Bottom up and fight if you create a strong people! --- The mass mobilization of youth who
write a piece of Brazil's recent history with the June Days have not yet had a final. The
explosion of the streets announced by student-workers in flexible arrangements subject of
neurotic and grueling routine of large cities, exacerbated by the deterioration of
services and public goods, was not satisfied. Popular by broadening their rights
emergencies continue on the scene, are dramas everyday Brazilians, and still go very
throb. Have to gain power in grassroots organizations and federalism joining the rebellion
and do not be capture by the institutions. Will not be elections and the offer of the
parties of bourgeois democracy that confortar?o the malaise that causes the system.
Candidates leading the polls for president: Dilma, Marina and Aetius has no blueprint to
make social change that can give definitive and without setbacks oppressed classes
solutions. On the other hand, the electoral reformism has the smallest membership of the
votes. Nor have the freedom to fulfill your program, the rules of the institutional game,
if it came to represent a danger to power. The electoral route is blocked by the economic
powers and conservatives State mechanisms to achieve reforms that the dominant structures.
Legends are left to lend supporting liberal democratic veneer to the rule of law and the
owners of the oligarchies.
Elections do not allow strategic decision about the agendas that motivated these social
conflicts that have flow in this open stage of the class struggle. Conservatives system
factors leave very little margin for maneuver of governments to turn. In the historical
formation of Brazil and for his leadership on the continent they weigh even more. What is
in dispute are gradations of managing a globally dominated by finance capitalism system
model. Reformism is out of question. Rule is, first, make arrangements with the power
structures that obey not the vote.
The state is not a neutral machine that puts into operation its institutions to the taste
of the time pilots. In bourgeois liberal conception representation has always been a
legitimizing mechanism of usurpation of the commons and collective forces by the will of
minorities. The state is the political power of the ruling classes, the oligarchic rule of
law, where "whoever can obey and who has judgment," as the popular verse says.
The Brazilian political system, who will not stand for the oligarchies is ungovernable.
Who does not play in the currency of bargaining, corporate Weres, lots of positions and
mensal?es does support base. The PMDB, the largest party in the country since the new
republic "has always been government," charges invoice political stability of the
pretenders to the throne. Fat investments of private corporations form a powerful
workbench for industrial and large farmers in Congress. The bench is reactionary
evangelical vigil on movements for freedom and civil rights.
The National Congress has high survival instinct, impunity, own cause. No calling for
fundamental changes, for popular participation, to lose privileges on national policy
through mechanisms of direct democracy.
Justice and the armed forces nor flee the rule. Devices are of the order that invest on
society's judgments of bourgeois right of ownership and monopoly of violence over the
misfits. The justice that amnesty scammers and torturers of the regime is the same as 64
orders arrest blacks and poor and squeeze cages in the prison system. The milicos keep
Article 142 in the Federal Constitution that authorize them to suspend the legal order.
Are ultimately the command of the military police who are desaquarteladas and put on the
street during the years of civil-military to repress, torture and kill until our days
dictatorship. The military doubled the republic, pushing back the demands of memory, truth
and justice against the operators of the coup. The National Commission of Truth was born
in Dilma's government with feet tied, surrounded with the movements, to no executioner of
the people being heard.
Constitutional freedoms of thought and expression are rigged by the oligopoly of the
owners of media power. About 11 families. They have control of the production of mass
media that guide the Brazilian daily, select and rank what happens, regulate the quality
of information and make sense of the privileged vector of public judgment and values that
circulate. The concentration of the Brazilian media is advertising sponsored with
government funds. In 2012 the secretary of communication of President Dilma gave ? 1.7
billion to oligopolies.
The banks and the financial system that dominates in fact or in law the monetary
authorities send cut public spending to pay usury public debt, rising interest and leave
open pros speculative capital gate. Ita? Unibanco group that has the heiress Neca Set?bal
as a faithful squire of Marina Silva celebrated profits of more than $ 15 billion in 2013
during the Dilma government. The profits of the bankers do not stop growing.
The major productive capital are free of taxes and receive generous state aid. The
pre-salt oil is shared in the auction with the large transnational companies. The BNDES
help automakers like Volkswagen, Fiat, GM, sponsors merging corporations like Sadia and
Perdigao, Brazil and Hi Telecon, lever contractors with the mega-works package funds the
privatized concession of ports, airports, railways and highways to groups private. All
subsidized with funds from the Guarantee Fund by workers and the national treasury debt.
The electoral route is blocked by corporate economic powers, the truth discourse of media
oligopolies and conservatives State mechanisms to achieve reforms that the dominant
structures.
