(en) Brazil, Federation Anarchist Gaucha - Political act of FAG - How Anarchists vote? (pt)

 [machine translation]

We conducted on September 20 Act Political Anarchist we share with the comrades present 
some elements of analysis of the electoral environment that our Organization has pointed 
out and discussed. Likewise, it was a moment of public do our political line for the 
election cycle and beyond. Below you can see some photos of the act and the speech held on 
the subject. ---- Or they vote with the above, or if fighting and organized with the low! 
---- Upsidedown one fights and creates a strong people. ---- Fighting and Winning off the 
ballot. ---- The mass mobilization of youth who write a piece of Brazil's recent history 
with the June Days have not yet had a final. The explosion of the streets announced by 
student-workers in flexible arrangements subject of neurotic and grueling routine of large 
cities, exacerbated by the deterioration of services and public goods, was not satisfied. 
Popular by broadening their rights emergencies remain in the scene. Brazilians are daily 
dramas, and still go very throb. Have to gain power in grassroots organizations and 
federalism joining the rebellion and do not be capture by the institutions. Will not be 
elections and the offer of the parties of bourgeois democracy that confortar?o the malaise 
that causes the system.

Candidates leading the polls for president - Dilma, Marina and Aetius - no design to make 
social change that can give definitive and without setbacks solutions to the oppressed 
classes. On the other hand, the electoral reformism has the smallest membership of the 
votes. Nor have the freedom to fulfill your program, the rules of the institutional game, 
if it came to represent a danger to power. The electoral route is blocked by the economic 
powers and mechanisms by conservative state when it comes to making reforms that achieve 
the dominant structures. Legends are left to lend supporting liberal democratic veneer to 
the rule of law and the oligarchies of the owners.

Elections not enable strategic decision making about the music that motivated these social 
conflicts that have flow in this open stage of the class struggle. Conservatives system 
factors leave very little margin for maneuver of governments to turn. The historical 
formation of Brazil and for his leadership on the continent they weigh even more. What is 
in dispute are gradations of managing a globally dominated by finance capitalism system 
model. Reformism is out of question. Rule is, first, make arrangements with the power 
structures that obey not the vote.

The state is not a neutral machine that puts into operation its institutions to the taste 
of the time pilots. In bourgeois liberal conception representation has always been a 
legitimizing mechanism of usurpation of the commons and collective forces by the will of 
minorities. The state is the political power of the ruling classes, the oligarchic rule of 
law, where "whoever can obey and who has judgment," as the saying goes.

The Brazilian political system, who will not stand for not ruling oligarchies. Who does 
not play in the currency of bargaining, corporate lobbies, lots of positions and mensal?es 
does support base. The PMDB, the largest party in the country since the new republic "has 
always been government," charges invoice political stability of the pretenders to the 
throne. Fat investments of private corporations form a powerful workbench for industrial 
and large farmers in Congress. The bench is reactionary evangelical vigil over the 
movements for freedom and civil rights.

The National Congress has high survival instinct, impunity, own cause. No calling for 
fundamental changes to popular participation, to lose privileges on national policy 
through mechanisms of direct democracy.

Justice and the armed forces nor flee the rule. Devices are of the order that invest on 
society's judgments of bourgeois right of ownership and monopoly of violence over the 
misfits. The justice that amnesty scammers and torturers of the regime is the same as 64 
orders arrest blacks and poor and squeezes them in cages in the prison system. The milicos 
keep Article 142 in the Federal Constitution that authorize them to suspend the legal 
order. Are, ultimately, the command of the military police who are desaquarteladas and put 
on the street during the years of civil-military dictatorship to repress, torture and kill 
until our days. The military doubled the republic, pushing back the demands of memory, 
truth and justice against the operators of the coup. The National Commission of Truth was 
born in Dilma's government with feet tied, surrounded with the movements, to no 
executioner of the people being heard.

Constitutional freedoms of thought and expression are rigged by the oligopoly of the 
owners of media power: about 11 families. They have control of the production of mass 
media that guide the Brazilian daily, select and rank what happens, regulate the quality 
of information and make sense of the privileged vector of public judgment and values that 
circulate. The concentration of the Brazilian media is advertising sponsored with 
government funds. In 2012 the secretary of communication of President Dilma gave ? 1.7 
billion to oligopolies.

