the Kurdish and Christian populations. The
majority opposed the PYD, the Tev-Dem and DSA for their own reasons - I will return.
However, they have the freedom to conduct their activities without any restriction [ 13 ].
The only thing that is forbidden to them is to have their own armed militia.
Women and their role
Women are widely accepted and play an important role at all levels of the Tev-Dem, the PYD
and the DSA. Under the system known as "co-leaders" and "co-hosts" (joint leaders and
organizers attached), each office management, administration or fighting unit must include
women. In addition, women have their own armed forces. Within institutions, the gender is
complete.
Women are a major force, and are very involved in all committees of the houses of the
people, in committees, groups and municipalities. The women of Rojava not only make up
half of society are the most effective and most important half because if they stop
working on these committees or by withdrawing the Kurdish society could collapse. Many
women active in politics or defense have long fought with the PKK in the mountains. They
are seasoned, determined, dynamic, responsible and courageous.
In Rojava, women are sacred, and Abdullah ?calan and other leaders of the PKK-PYD took
very seriously their role in the reconstruction of society in all its aspects. In the
?calan philosophy, we will not see the best of human nature that if society becomes
matriarchal, a modern course [ 14 ].
?
Two militia of YPG.
? Firat News
Despite this, and although all women are free, love and sex are rare for fighting.
Activists and activists we interviewed believe that it all - love, sex, relationships - is
not time for their investment in the revolution comes first. When I asked what advenait
when two politicians combattant.es or two fell in love, I was told that no one could
prevent it, but it was better that they are mutated more appropriate positions.
This ?bahira many Europeans. How can you live without love or sex or dating? For me, it is
quite understandable. I think it's their choice and if people are free to choose, then it
must be respected.
However, if the combat units, the Tev-Dem and the other parties are left out, I made a
curious observation: I have not seen a single woman working in a store, a service station,
a market, a cafe or restaurant. Yet women and women's issues are far more advanced here
than in Iraqi Kurdistan, which has yet disposed of twenty-two years to establish its own
laws, with a much greater margin of maneuver. That said, we can not say there is a
specific movement or independent women in Syrian Kurdistan.
The Commons
The municipalities are the most active houses of people cells. It's everywhere, who meet
once a week to discuss current affairs. Each municipality is based in a neighborhood, town
or city, and has its own representative in the house of the people.
Below, the definition of the town, taken from the Tev-Dem manifesto, translated from Arabic:
Commes the cells are smaller and more active. In practice, they are a company taking into
account the freedom of women, ecology, and where direct democracy is established.
Municipalities working to develop and promote commissions. Without expecting anything from
the state, they themselves seek solutions to social, political, educational, safety and
self-defense. Municipalities establish their own power by building organizations such as
agricultural communes in the villages, but also common, cooperatives and associations in
the neighborhoods.
Must form common in the streets, towns and cities, with the participation of all and all
the inhabitants. Public meet weekly, and make their decisions openly, with their members
over 16 years.
We went to a meeting of a joint based in the district of Cornish, in Qamislo. There were
16-17 people, mostly young women. We were able to discuss in depth their activities and
their tasks. They told us that there were 10 towns in the district, each consisting of 16
people. "We are acting a bit like social workers, they tell us, with all that entails:
meet people, attend weekly meetings unravel the problems, to ensure security and public
tranquility, collect garbage, protect the environment and attend the big meeting to
debrief what happened during the week. "
They confirmed to me that nobody, not even the political parties not to interfere in the
decisions taken collectively, and cited some examples: "We wanted to use a large plot in a
residential area, to create a small park . We have requested financial assistance for
mayor. She was only 100 dollars to give us. We took the money, and collected an additional
$ 100 with the locals. " They took us to the park by explaining: "Many people have
volunteered to complete the job without spending more money. "
They gave us another example: "The mayor wanted to start a project in the area. We told
him that nothing would be done without having in advance, obtaining the consent of the
people. We held a meeting, which rejected the project. Everyone who could not come to the
meeting, we went house to house to collect opinions. The rejection of the project was
confirmed unanimously. "
When, in turn, they wanted to know if there are similar structures in London, I told them
that there was certainly more groups, but unfortunately none resembling them - united,
progressive and committed. In short, I had to confess that they were far more advanced
than us. Surprise, disappointment and even frustration from them how their area could she
be at a more advanced a country that has experienced the industrial revolution there
centuries stadium!
