We are in an election year, and at the time I write these lines, tarry less than two
months to the election. There is the real possibility reelection of President Dilma
Rousseff (PT) and it would of brought an unprecedented feat of double reelection. Two
debates are understood to be necessary to draw a sharp analysis of the electoral scene as
a consequent criticism from the left. The first addresses the electoral scene and the
official nominations by the right, beyond the own risk of failing to topple a second term.
The following is a comparison of the political space occupied by Lulism as a
"discontinuous continuity" of the contemporary Labour. ---- The Lulism approaches
Varguismo as contemporary version of the direct relationship between political leader and
millions of beneficiaries
The electoral scene 2014
The race to the polls in 2014 has the following profile. The situation - favorite - is
marked by the PT alliance with the PMDB, although the supporters of Vice President Michel
Fear is, in practice, a coalition of state oligarchies, whose dome controls the convention
and the very tight time TV. The alliance with the Progressive Party (on a national scale,
it is the arena that did not jump the sunken ship called PDS), follows the same pattern -
dome control and diffuse state interests - such as the composition and the little loyal
"base coupled ".
The hegemony of the wing center-left government chased a historic ally, the PSB little
organic heirs of Miguel Arraes, egging on Eduardo Campos and his vice circumstance, Marina
Silva (chief of a legend not legalized), the willingness to try schedule a kind of "third
way" national. Speaking of Marina (cacifado for performance in 2010), as a former
environment minister of Lula, and survivor of Acre conflicts of rubber, not glued on
former governor of Pernambuco, Eduardo Campos. Luckily for followers of Luiz Inacio, the
chances of going to Marina Campos and runoff are small. If that occurred, the plate
half-receive massive opposition from right-wing groups (rightmost) support, reaching a
technical draw.
On the right (fully aligned with the West), the opposition to see the plate Lulism
thoroughbred tucana with Aetius S?o Paulo Neves and Senator Aloysio Nunes, the hope that
at least the legend of Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Jos? Serra has arrived unified the
claim. The two largest constituencies in the country (Minas and S?o Paulo) are the primary
target of the PSDB state governments have been doing in General and governs S?o Paulo
uninterruptedly since 1994 Accompanying the PSDB, in addition to financial capital and the
largest media groups (with Estad?o ahead, followed by leaf and globe), is the surviving
portion of the UDN, revived the Democrats (DEM, "how much ah irony on party acronyms"), as
democratic as the supporters of Carlos Lacerda and Brigadier Eduardo Gomes .
Aetius basically repeats the same arguments of the 90s, now with two aggravating. Is a
positive for the neoliberals, because after more than a decade in the executive branch,
the PT became a caricature (grotesque) himself, being increasingly like the oligarchs
which is associated, although lift the flag some degree of social policies combined with
timid sovereignty. The injury to the toucans is the comparison of government. There is no
way to compare, within the framework of capitalist governments without any predisposition
to break totally or partially with the established order, the deeds of FHC and Lula and
his heirs. Just doing the obvious, the Lulism gave comparable answers to Vargas in their
prime moments.
The disorganization of the social fabric and the fragmentation of the electoral left
Faced with such advantage, as also tight and contemplate one seconds with a chance of
neoliberal victory over center-left alliance with the oligarchies shift? A clue is in
control of the media device; another is located in almost complete disruption of the
social fabric coming from the radical reformism of the 80s. The disorganization is such
that it could not resume a union federation bringing together the rest left in the
country. The same is true in the electoral sphere. Three candidates are betting on party
building (SoL, and PSTU PCB) assembly and not in a Left Front (though the electoral
scenario). It would be interesting to a large Brazilian political coalition - by the left
- on the ballot because it would facilitate two separations necessary for the accumulation
that came after the protests of 2013 and the current 2014 political repression.
First would separate election left the non-election. The option to take part of the game
of representative democracy has always been a watershed in socialist thought and now
remains. The second division would be within the large field of non-electoral Left. This
would be the division of those who are libertarian statist or hierarchical profile matrix.
In this field, Brazil now offers the possibility of anarchist organizational especifismo
(through the Coordination Brazilian Anarchist) and Maoism, through movements like MEPR.
Facilitate the policy choice of Brazilian, political subdivision trumpeted here. But the
fact is that the "damn fragmentation" social phenomenon of the years '90, today we note
the specific policy sphere.
Pointing conclusions: Lulism and Varguismo
Both of disarray cracks of the PT and its allies, before and after Luiz In?cio assume on
January 1, 2003 as the union fragmentation - that yes, wicked work of metallurgical former
leader who according to himself "was never left" can be read as political victories
Lulism. In the 2002 campaign, not the presence of the agenda of the FTAA campaign came
together in the Letter to the Brazilian People and the alliance with mining businessman
Jos? Alencar to vice president. The choice of political pragmatism coupled with the modus
vivendi upstairs, mimicked in such a way that this even in the PT had a wing to the
consolidated left in the second half of the first term. Ten years later, we have two new
realities in Brazil.
Massifies in 2013 a new form of protest, quite similar to what is happening in other parts
of the world. This accumulation, even partially, can be played between the fragmented
electoral left and the forces that do not participate in the election, as already
mentioned above. The same pattern of loyalty and diffuse accumulation is seen in the mass
of millions of Brazilians (around 44 million), attended by social policies, such as
housing, minimal income, tertiary study and direct employment. As the inclusion and
recognition of the rights have not had a receiver beyond the charismatic leader himself,
the Lulism becomes the tomb of historic PT. Was the reverse of PTB without Vargas. Over
the ten years before the coup of '64, the Labour becomes the capital-labor pact with
electoral emphasis and chance to win. The party (the old PTB, Brizola, Jango and
Pasqualini) grew at the foot of the tomb of the dictator who had founded. With Luiz
Inacio, the reformist former legend diluted in alliances occasion and oligarchic pact.
There is a typical fragile electoral reserves in Latin America, and as one would expect
without grassroots organization up to the million included in world consumption and
employment. This is the mass that can guarantee reelection, but skating in identifying the
achievements of the party of government.Anarkismo.net: Brazil, Lulism, Labour and the possibility of re-election by BrunoL (pt)
[machine translation)