The banks and the financial system that dominates in fact or in law send monetary 
authorities cut spending to pay the usurious public debt, rising interest and leave open 
gate for speculative capital. Ita? Unibanco group that has the heiress Neca Set?bal as a 
faithful squire of Marina Silva celebrated profits of more than $ 15 billion in 2013 
during the Dilma government. The profits of the bankers do not stop growing.

The major productive capital are free of taxes and receive generous state aid. The 
pre-salt oil is shared in the auction with the large transnational companies. The BNDES 
help automakers like Volkswagen, Fiat, GM, sponsors merging corporations like Sadia and 
Perdigao, Brazil Telecom and Hi, lever contractors with the mega-works package funds the 
privatized concession of ports, airports, railways and highways to groups private. All 
subsidized with funds from the Guarantee Fund by workers and the national treasury debt.

The electoral route is blocked by corporate economic powers, the truth discourse of media 
oligopolies and mechanisms by conservative state when it comes to making reforms that 
achieve the dominant structures.

In the current model, the government runs the state like public financing of private 
capitalist development, taking money at high interest financial banking. It is a policy 
that leads to ideological conception of neo-developmentism, looking fit with public funds 
growth capital sectors right side of the level of employment, social programs and pro mass 
consumer credit. Any idea of remedying the gross social inequalities that have a social 
pact with Brazil, where the capitalist class pulls the car and the popular sectors have a 
residual and uncertain participation. The social actions such as Bolsa Familia, who 
answered 14 million households in 2013, has a budget ten times less than the worth of the 
15 richest families in the country, who have in their select list of tax evaders as Globe 
organizations and the group Ita? Unibanco. The expansion of higher education is made the 
basis of public purchase of vacancies in the market of private universities, and an 
obvious "flare" the quality of education. Creating jobs that stimulates the central 
government with generous aid to employers is linked to low pay and precarious work.

To win real solutions to the downstairs, which have unambiguous direction of social change 
without socks laps, only to combat the structures of concentration of power and wealth. 
This peleia can not ask bladder purchases political oligarchies, or relief of milicos nor 
honorable edition of National Journal, neither employees in Camargo Correa, Bradesco or JBS.

Speaking of growth and Brazil's middle class that was the keynote of governismo is losing 
momentum, no longer produces the same charm. 2011 forth the wheel of the economy no longer 
revolves as before. The easy credit that enabled the dream for a period of mass 
consumption will turning nightmare of debt. The real gain in wages is very small and 
precarious and poorly paid jobs. The cost of living and the price gets cheap food place to 
lose the exports of agribusiness. Public services do not improve quality. The relative 
integration of the base of class society as flexible subject of market controls, no longer 
makes sense in some sectors.

The international situation does not blow any wind. Europe, to take one example, faces 
bitterly and without a maturity date the recession, unemployment and poverty. The world of 
high finance, where no capitalist corporation runs the scheme, did the binge and passed 
the bill for the middle class and the working class.

And what about the RS, where there seems to be a fierce dispute over two projects of 
society? Only seems! The imagery of plebiscitary type of applications that Ana Am?lia 
Lemos / PP and Genro / PT has raised and the representation that they are more pure 
models, make pass unnoticed the fact that both projects play by the rules of the game and 
that both not nearly be able to change the power structures of the RS. Public debt that 
bleeds public funds to pay the rentier capital; the power of agribusiness in the state 
economy, the dismantling of environmental regulations and the schedule of investments in 
infrastructure (ports, power generation) and the fiscal war industry to appropriate state 
resources (FUNDOPEM) are not an issue in these elections .

But we need not go that far. With respect to government Tarsus, just remember all the 
repression, criminalization and persecution of social activists Block Fights for example. 
Of rubber bullets, thousands of aerated democratic corner cavalry ran the hazing horse 
hair as he dragged the young protesters. Arbitrary arrests after the demonstrations. 
Prison and exposure in the mass of teachers teaching the state who participated in the 
protests media. Of raids and seizures of public offices and homes of militant socialists. 
Intellectualized discourses of the governor relating anarchism with fascism.

And not only that! We can not forget the stoppage of demarcation of indigenous lands and 
the indifference of Tarsus government regarding these peoples and the conflicts that ran 
high between indigenous and small farmers.