In the current model, the government runs the state like public financing of private
capitalist development, taking money at high interest financial banking. It is a policy
that leads to ideological conception of neo-developmentism, looking fit with public funds
the growth sectors of the capital next to a certain level of the jobs, social programs and
pro mass consumer credit. Any idea of remedying the gross social inequalities that have a
social pact with Brazil, where the capitalist class pulls the car and the popular sectors
have a residual and uncertain participation. The social actions such as Bolsa Familia, who
answered 14 million households in 2013, has a budget ten times less than the worth of the
15 richest families in the country, who have in their select list of tax evaders as Globe
organizations, the group Ita? Unibanco. The expansion of higher education is made the
basis of public purchase of vacancies in the market of private universities, and an
apparent worsening of the quality of education. Creating jobs that stimulates the central
government with generous aid to employers is linked to low pay and precarious work.
To win real solutions to the downstairs, which have unambiguous direction of social change
without socks laps, only to combat the structures of concentration of power and wealth.
This peleia can not ask bladder purchases political oligarchies, or relief of milicos nor
honorable edition of National Journal, neither employees in Camargo Correa, Bradesco or JBS.
Speaking of growth and Brazil's middle class that was the keynote of governismo is losing
momentum, no longer produces the same charm. 2011 forth the wheel of the economy no longer
revolves as before. The easy credit that enabled the dream for a period of mass
consumption will turning nightmare of debt. The real gain in wages is very small and
precarious and poorly paid jobs. The cost of living and the price gets cheap food place to
lose the exports of agribusiness. Public services do not improve quality. The relative
integration of the base of class society as flexible subject of market controls, no longer
makes sense in some sectors.
The international situation does not blow any wind. Europe, to take one example, faces
bitterly and without a maturity date the recession, unemployment and poverty. The world of
high finance, where no capitalist corporation runs the scheme, did the binge and passed
the bill for the middle classes and the working classes.
What the masses complained in June 2013 will not be out there, languishing in bureaucratic
expedient authorities, simulating agenda in cahoots Procedures & cabinets, breathing pop
speech at the podium of a conference pick. By either side will gain flow again, not
because they accuse accommodate demands that can not be suppressed by the police all the
time, either by elections emptied that pass by the structural changes while the precarious
life of indebted and low continues .
So also are the fights that gave the popular popular streets that were swept away from the
city center sectors affected by the works Cup, 250 000 threatened or affected by eviction
from their homes people.
The rebel base strikes that trampled on the union bureaucracy, the brave fight without
scab and no firefighter workers from construction sites, transport, scavenging. Workers
who defend themselves with low-paid jobs and poor working conditions, outsourcing,
flexible regimes of exploitation of labor. The line of combative unions that do not bow to
governismo and do not deal with the bosses.
The dignity of the slums that are not silent and expressed the criminalization of poverty,
genocide of black people, the impunity of police murders.
The resistance of the rural poor to serve the agribusiness, mining companies and the
impact of mega-works that are played by contractors, slave labor, the violation of
Indigenous and Maroon territories and non agrarian reform.
The scenario of open indeterminacy journeys by 2013 is far from set. It can cool for a
moment, in specific situations playing strong their mechanisms of fantasy, as the election
race. But we have no doubt that he does not end here.
This process of rebels fights produced between such a wealth of values and meanings that
Gestam the experience of a people who open new path, ideological vectors of change that do
not dissipate easier. Give way to a generation that does not recognize itself in the
traditional ways of doing bourgeois politics, distrustful of the representation of
governments and parliaments of the trade union bureaucracy and electoral parties. Seeking
ways to participate without intermediaries and appropriate social networks such as
socialization factor in groups. What makes the forces from the streets and direct mass
action expression of their power. Is in the process a new political culture, which
transcends labels and established forms, which carries dreams and rebellion that has no
more reference to the construction of left-80s, the "Lula There". We think with great
humility that libertarian socialism chain has much to contribute, to help overcome the
insufficiency of the streets with their anti-authoritarian sensibility. The fight with and
organize collective head, grassroots democracy and revolutionary sense of people.
The anarchists of the FAG will vote null in the October 5 elections. As stated on another
occasion: to change society, confront power and its ruling classes, shortcuts least worst,
the possibilism never lead to other relations of force for the oppressed to change their
life. We do not believe that either ask for votes, whatever the label, is the most
appropriate policy approach to produce ideology of transformation. We are partisans of
popular power, the construction of a base with the processes of struggle and popular
organization, mechanisms of direct democracy and federalism, a militant labor determined
to generate political capacities that Gestam forms of self-government of the masses in
antagonism to established power. Neither apolitical nor supporters of the old structures
of bourgeois representation, another way of doing politics. That is our militant stance
and that is what our efforts endeavor.
Or they vote with the top up or fight and is organized with the low!
Our emergency room do not fit in the polls!
LXS Luchan that Arriba! Always!
Gaucha Anarchist Federation! Member of the CAB.
September 20, 2014
Related Link: http://federacaoanarquistagaucha.org
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