The Kurdish opposition and Christian
As I said, there are more than 20 Kurdish political parties in the Rojava. Some have
embraced self-administration, but 16 others did not. While some withdrew from the scene,
12 others were united in a coalition called the Patriotic Assembly Kurdistan in Syria,
more or less pro-Barzani, that is to say, in the orbit of the Kurdish Democratic Party
(KDP) and the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in Iraq.
In the 1990s, the blood flowed between the PKK and the KDP. Violent clashes between the
two parties in Iraqi Kurdistan, leaving thousands dead. The wound is still raw. It must be
borne in mind that the Turkish government supported the KDP in its fight against the PKK,
on the border of Iraq and Turkey.
Barzani clan is especially grievance Abdullah ?calan arise as the national leader of all
Kurds.
The democratic self-government (DSA) set up in Syrian Kurdistan under the PYD and PKK
could therefore only offend Turkey and the KRG, its ally.
All this to explain why the KRG opposes Tev-Dem and DSA in Syrian Kurdistan. The PDK is
very concerned about what is happening in the Rojava and, whatever happens, trying to pull
the chestnuts out of the fire. It therefore provides financial assistance and weapons to
some local parties in the idea of destabilizing the region.
Our meeting with the opposition parties lasted more than two hours, and the majority of
them were there. We asked them what their relationship with the PYD and the DSA Tev-Dem.
Are they free? They have been persecuted or arrested by militants YPG-YPJ? Do they have
the freedom to organize, protest? And other matters of the sort. Each time, the answer
was: no arrest, no restriction on the freedom to demonstrate. But no way for them to
participate in the DSA.
They have three disputes with the PYD and the DSA.
According to them the PYD and the Tev-Dem betrayed the Kurdish people because they left
half Hes??e (Hassak?) and part of Qamislo (Kameshli) at the hands of the regime in
Damascus, even though its forces are limited . For them, this amounts to a compromise with
Bashar al-Assad.
We suggested that this policy "neither peace nor war" aimed at stabilizing a situation
that benefited everyone in the region, including the opposition parties. We also told
them, and they should know better than us, that the PYD could easily drive the Assad
soldiers in these two cities, the price of a few deaths, but the question is: what happens
after?
Assad does not want to give up Hes??e and, therefore, the war would begin with its
attendant crimes of persecution, bombings of cities and villages destroyed. This would
also facilitate an attack or Daech Al Nosra. This may cause a general confrontation
between troops Assad, ASL and terrorist organizations in the Rojava, destroying everything
that has been achieved so far. They have not responded to this argument.
The opposition does not want to participate in the DSA, or the next election, which will
take place in a few months if all goes well. First, they continue to accuse the PYD to
work with the Assad regime, without providing any evidence. Second, they believe that
elections will not be free because the PYD is not a democratic party, but bureaucratic.
Yet we know that there are almost as many activists PYD other parties in the DSA. We told
them that if they believe in the electoral process, they should be involved, for a more
democratic and less bureaucratic DSA. They accused the PYD of retiring from the Kurdish
National Conference, promoted by the KRG in August 2013 in Erbil.
When asked later, militants PYD and Tev-Dem protested that they had written proof that
they were engaged in this pact, unlike the opposition.
The opposition wants to set foot on its own militia, but is not authorized by the PYD.
Interviewed, the PYD and the Tev-Dem confirmed: the opposition can have its own
combatants, the conditon they are under the command of YPG-YPJ. For them, the situation is
very tense and sensitive. They fear armed clashes between factions, and not want to let it
happen. The PYD said he does not want to repeat the mistakes committed in Iraqi Kurdistan
where, throughout the second half of the twentieth century, rival Kurdish organizations
have been engaged in bloody battles.
In the end, they asked us to go back to the opposition parties for their offer on behalf
of PYD and Tev-Dem, whatever they wanted except the freedom to create their own militias.
A few days later, Qamislo we met for nearly three hours, the leaders of three Kurdish
parties: the Syrian branch of the KDP (Demokrat Partiya has Kurdistan? S?riy? li), the
Party of Kurdistan for democracy and equality Syria (Partiya Wekhev? is a Demokrat Kurdi
S?riy? li) and the Party of the Kurdish Patriotic democracy in Syria. They more or less
repeated their grievances against the DSA and Tev-Dem. We have long tried to convince them
that if they wanted to solve the Kurdish issue, it had to be independent of GRK and KDP,
and work solely in the interest of the people of Rojava. Most of the time, they remained
silent, answer our arguments.