Moreover, there is a possible administration Ana Amelia. If it is impossible not to 
associate its image with the administration of former Governor, Yeda Crusius to / PSDB, 
the conditions are different now. The PP (nationally aligned PT) is that a party has a 
strong base for the interior, which historically represents the rural oligarchies and 
relationships that will probably have more favorable bargaining power in assembling the 
base of the legislature. It is an application that relies on the preference of the RBS 
Group where he was employee of long standing. Furthermore, the struggle with social 
harshness tends to be intensified further. The rise of the PP candidate is proportional to 
the low expectations with social reforms and public policies stemming from "disenchantment 
with the PT", a feeling of 'least worst' that is increasingly weaker sense.

Not, therefore, of a bourgeois project of the working class against another. Both are 
functional logic of domination of capitalism projects. In both cases, the logic of the 
state prevails as the privileged locus of politics and dominated classes as subject. For 
PT, the mobilizations of 2013 although express discontent with what there is, do not 
represent the possibility of pregnancy something positive and constructive, and that point 
changes the background from her womb. They would not do real politics!

What the masses complained in June 2013 will not be out there, languishing in bureaucratic 
expedient authorities, simulating agenda in cahoots Procedures & cabinets, breathing pop 
speech at the podium of a conference pick. By either side will gain flow again, not 
because they accuse accommodate demands that can not be suppressed by the police all the 
time, either by elections emptied that pass by the structural changes while the precarious 
life of indebted and low continues .

So also are the fights that gave the popular popular streets that were swept away from the 
city center sectors affected by the works Cup, 250 000 threatened or affected by eviction 
from their homes people.

The rebel base strikes that trampled on the union bureaucracy, the brave fight without 
scab and no firefighter workers from construction sites, transport, scavenging. Workers 
who defend themselves with low-paid jobs and poor working conditions, outsourcing, 
flexible regimes of exploitation of labor. The line of combative unions that do not bow to 
governismo and do not deal with the bosses.

The dignity of the slums that are not silent and expressed the criminalization of poverty, 
genocide of black people, the impunity of police murders.

The resistance of the rural poor to serve the agribusiness, mining companies and the 
impact of mega-works that are played by contractors, slave labor, the violation of 
Indigenous and Maroon territories and non agrarian reform.

The scenario of open indeterminacy journeys by 2013 is far from set. It can cool for a 
moment, in specific situations playing strong their mechanisms of fantasy, as the election 
race. But we have no doubt that he does not end here.

This process of rebels fights produced between such a wealth of values and meanings that 
Gestam the experience of a people who open new path, ideological vectors of change that do 
not dissipate easier. Give way to a generation that does not recognize itself in the 
traditional ways of doing bourgeois politics, distrustful of the representation of 
governments and parliaments of the trade union bureaucracy and electoral parties. Seeking 
ways to participate without intermediaries and appropriate social networks such as 
socialization factor in groups. What makes the forces from the streets and direct mass 
action expression of their power. Is in the process a new political culture, which 
transcends labels and established forms, which carries dreams and rebellion that has no 
more reference to the construction of left-80s, the "Lula There". We think with great 
humility that libertarian socialism chain has much to contribute, to help overcome the 
insufficiency of the streets with their anti-authoritarian sensibility. The fight with and 
organize collective head, grassroots democracy and revolutionary sense of people.

The anarchists of the FAG will vote null in the October 5 elections. As stated on another 
occasion: to change society, confront power and its ruling classes, shortcuts least worst, 
the possibilism never lead to other relations of force for the oppressed to change their 
life. We do not believe that either ask for votes, whatever the label, is the most 
appropriate policy approach to produce ideology of transformation. We are partisans of 
popular power, the construction of a base with the processes of struggle and popular 
organization, mechanisms of direct democracy and federalism, a militant labor determined 
to generate political capacities that Gestam forms of self-government of the masses in 
antagonism to established power. Neither apolitical nor supporters of the old structures 
of bourgeois representation, another way of doing politics. That is our militant stance 
and that is what our efforts endeavor.

Or they vote with the top up or fight and is organized with the low!

Our emergency room do not fit in the polls!

LXS Luchan that Arriba! Always!

Gaucha Anarchist Federation!

September 20, 2014