A few days after, we also met with representatives of two Christian parties and the
organization of Christian Youth Qamislo, which is not participating in the DSA or the
Tev-Dem, but acknowledged that they had nothing against them and approved policy. They
also recognized the merit of the YPG-YPJ who protected the area against the Syrian army
and terrorist groups.
Still, the young activists were not happy Qamislo DSA and Tev-Dem. They complained about
the lack of electricity and the possibility for youth to get involved. They seek an
alternative to the DSA and Tev-Dem because if the situation continues, they say, there
will be no other choice but to emigrate to Europe.
An official of a party present at the meeting told them: "What do you say, son? We are in
a war. Do not you see how many men, women, the elderly and children are killed every day?
!! This is a serious issue. In this situation, can not be of great importance; we can use
other means. What is important at this point is: being at home without fear of being
killed, to let our children play in the street without being kidnapped or killed. We are
free to our business as usual, no one stops us, we are not attacked or insulted. We have
peace, freedom and social justice ... " The members of the other parties agreed.
Before leaving the area, we spoke with traders, businessmen and people on the market.
Everyone had a rather positive opinion on the DSA and Tev-Dem. They were to be catered for
peace, security and freedom and could manage to operate without being interference of a
party or group.
The trench of shame
In 2013, with the assistance of the Iraqi government, the Kurdish Regional Government
(KRG) has dug a trench two feet deep and two meters wide, about 35 kilometers long, along
the Syrian border with Kurdistan . The first 12 kilometers were made by the KRG last 18
Baghdad. The remaining portion, the Tigris River is a natural barrier.
The KRG and the Iraqi government claimed that the trench was a necessary safeguard peace
and security in Iraq, including Kurdistan. Here, people have many questions about this
"protection". Against whom? Against what? Daech? Daech but can not enter this part of
Syria, guarded by the YPG-YPJ.
The majority of Kurds actually see two reasons for this cut. On the one hand, to prevent
Syrian refugees, but also the PKK and the PYD to enter Iraqi Kurdistan; secondly,
increasing the effectiveness of economic sanctions against the Syrian Kurdistan to force
him to accept the terms of GRK. However, I think the Syrian Kurds prefer to suffer
starvation rather than go under the yoke of GRK. That is why, throughout Kurdistan, the
trench dubbed the "Trench of shame."
Economic sanctions have severely disrupted life in Ciz?r?, where we lack everything:
drugs, money, doctors, nurses, teachers, technicians and engineers from industry,
particularly in the oil sector. The Ciz?r?, which has thousands of tons of wheat for
export, is forced to sell his grain 200-250 dollars per ton to the Iraqi government, while
the latter pays $ 600 to $ 700 per tonne when he buys elsewhere.
In Rojava this attitude KRG Barzani - who calls himself the great Kurdish leader - causes
misunderstanding. May 9, 2014, a large peaceful demonstration against the "Trench of
shame" brought together several thousand people to Qamislo, the call of Tev-Dem. We could
hear several strong speech from different organizations, houses of the people, groups and
committees. None of these speeches has created tensions. People gathered mainly around the
idea that it was necessary to restore the brotherhood, cooperation, and agreement on each
side of the border, all parties should reconcile and speak words of peace and freedom. The
event ended in street festival with dances, songs and hymns.
Expectations and fears
Where is the popular movement Rojava? It's hard to say, but this should not prevent us to
analyze and think about his future. Victory or complete defeat of an experience as the
region has not known long depends on internal and external factors.
Whatever happens, we'll deal with them; what matters is to resist, to volunteer and
ambitious, not to surrender, not to be discouraged and believe in change. Reject the
current system, every opportunity, this is more important, I think, a temporary victory.
This is the key to reach the final goal.
[...]
The weakening of the Tev-Dem
As we have seen, the Tev-Dem is the soul of the popular movement, with its groups,
committees, houses of the people. Without Tev-Dem, no democratic self-administration
(DSA). In general, the existence of Tev-Dem's future depends Rojava, and it can represent
model for the entire region.
Adults take courses in Kurdish language (banned before the revolution).
? Firat News
It is difficult to assess the balance of power between the Tev-Dem and DSA. I had the
feeling that when the power of the DSA grew, that of Tev-Dem decreased. The reverse can
also be true.
I raised this issue with the comrades of the Tev-Dem. They did not agree. They estimate
that over the DSA, the stronger the Tev-Dem will be. Indeed, they see the DSA as a mere
executive body implementing the decisions taken by the Tev-Dem and its organs. I find it
hard to fix my opinion on this, the future will decide.
The PYD and party structures
These are the PYD and PKK are behind the Tev-Dem, and both parties have all the
characteristics of the major parties in this region of the world leaders-led hierarchy,
all levels from the top to the base. Activists are not consulted on the guidelines but are
very disciplined, orders have rules to apply, and confidential relationships with
different parties in power or not in different parts of the world.
Yet the Tev-Dem is quite the opposite. Many of its members are not members of the PKK or
the PYD. They believe in the revolution from below, do not expect anything from the
government and authorities, and participate in meetings where decisions are taken
independently in the best interests of residents. Then they ask the DSA to implement their
decisions. And there are still many other differences between the PKK and the PYD-Tev-Dem.
The question is: how is the compromise? Is the Tev-Dem following the PYD-PKK, which is it
them after the Tev-Dem? Who controls whom?
I do not have the answer, I'm still looking, but I think we will soon be fixed.
Fear: the Consecration of ideology and ideologues
Ideology is a point of view. See everything through the prism of ideology can lead to a
disaster, because it can provide answers, and disconnected from reality solutions. Most of
the time, ideologues seek fair word in old books that are no longer relevant to
understanding the current situation.
Ideologues can be dangerous when they want to impose their ideas from these old books.
They can be stubborn, rigid, inflexible. They do not respect the different points of view.
They have much in common with religious and some Marxists or communists. In short, they
believe that ideology or thought creates an insurrection or revolution. For non-ideologues
like anything, the opposite is true.
It is unfortunate that I have found many ideologues within the PYD and Tev-Dem, especially
when we came to talk about the ideas of Abdullah Ocalan. There are people who bring ?calan
about everything in the discussions. They have total confidence in him, and to a certain
extent, they sanctify. Whether of faith or fear to the leader, it's scary, and it does not
bode well. For me, nothing should be sacred and everything must be criticized and rejected
if necessary.
The worst thing is the house of children and youth centers, where children learn new
ideas, revolution and a lot of positive things they need to know to be useful to society.
However, in addition, these children learn the ideology and thoughts of ?calan, and how he
is the leader of the Kurdish people. In my opinion, children should not be indoctrinated.
We should not teach religion, nationality, race or color. They should have freedom of
conscience and to be left alone until they are adults to make their own choices age.
The role of municipalities
I already explained what the Commons. Their mission is to evolve. They can not remain
confined to the treatment of local problems. They need to increase their role,
prerogatives and powers. While it is true that the Rojava lacks factories, businesses and
real industrial infrastructure. But in Ciz?r?, which produces mainly wheat, agriculture
occupies a lot of people in small towns and villages. And the area is rich in oil, gas and
phosphates, although most deposits are out of use because of the war and lack of
maintenance even before the uprising.
Public could therefore invest these areas placed under community control and distribute
their products to people according to their needs. What would be left after the
distribution could be either sold or exchanged against material or stored. If the
community does not rise to these tasks and are limited to what they do now, of course, the
task will remain unfinished.
In conclusion
There are many things to say about the experience of Rojava, and a host of views, right
and left, separatists, Trotskyites, Marxists, communists, socialists, anarchists and
libertarians. For my part, as an anarchist, I do not see any white or black, I do not have
a ready answer, and I never look in old books. I think the reality and events create ideas
and thoughts, not the reverse. I observe with an open mind, and I try to connect them.
Some important words, however, about insurrections and revolutions. The revolution is not
limited to the expression of anger, it does not take prescription or order, it does not
occur in twenty-four hours is not a military coup, Bolshevik or a stroke conspiracy
politician. It does not limit the dismantling of the economic infrastructure and the
abolition of social classes. All this is the view of the leftists, Marxists, Communists
and their parties. They see the revolution as well because they are dogmatic and
mechanistic. For them, the revolution and the abolition of classes means socialism and the
end of history.
In my opinion, even if the revolution succeeds, the authority may wish to survive in the
family, businesses, factories, schools, universities and other places and institutions. To
this can be added the persistence of gender differences and the authority of the former,
even under socialism. In addition, it will necessarily remain a residue of selfish and
greedy culture, inherited from capitalism. All this can evaporate or disappear in a short
time. This can be a threat to the revolution.
The development of economic infrastructure and overcoming class society do not guarantee
the sustainability of the revolution. I think a cultural revolution, educational and
intellectual needs. People do not like the current system and believe they can change it.
The tendency to rebellion, a refusal to be exploited, the spirit of revolt are very
important things to keep the flame of the revolution.
From there, what about the experience of Rojava?
This experience lasts for two years and marks generations. Kurds of Syria rebellious
spirit, they live in harmony, in an atmosphere of freedom, and become accustomed to a new
culture, a culture of living together in peace and liberty, a culture of tolerance,
sharing , self-confidence and pride, a culture of commitment and solidarity. At the same
time, it is true that life is hard, there is a shortage of basic necessities, and the
standard of living is low, but the people are welcoming, friendly, smiling, attentive and
simple. The gap between rich and poor is low. All this helps people to overcome difficulties.
Then, events and current environment has changed a lot. They will not support a new
dictatorship; they will fight for their achievements; they do not tolerate that decides
for them. For all these reasons, they will resist discouragement, will rise again, fight
for their rights and resist the return of the old order.
Some say that this experience will be as Abdullah ?calan, the PKK and the PYD behind her,
she runs the risk of expire and be replaced by a dictatorship. It is indeed possible. But
even so, I do not think that Syria or Rojava, people can, longer tolerate a dictatorship
or a Bolshevik-type government. We no longer live in a time when the government in
Damascus could kill 30,000 people in Aleppo a few days. The world has changed.
It remains to say that everything that happened in the Syrian Kurdistan is not only the
idea of Ocalan, as many believe. In fact, this idea is very old, and has developed Ocalan
in prison, reading hundreds of books, analyzing the experiences and failures of
nationalist and communist movements in the region and in the world. The basis of all is
that he is convinced that the state, whatever its name and form, remains the state, and
can disappear if it is replaced by another State. For that, it deserves to be heard.
Zaher Baher
[ 1 ] Kurdistana Rojava means "Western Kurdistan."
[ 2 ] Ciz?r? is the name of the Kurdish region called Jazira in French, Arabic and Al Jazera.
[ 3 ] The Anfal campaign led by Ali Hassan al-Majid ("Chemical Ali") lasted from February
to September 1988. About 2,000 villages have been destroyed and 182,000 people killed.
[ 4 ] The Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) is the main Kurdish revolutionary party in
Turkey. It refers to all the Kurdish left, whether in Syria (PYD) in Iran (PJAK) and Iraq
(PCDK).
[ 5 ] In fact, the Tev-Dem is a coalition of organizations including the PYD is the center
of gravity.
[ 6 ] The municipalities are neighborhood councils that seek to organize social life (see
the passage devoted to them.
[ 7 ] Elected January 21, the Assembly has 101 seats Ciz?r?. DSA is actually a kind of
self-government, with 22 boards. Township Koban? elected its own institutions January 22,
2014; that of Efr?n, January 29. Read Read: "The Syrian Kurds form their government" on
Actukurdes.fr, July 10, 2013, and "Syria: A city released and 30 'jihadists' captured by
the Kurds," February 17, 2014.
[ 8 ] In fact, the "Social Contract" was issued January 6, 2014, so before the election of
self-administration.
[ 9 ] The policy of the "green belt" was also called the "Arab belt".
[ 10 ] In Arabic, Al Hasakah; French, Hassak?.
[ 11 ] In Arabic, Al Qamisli; French, Kameshli.
[ 12 ] In particular the Free Syrian Army, Al Nosra forehead or Islamic state.
[ 13 ] A report by Human Rights Watch dated June 19, 2014 was actually reported arbitrary
arrests of political opponents in PYD, abuses against detainees and unsolved kidnapping
and murder cases.
[ 14 ] From the late 1980s, Abdullah Ocalan has developed the theory of "free woman",
referring to a Mesopotamian "golden age" based on matriarchy. It is not a feminist theory,
but it has greatly contributed to promoting gender equality in the Kurdish movement. On
this subject, read Grojean Olivier, "Theory and construction of gender relations in the
Kurdish guerrillas in Turkey," International Review 3/2013 (No. 60), p. 21-35.
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(en) France, Alternative Libertaire AL - Kurdistan files: Yes, people can change things (experience Rojava) (fr)
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